著者

岩武 昭男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.4, pp.498-528, 1997-03

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Concerning the writings of Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl-allāh Hamadānī, many scholars state that, according to Waṣṣāf, Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh was extended to 712. This is based on Quatremère’s misreading of Waṣṣāf’s text. In his autograph manuscript Tārīkh-i Waṣṣāf, Waṣṣāf clearly shows that the date is not that of the final completion of Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh, but of the compilation of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf, ‘the Collected Works’ of Rashīd. While Waṣṣāf recorded a list of works composing it, a manuscript copied in 710 of Majmūʻa carries a different list of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf al-Rashīdī. The latter list, which was edited by Quatremère, and which we know is also carried in some other manuscripts, has been assumed to be Rashīd’s plan of writings, without correct reading of Waṣṣāf’s text.Furthermore, in the two versions of the addendum to his endowment deed, Rashīd stipulates that his works should be copied every year in Arabic and Persia in accordance with the original edition. Its first version was confirmed, simultaneously with the endowment deed itself, by a qāḍī of Tabriz in Rabī‘ I 1, 709, while its second one was attested in Dhu’l-Ḥijja, 713. The former stipulates for making copies of four titles of his works (Majmūʻa, Āthār wa Aḥyā, Bayān al-Ḥaqā’iq and Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh), all of which are included in the list in Quatremère’s edition. In the latter, two titles are added to the first four. Neither of the added ones is included in that list, but one of them, As’ila wa Ajwiba, is easily found in the list in Waṣṣāf’s text.Accordingly, it must be recognized that the list of works in Quatremère’s edition shows the contents of the first compilation of ‘the Collected Works of Rashīd’. He made the first compilation of his collected works before 709, and stipulated for making copies of four titles of them in the addendum to his endowment deed. After he composed other works, he made the second compilation that was completed in 712, and then rewrote the addendum in 713, adding two titles of his works to be copied. The first compilation includes the translations from Chinese. But the second compilation omits them, and includes As’ila wa Ajwiba and a work contradicting metempsychosis, which we can assess as the other work added in the second version of the addendum, Taḥqīq al-Mabāḥith. The replacement of works tells us the gap between the ilkhanid government and the Yuan dynasty in China how deeply rooted Islam became in this period.

著者

志茂 智子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.3, pp.p315-344, 1995-03

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Early in the fourteenth century Il-Khan Ghazan ordered his vazir Rashīd al-Dīn to compile a history of the Mongols mainly based on original Mongolian sources. The khan's intention was that such a history would make the Mongol tribesmen under him reacknowledge their old ties with the Chinggisid house, so that his rule would be firmly established over the Il-Khanid territory, which had long been embroiled in political turmoil. The Mongol History, titled Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni, was completed after the death of Ghazan Khan and presented to his younger brother and successor Öljeitü Khan. Ordered by the new khan, Rashīd al-Dīn further undertook the task to compile a history of the world. Thus Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh, or the Collection of Histories, consisting of the Mongol History and the History of Nations was completed in 1311. In the past it has been falsely assumed, with no serious examination, that the initial Mongol History, or Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni, as identical with the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. The assumption is quite wrong. In fact the Mongol History text contained in Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh is a revised edition of Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni. By comparison of the History of Tribes, which makes up the core of both editions of the Mongol History, we find that the later Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition gives more refined phrasings with new words inserted and errors corrected, at the same time eliminating a large number of passages from the earlier edition. In this respect, the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition of the Mongol History is not quite as valuable a historical source as the Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni edition.Almost all the extant manuscripts of the Mongol History have descended from the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. Only the Manuscript Revan Köskü 1518 in lstanbul has come down to us preserving intact the original form of the Mongol History. This is truly the most valuable text, and should be taken as the primary source in studying the history of the Mongol Empire.The initial edition of the Mongol History had also contained Chinggisid family trees, which were excluded by Rashīd al-Dīn in his revised work in order to reduce the volume of the Mongol History, but retained in the Mongol Genealogies section in the Collection of Genealogies supplemental to Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh.

著者

青山 亨

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.1-33, 1995-10

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In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Majapahit court poet Tantular composed two major Old Javanese kakawins, Arjunawijaya and Sutasoma. The former was composed sometime after the death of the powerful chief minister Gajah Mada in 1364, who epitomized the kingdom's expansionist policy, and the latter some time before the death of the king Rājasanagara in 1389. Between the two texts, there is a significant shift in contents and theme, which may be adequately accounted for by referring to the historical context in which they were created. The story of the Arjunawijaya, derived directly from the Rāmāyana cycle, is orthodox Hindu, despite an undercurrent of Buddhist ideology. It recounts that the just king Arjunasahasrabāhu subjugates the evil Rāwaṇa after a series of fierce battles. But his victory is impermanent as Rāwaṇa is spared and destined to become the foe of Rāma, underlining the uncertainty of the peace brought by the kṣatriya rule of force. It has been pointed out that one of the recurrent themes of the text is tension between a king and religious communities, and that this might be an implicit accusation of the Majapahit ruler's neglect of the clerical wellbeing during the expansionist days. The story of the Sutasoma, on the other hand, is based on Tantric Buddhism and is in effect an indigenous creation. The hero attains Buddhahood and the status of universal monarch simultaneously on account of the Tantric concept of non-duality, whereby the tension in the Arjunawijaya is theoretically reconciled, and resolves confrontations by the power of mercy. The practice of cross-cousin marriage is also advocated in order to strengthen the ties between royal families. The author suggests that the text is the poet's proposal for peace in anticipation of the increasing division among the Majapahit royal families which culminated in the civil war in 1406.

著者

水野 正明

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.3, pp.289-319, 2005-12

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The Wudaishiguo 五代十国 period was characterized by political chaos with warlords running rampant and China divided into small kingdoms. Nevertheless, the country developed normally both economically and socially, as the Tang 唐 Dynasty's haute culture spread far and wide.The custom of tea drinking had already begun taking root among the common people, even extending to foreign peoples during the latter half of the Tang period. Thus, a huge tea market appeared in northern China, while in the south, wherever the war damage done to the Shiguo 十国, located to the south of the Qinling (秦嶺) and the Huaihe (淮河), was not so serious, the tea industry prospered remarkably with the help of government policy promoting the production of indigenous blends, and the tea culture became increasingly refined.With respect to the Wudaishiguo period, however, few complete source materials remain, forcing the author to use such ancient accounts as Mao Wenxi's 毛文錫 Chapu 『茶譜』, some parts of which have been scattered and lost, and "Mingchuanmen" (茗[くさかんむりに舛]門) in Tao Gu's 陶穀 Qingyi lu 『清異録』, in addition to as many fragmentary materials as possible, including the Zizhi Tongjian 『資治通鑑』 and Shiguo Chunqiu 『十国春秋』.Despite the lack of complete sources on tea during the period in question, it can be said on the basis of the available materials that the tea industry was expanding in Wang' 王 QianShu 前蜀, Ma' 馬 Chu 楚, Li' 李 NanTang 南唐, Qian' 銭 Wuyue 呉越 and Wang' 王 Min 閩 under government protection and promotion, thus forming the foundation upon which tea would become one of China's key industries. It was a time during which the sale of tea goods spread as far as Qidan 契丹, Dangxiang 党項 and Zhongyuan 中原 in northern China through the vigorous activities of tea dealers, who during the later Northern Song period would further extend merchandise distribution and the custom of tea drinking to foreign peoples, thus implementing government supplies to troops stationed on the northern frontiers via the tea-horse trade (茶馬貿易).

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.3, pp.415-422, 2003-12

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.3, pp.415-422, 2003-12

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.p108-99, 1987-01

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.2, pp.194-196, 2010-09

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.p432-427, 1994-03

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.p220-211, 1989-12

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.3, pp.470-463, 1993-03

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.3, pp.378-372, 2007-12

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.p384-398, 1980-03

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.p342-336, 1992-03

著者

原 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.4, 1962-03

著者

並木 頼寿

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3, pp.p320-358, 1981-03

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Throughout Chinese history, to defend villages from outside enemies, villagers often constructed forts around their communities. Those forts were called yü 圩, chai 寨, and so on. During the White Lotus Rebellion, the Ch'ing government encouraged fortification as a policy that was known as Chien-pi ch'ing-yeh 堅壁清野, or strengthening the walls and clearing the countryside. In the late Ch'ing and the early Republican period, there were many fortified villages in North China. The building of the forts was an influence of the Nien Rebellion in the Taiping period.The Nien Rebellion was strongly characterized by its close relationship with native villages. Nien members lived in villages fortified by yü-chai, organized their corps based on each yü-chai, and went out from yü-chai to battle against enemy forces or to plunder rich gentry property. For the Ch'ing forces, it was very difficult and dangerous to advance against areas that bristled with the yü-chai of the Nien.The Nien Rebellion has been characterized by Fu I-ling as an anti-centralization rebellion of feudal power induced by the medieval t'u-hao 土豪, or local strongmen, and he said, in contrast, with the Taiping movement, the Nien Rebellion cannot be included among peasant rebellions. One of his main arguments is that yü-chai, as the base of the Nien, were ruled by t'u-hao.But, I think, it is incorrect to think there were already many yü-chai ruled by t'u-hao in the area of the Nien before the outbreak of the rebellion. Construction of yü-chai mushroomed in response to expansion of the rebellion. This fact shows us that the organization of the Nien and the rule of t'u-hao should be distinguished. Nien members constructed forts around their communities, nevertheless they made up their own organization against the rule of t'u-hao, and their fortified villages were not equal to the fortifications constructed under gentry supervision.Thus, I think, the Nien Rebellion should be classified as a peasant rebellion, though Nien members were often deeply related by clan connections.After the suppression of the rebellion, however, the rule of t'u-hao based on yü-chai was likely to be rather strengthened in North China villages.

著者

山崎 元一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.4, pp.87-94, 1972-03

著者

河野 六郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1・2, pp.201-208, 1979-12

著者

井上 亘

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.4, pp.1-28, 2014-03

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This article presents the results of an empirical study of the word "Riben"日本(Jpn: Nippon; hi-no-moto)appearing in the epitaph of Ni Jun 禰軍 (613-678), a native of the Korean kingdom of Baekje, discovered in 2011 in Xi'an, the site of the Tang Dynasty capital of Chang'an. In this epitaph, which extols Ni's most prominent achievements, there is an item concerning his success in persuading a foreign "would-be emperor" to subject himself as a tributary of the Tang Dynasty, and the word "Riben" appears at the beginning of the item. Researchers to date have been of the opinion that the name of the Japanese archipelago kingdom of "Nippon" was formulated by the Asuka-Kiyomihara Ryo 飛鳥浄御原令 code enacted between 681-687, and firmly established in the Taiho Ryo 大宝令 code of 701; however, due to the fact that Ni Jun died in the year 678, it is now necessary to reconsider this assumption. The historian Tono Haruyuki has argued that the "Riben" in the epitaph of Ni Jun is not the name of a specific kingdom, but rather a term indicating the Far East, in general, and the territory of Baekje, in particular. The author of this paper attempts to refute such an idea by a detailed study of the text of the epitaph, leading him to the conclusion that "Riben" does in fact refer to the Japanese reading of "hi-no-moto ひのもと" for the Chinese characters日本 and surely indicates the archipelago kingdom.

著者

荒井 悠太

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.1, pp.88-64, 2020-06

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In this article, the author reappraises the significance of non-kin ties according to 'ilm al-'umrān al-basharī (the science of human civilization), advocated by Arab historian Ibn Khaldūn in the Muqaddima, an introduction and volume I of his historical work, the Kitāb al-'Ibar. Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory, which constitutes the substance of his science of human civilization, has been regarded as a product of his political experience in Maghrib society, giving him insights into its organization, and is considered to be "tribal" in character. However, after reading through Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative, the author has found that the phenomenon of a transition from kin to non-kin ties in dominant groups is also laid out as a critical dynastic phenomenon, bringing into doubt the conventional interpretation that the theory is no more than "tribal." Thus the author examines Ibn Khaldūn's Kitāb al-'Ibar, focusing on a kind of his notions of social ties, 'aṣabīya bil-walā' (solidarity based on clientage), in order to clarify the function of non-kin ties in his dynastic theory and historical narrative. Chapter I outlines Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative up to the Abbasid era according to his historical perspective. Chapter II examines Ibn Khaldūn's method of applying his own dynastic theory to the Mamluk sultanate, which has been considered not to conform to his "tribal" dynastic theory because its dominant group, mamluks, are intrinsically non-kin and non-tribal. In conclusion, the author argues that while Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory emphasizes the significance of kin and tribal ties as applied to historical dynasties in general, his historical narrative reflects the principles of transitions from kin and tribal to non-kin, which takes place in the character of social relationships in dominant groups.