著者

河内 春人

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.185-215, 2004-09

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The official history of the Tang Dynasty is contained in two volumes, the Jiu-Tangshu 旧唐書 and Xin-Tangshu 新唐書, both of which are said to have original content. This article examines their value as source materials through an analysis of their content, focusing on the information they provide regarding Japan.Originally, the Chinese Dynasties acquired their information about foreign affairs through the Honglusi 鴻臚寺 office, which was in charge of entertaining foreign guests. Reports would be made to the emperor, then the information was transferred to the compilers of official histories. In the case of the Xin-Tangshu, compiled in 1060, information on Japan centers around the genealogy of the royal family, the Onendaiki 王年代紀, prepared by the Buddhist monk Chonen 奝然, who had visited China in 984. What appeared in the compilation was an account of the genealogy with its Buddhist information replaced by facts about Japanese emissaries paying tribute. For this reason, the Xin-Tangshu contains no new information about Japan, relying mainly on what was contained in the Jiu-Tangshu and supplementing it with accounts from the Tanghuiyao 唐会要, etc.Moreover, from the mid-Tang through the first half of the Song 宋 period, a confusion existed about Japan in the form of distinguishing between the kingdoms of Wo 倭 and Nippon 日本, which was the name adopted under the Ritsuryo 律令 system. However, the Xin-Tangshu contains only a section dealing with Nippon, having combined the information on the two kingdoms. This is how the Onendaiki functioned to consolidate the information about Japan in China from the mid-eleventh century on.

著者

谷 光隆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.3・4, pp.225-256, 1983-03

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The successful control of the floods around the confluence of the Huang-ho 黄河 and the Huai-ho 淮河 (“Huang-huai chiao-hui”) was vital for safe transport on the Grand Canal during the Ming Dynasty. Regarded as one of the greatest river experts in China, P’an Chi-hsün employed various methods to control the river system around this area from flooding between the years of 1578-1579.This paper investigates the different methods P’an Chi-hsün employed and notes the following four points about his river control methods:1. Kao-chia dike (高家堰) on the northeast bank of the Hung-tsê Lake (洪沢湖) was strengthened so that the resulting increased force of the Huai River would carry away the silt from the Huang River at the point where they joined. This method is called “shu-shui kung-sha 束水攻沙” and distinguished him from the other experts of his time.2. Yao-ti 遥堤 dikes were constructed along both sides of the Huang River between Hsü-chou 徐州 and Ch’ing-ho 清河 prefectures. The Yao-ti were secondary dikes built at a short distance from the lü-ti 縷堤, the main dikes. The secondary dike was to check the overflow of the Huang River in case the main dike collapses.3. Concave outlets for surplus water, called chien-shui pa減水壩, were made at four different places in each secondary dike in the northern banks of the Huang River between T’ao-yüan 桃源 and Ch’ing-ho prefectures. They were located at a certain height from the bottom of the dike in order to prevent the breaking of the secondary dikes.4. T’ung-chi cha 通済閘, the main watergate on the Ch’ing-chiang p’u 清江浦 waterway (a part of the Grand Canal) at Huai-an 淮安 was shifted to an oblique position so that the full force of the waters from the Huang River and the Huai River were prevented from flowing into the Grand Canal.

著者

鈴木 宏節

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.1, pp.37-68, 2005-06

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This article attempts to prove that a royal member of the Türks (Tujue 突厥), Ashina Simo 阿史那思摩 [583-647], was the great-grandchild of Yili 伊利 (Yili 伊力; O1d Türkic. Illig) Qaγan (Kehan 可汗) and the grandchild of Tabo 他鉢 (Daba 達抜; Sogdian. Tatpar) Qaγan, according to his epitaph and some Chinese sources. Moreover, it is shown that Ashina Simo in fact did succeed to the throne as Julu 倶陸 (Old Türkic. Küllüg) Qaγan [reg. 603-?]. The genealogical table of the first Turkic Qaγanate [552-630] is based on the following conclusions.At the end of the first Türks, the royal family of Ashina was divided to two main lines, namely Yixiji’s and Tabo’s, which politically opposed each other. Because of this conflict, the last three Qaγans from the dominant Yixiji line created the rumor that Simo was not a member of the royal clan in order to deprive him of a chance at re-enthronement. This controversy is what lay in the background of the well-known episode of his not being bestowed with the title of Sad (She 設), giving him military powers.His life history after the collapse of the Türks (630-) is said to have been strongly influenced by the ethnic situation between the Ordos and the Yinshan 陰山 region during the 7th century, because he had played an important role around Xiazhou 夏州, in the south central Ordos region, controlling not only a part of the abandoned Türkic people there, but also a part of Sogdians, who had been originally resided throughout Türks. The author considers such a condition to constitute a characteristic feature of the whole periphery of Central Eurasia, where a nomadic pastoral system and agricultural civilization had come into contact and coexisted.

著者

于 志嘉

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.3, pp.311-351, 1990-03

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The social status of the military households (chün-hu 軍戸) of the Ming dynasty has been underestimated in the past. Using examination records like Têng-k'ê-lu 登科録 and Hsü-ch'ih-lu 序歯録 as well as biographical materials, the present study surveys the available household registers of all grand secretaries, presidents of the Six Ministries, and successful candidates in the metropolitan examination, chin-shih 進士, during the entire Ming period. It points out that there was no particular limitation to the member of chün-hu who could in fact participate in the civil service examination and hold a civil official post. It also argues that the chün-hu was in no way inferior to the commoner households (ming-hu 民戸) in the fortune of examination, and this success of theirs helped raise their social status.

著者

鈴木 隆弘

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.2, pp.29-59, 2021-09-16

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The propaganda bureau of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has the role of “induction of the public opinion,” “regulation of the public opinion,” outside the party, and “opinion agreement” to unify the opinion within the party. This paper demonstrates that the propaganda bureau of the KMT strengthened control by unifying the opinion within the party in the early days of the tutelage period. Two methods of unifying the opinion were employed. First, the KMT created a vertical leadership system for the local party propaganda bureau by the central party, and second, the party members were instructed by the content of the propaganda to homogenize political ideas. After the reorganization of the KMT in January 1924, the necessity of both methods was recognized; however, the system was not sufficiently established, and the opinion was not unified. Therefore, it was extremely vulnerable as an organization. Hence, the KMT proceeded with developing the propaganda organization in 1928. First, the organizational rules of the central-local propaganda bureau were formulated, and the hierarchical relationship between the propaganda bureau of local propaganda organization was established with the central propaganda bureau at the top. An “propaganda system” based on orders and obedience was institutionalized. In addition, in the “propaganda strategy” established by the central propaganda bureau, the propaganda was divided into “inside the party” and “outside the party.” The “inside of the party” propaganda refers to unifying the intentions of the party members. After establishing such an institutional framework, the central propaganda bureau increased its effectiveness in various ways. First, it thoroughly carried out a “propaganda work report” to the upper party bureau from the lower party bureau. The central propaganda bureau gave instructions based on these reports, rigorously assessing and evaluating the reports to control the lower party. Furthermore, to promote the unification of the content of propaganda, a national propaganda conference was held to unify the content of propaganda and to exchange people. By supplying a large amount of propaganda items throughout the region, they tried to unify the propaganda and promote the unification of the party members’ opinions.

著者

岡﨑 滋樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.2, pp.61-89, 2021-09-16

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This article describes the actual circumstances surrounding the provision of live hogs to the Canton region by the Taiwan Development Company (TDC) at the early stage of the Japanese occupation of Hainan Island. In the research to date, it has been argued that the TDC’s livestock operations on Hainan Island were profitable, despite the Company falling into management difficulties under the Japanese military administration. While historians have emphasized business management difficulties within the framework of the ideals and reality of policy regarding government-sponsored colonial enterprises during the War, it has not yet been clarified how military cooperation and profit acquisition were achieved. Therefore, what actual measures were carried out on the ground to generate profits needs to be thoroughly discussed by analyzing TDC inhouse reports and other contemporary documents. The TDC showed a very positive attitude toward its livestock operations, giving the Hainan Island endeavor the leading role among a wide variety of industries, the most successful being the live hog business. Facing competition from Mitsui & Co., the TDC continued to provide a steady flow of Hainan hogs to Canton following the occupation to meet the Canton Garrison’s need for a constant source of meat. Here the TDC staff developed their operations carefully, while observing the mood of the Army, thus attaining profitability. That is to say, by raising abundant amounts of hogs on Hainan and delivering them live, it eliminated the need for meat processing plants, thus significantly reducing production costs, while at the same time targeting the popularity of pork in the Army’s mess halls. The success of the Hainan operation was largely due to the TDC’s ability to overcome fierce competition by dispatching skilled experts in livestock operations in the south at the onset of the Occupation, combined with clever strategies based on proper identification of local conditions facing customers. The benefits achieved from quickly maturing, fertile hogs indicates that by showing loyalty to the army and sacrificing its own interests, the TDC was able not only to maintain but also increase profits. The author concludes that the case of the TDC’s Hainan livestock operations surely presents an extremely important opportunity to examine Japanese enterprise management in occupied South China from a wide variety of perspectives.

著者

安永 有希

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.029-057, 2021-06-30

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Towards the end of the 19th century, Hindi writer Devakīnandana Khatrī (1861–1913) incorporated the two motifs of the labyrinth (tilasma) and the master of deception capable of solving it (aiyāra) into his first novel entitled Candrakāntā (first published in 1892), an epic fantasy which opened up a whole new genre of popular Hindi fiction, called “Tilasmī Aiyārī upanyāsa,” which has been widely read ever since. Despite the plethora of similar works following Khatrī’s style, none were able to eclipse Candrakāntā and its 24-part sequel, Candrakāntā Santati. After a surge of Tilasmī Aiyārī novels during Khatrī’s lifetime, the number of new works began to decline during the early 20th century as realism came to dominate Hindi fiction. The research to date on the Tilasmī Aiyārī novel has been limited to commentaries on Khatrī’s masterpieces and introductions to other authors adopting his style, while no authoritative bibliography has yet been compiled covering the whole genre. In response, this article is an attempt to clarify the history of the Tilasmī Aiyārī novel, as one breakthrough in the early stages of the development of the Hindi novel, based on the library catalogs created in the midst of British colonial censorship, which, while by no means complete, still make it possible to get some idea of circumstances surrounding Hindi publishing at that time. In addition to the available catalogs, advertisements appearing in the actual publications provide important clues to the publishing history of the Tilasmī Aiyārī genre. The author also traces the origin of the term “Tilasmī Aiyārī upanyāsa,” and its “discovery” by later literary critics, since there was no such characterization of Khatrī’s style, or its imitators, during its heyday.

著者

佐藤 良聖

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.31-55, 2021-06-30

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Beginning in the late 19th century, as the countries of East Asia encountered European international law, the legal issue of territorial waters, the institutional basis for any nation’s claim to maritime possessions, was approached by Japan and China in greatly differing ways as shown by a fishing dispute which occurred between Japan, China and Korea in the Bohai and the Yellow Seas between 1906 and 1912. The dispute began in Bohai between Japan and the Qing Dynasty over the extent of China’s territorial waters there. Then in 1909, it reverberated into the Yellow Sea region when the Korean Empire legally determined its territorial waters, thus shutting out Chinese fishermen. In opposition to the Japanese argument citing customs of International Law of the Sea, the Qing Dynasty reinterpreted international maritime customs to legitimize its position, thus giving rise to differing approaches, which clashed over China’s claim that the whole Bohai Sea constituted its territorial waters, in contrast to Japan’s claim that they were limited to three nautical miles. Throughout its course the dispute was further complicated by the unsolved question of whether China or Japan was authorized to administer Kwantung Leased Territory on the Liaodong Peninsula, which included the maritime ports of Dalian and Lüshun on the Bohai Sea. In order to break the deadlock Ijuin Hikokichi, the Japanese envoy to the Qing Dynasty, proposed that debate be focused on the issue of tax collection instead of territorial waters, arguing that a compromise ironed out on the local level would bring a speedy end to the controversy. Nevertheless, a solution of sorts was only reached in April 1912, when a fishing agreement was concluded between the Republic of China and Japan, which determined that customary administrative procedures would be adopted. The author argues that the dispute gave rise to a controversy over maritime sovereignty, which the three parties tried to resolve by way of the idea of territorial waters. Although that attempt was unsuccessful due to the ensuing gridlock, it enabled the Qing Dynasty to form a unique interpretation of territorial waters determined by international custom, due in part to the fact that the simple application of International Maritime Law was made impossible by the special case of foreign leased territory in the region under dispute.

著者

李 弘喆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.1-29, 2021-06-30

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This article analyzes the role of the Book of Origins (Shiben 世本), a lost work, in the three of the commentary collection Correct Meaning of the Five Classics (Wujing Zhengyi 五經正義), that is to say, the Zhengyi commentaries on the Book of Changes (Zhouyi 周易), the Book of Songs (Maoshi 毛詩) and the Book of History (Shangshu 尚書), keeping in mind the influence of commentaries predating the Wujing Zhengyi and focusing on the diverse receptions of Shiben over time. Beginning with the Zhouyi Zhengyi, the author notes the absence of any Shiben citations there, due to the fact that the compilers of the 7th century Wujing Zhengyi emphasized the correspondence between the existing commentaries (zhuwen 注文) they adopted and the sub-commentaries (shuwen 疏文) they also adopted or wrote anew themselves. The Zhouyi Zhengyi accepted Wang Bi’s 王弼 commentary of the 3rd century which did not quote any of the Shiben text. Next, the author notices that since the Shiben citations in the Maoshi and Shangshu Zhengyi are limited to the content of the canon (jing 經) relevant to those works, they concentrate chronologically on the Three Dynasties Period (Sandai 三代) and before, and in the latter, Shiben information on Antiquity (Shanggu 上古) is treated as one particular hypothesis that should be refuted. In both, Shiben genealogical information about the Yin and Zhou Dynasties is used together with citations from the Shiji 史記, but is often prioritized. That is because, the author points out, it had become the general consensus at the time of the Wujing Zhengyi compilation that Sima Qian 司馬遷 did consult the Shiben during the compilation of the Shiji. The author additionally notes that from an analysis of the fragmented evidence, the cited Shiben genealogical narrative lacks regularity in form, and the so-called “unique” descriptive style of the citations is in fact no different from the general narrative style of the sub-commentaries in the Wujing Zhengyi. The views offered in this article will hopefully contribute not only to the further study of Shiben itself, but also to the research regarding the restoration and reconstruction of lost and fragmentary texts in general. Since the historiographical research to date has long been focused on the task of restoring lost fragments of texts, perceptions towards restoration have remained at the level of Qing Dynasty textual criticism (Qingchao Kaozhengxue 淸朝考證學). What scholars should be collecting in the restoration process is not fragments of the original, but rather a “consciousness” regarding the original, for it is impossible to “restore” the original text. What is possible, however, is to clarify the perceptions towards and the substance of the fragments by returning to where they have been cited. This article is an attempt to answer the fundamental historiographical question of what sources the restored text was based on and to present that how inseparable the historiographic research on restored texts is from investigating in what way the original work was received and adopted over time.

著者

菊池 忠純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1・2, pp.131-176, 1983-01

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Past research has not adequately treated the office of muḥtasib, market inspector, in Cairo during the Mamluk Dynasty. In this article, I attempt to consider the subject by analyzing the life histories of the various muḥtasibs both before and after their occupation of that position. I divided the Mamluk Dynasty into the following four periods in accordance with the distinctive features of the muḥtasibs.First period (750/1250-789/1387); The muḥtasibs were appointed from among the ulamāʼ and the ones with an extensive knowledge of law. Although sometimes the powerful amīrs intervened in the appointments and dismissals of muḥtasib which hampered them in the execution of their duties, generally speaking, they fulfilled their function by acting as intermediaries between the rulers and the common people. Second period (789/1387-816/1413); During this period bribes, barṭīl or badhl, were greatly used to take the rank of muḥtasib, and the appointments and dismissals of muḥtasib were repeated frequently. During these 27 years, 81 persons, the number of which was counted 45% of the total number of the muḥtasibs, occupied this office. Most of them were appointed from among the people who attended the Sultans, the powerful amīrs and the civilians. Third period, Reigns of Sulṭān al-Muʼayyad Shaykh and Ṭaṭar; Muḥtasibs were mostly appointed from among the persons who attended the Sultan and were also acquainted with a knowledge of law. The Sultan, using these muḥtasibs, attempted to stabilize the common people’s standard of living. But also in this period the muḥtasibs began to be appointed from among the military class. The reform of the office of muḥtasib was initiated by amīr Ṭaṭar, who paid their salaries from the office of poll-tax. But this policy was abandoned after amīr Ṭaṭar’s death. Fourth period (824/1421- 923/1517); Most of the muḥtasibs were appointed from among the military class—particularly the amīrs of ten and the chief guards. In accordance with the Sultans’ orders, most of them participated in the market speculation. This eventually led to the disorder of the market system in Cairo.

著者

津田 資久

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.4, pp.393-420, 2003-03

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This paper discusses the account of the fall of the Cao Wei 曹魏 imperial family (帝室) in the Weizhi 『魏志』 compiled by Chen Shou 陳寿 as a reflection of his political consciousness towards the Xi Jin 西晋 imperial family during the early part of the Taikang 太康 era of the reign of the Emperor Wu 武.At the time the Weizhi was compiled, it was a period of transition from a government of the imperial in-laws (外戚) under the Han 漢 dynasty to a government (輔政) of imperial clans (宗室) during the times after the Wei-Jin 魏晋. This tendency is reflected in Weizhi, as Chen Shou points out the origins of the fall of the Cao Wei imperial family as follows:1. The struggle over succession between Cao Pi 曹丕 (he was to found the Cao Wei dynasty and reign as Wendi 文帝) and his brother Cao Zhi曹植. 2. Cao Pi's later restraint towards the kin princes (至親諸王, his brothers).3.The government of imperial in-laws, and the installation of the empress from concubines.However, through a detailed examination of the descriptions in the Weizhi, we find emphasis put on the origin of the fall of the Cao Wei imperial family. In fact, it is a falsification of historical fact by Chen Shou. The author believes that Chen Shou's purpose was to emphasize the following lessons to be learned from the fall of the Cao Wei imperial family:I. Restraint towards the government of the kin princes.II. The exclusion of imperial in-laws from politics.III. A refutation of the installation of empresses from concubines who cause trouble for the order of Seraglios.Why Chen Shou dared to write such a description is because it was a mirror of the political situation during the early part of the Taikang era.① Excluding Wudi's brother Qiwang-You 斉王攸, who once struggled with Wudi over succession, from politics.② The rise of the Ynag Family (楊氏) of imperial in-laws, who planned to expel Qiwang-You from the central government.③ The problem of the Hu-guipin 胡貴嬪, an honored concubine, who had gained the favor of Wudi, exerted great influence on the succession.|

著者

辻 大地

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.454-430, 2017-03

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While it is commonly known that sexual and love relations between men in pre-modern society, including that of the 'Abbāsid Period, were widespread, most of the historical research to date has regarded such relations as synonymous with modern concepts of "homosexuality." In addition, historians tend to be of the opinion that what may be called the "essentialist" concept of "Islamic homosexuality" has been embraced consistently regardless of time or place, when trying to understand male-male sexual relationships of various places and different periods. In recent years more and more research is being done that reexamines these conventional views. In particular, the research on the Ottoman Period has begun to relocate male-male sexual relationships within the context of sexuality as a whole. Unfortunately, the 'Abbāsid period has yet to be so reconsidered, mainly due to a paucity of historical sources regarding sexuality during that time. Given such circumstances, the present article is an attempt to show one facet of sexuality at the time, through a consideration of male-male sexual relationships in the 'Abbāsid period. For this purpose, the author conducts an analysis of the discourse presented in the al-Jāḥiẓ's Kitāb Mufākhara al-Jawārī wa al-Ghilmān (The Book of the Boasting Match between Girls and Boys) which is almost the only historical material written dealing explicitly with the subject of sexuality. The analysis shows that there was a distinction between "adult males" and "non adult-males," including not only females but boys, adolescents and so on, with respect to sexual relationships. Moreover, this distinction seems to correspond to a distinction between active and passive roles in sexual intercourse. The author concludes that sexual relationships at the time were based not on modern binary sexual categories of male and female, but rather on a different category fluctuating between "adult males" and "non adult-males."

著者

森山 央朗

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.413-440, 2009-03

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The many Arabic local histories compiled between the latter part of the 10th and the first half of the 13th century AD throughout the Islamic World mainly consist of “who’s whos” among ‘ulamā’ (specially ḥadīth scholars) associated with the regions concerned. This article calls these histories “biographical local histories.” The research to date has discussed the biographical local histories in the context of the evolution of Muslim biographical writing and historiography or has utilized them to study the social history of the regions in question. However, little attention has been given to the reasons for compiling the histories and the bibliographical character the genre.Given such a gap in the research, the goal of this article is to clarify the characteristic features of the biographical accounts contained in the histories, which should be the starting point for describing the actual condition of the academic activities of ‘ulamā’s who took on the task of popularizing their compilation.As a result of his analysis of the content, the author discovers that the biographical accounts in the biographical local histories do not describe the local activities of the characters depicted, only the usual activities of any ‘ulamāʼ or ḥadīth scholar relating to the learning and transmission of the ḥadīths and other Islamic knowledge.Therefore, the purpose of compiling the biographical local histories was to provide information to ḥadīth scholars of other regions about the academic careers and evaluation of the ḥadīth scholars associated with the region in question. In other words, these histories were compiled for the benefit of, and embedded in ‘ulamā’ academic activity all over the Islamic World. The author concludes that the popularization of compiling these biographical local histories was a phenomenon that occurred as part of the general interregional intellectual activities of ḥadīth scholars of the time.

著者

東洋協會調査部 [編輯]

出版者

東洋協會調査部

巻号頁・発行日

1911

著者

伴 真一朗

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.4, pp.01-025, 2016-03

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This article examines the relations between Mongols and Tibetans during the first half of the 17th century, focusing on the lords of Zina 西納, a clan of Amdo Tibetans surrounded by the three forces of Ming dynasty, Central Tibetans, and Mongols. From the reign of Altan Qayan ( 1507-82) on, the Right wing of Mongols, which have migrated to the Arndo region in northwestern Tibet, formed monk-patron relations with the Gelukpa Sect of Tibetan Buddhism and contributed to the formation of the Dalai-Lama Administration in Central Tibet. Since Amdo was situated on the border with China, the Ming Dynasty had established there in the 14th century as native officials tusi 土司 by Ming dynasty of indirect rule through local chieftains, including the lords of Zina. The Right wing of Mongols who advanced into Amdo attacked the indigenous Tibetan population and seized their herds. The Lords (tusi) of Zina fended the Mongols off with military assistance from the Ming Dynasty and thus formed China's frontline of defense against the Mongols. On the other hand, once having pledged their patronage to the Gelukpa Sect, the Mongols assumed an attitude of peace towards the lords of Zina, who were also followers of Tibetan Buddhism, and were converted to the Gelukpa Sect. Then the lords of Zina grew closer to the Gelukpa Sect which had religeous influence among the Right wing of Mongols, and lent it economic assistance in its missionary activities in the Amdo region. By maintaining their military alliance with the Ming Dynasty and utilizing the monk-patron relationship between the Mongols and the Gelukpa Sect, the lords of Zina conducted a triangulated policy of diplomacy that guaranteed their survival. Within the Mongols advance into the Amdo region, the activities of the lords of Zina, who formed links with the Gelukpa Sect in Central Tibet, offer the historian an extremely interesting case when considering the origins of the relations between Arndo and central Tibet after the formation of Dalai-Lama Administration.

著者

伊藤 光成

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.1-29, 2020-12-17

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The Cao Wei 曹魏 Dynasty was a polity that faced a contradiction between its standing as a bona-fide Chinese dynasty and the reality of the Three Dynasties Period triumvirate. This article examines the idea of an international order envisioned by the Dynasty’s founder Emperor Wen 文帝 (Cao Pi 曹丕) and the background to its conceptualization. To begin with, throughout the Later Han Period the relationship between that Dynasty and the peoples on its periphery had changed. In the north, the decline of the Xiongnu 匈奴 saw the rise of the Wuwan 烏丸 and the Xianbei 鮮卑; in the east, there was the establishment of tributary relations with the “Eastern barbarians” (Dongyi 東夷); and in the west, there was a rupture in relations with the kingdoms of the West (Xiyu 西域). Under such circumstances, newly enthroned Emperor Wen decided to follow the precedents set by the diplomacy practiced by an idealized Han Dynasty, focusing on the eras when that Dynasty was most influential in each of the three peripheral regions. Accordingly, in the north, an equestrian nomadic hierarchical order was established placing the emirs of the Wuwan and Xianbei under the Chanyu 單于 of the Xiongnu, as during the reign of Later Han Emperor Shun 順帝; in the east, a system of receiving tribute was set up by giving special treatment to the Gongsun 公孫 Clan regime in Liaodong, which exerted strong influence on such “Eastern barbarian” tribes as the Fuyu 夫餘, in the tradition of Later Han Emperor Guangwu 光武帝; and in the west, Former Han Emperor Yuan’s 元帝 Wuji Xiaowei 戊己校尉 military order was reinstituted and Han Dynasty accomplishments in the region compiled, together with efforts to stabilize relations with the region through special treatment of the oasis city state of Jushi Houbuguo 車師後部國, which had caused the original break with the region during the Xin and Later Han Periods. It was in this way that Emperor Wen devoted himself to inheriting the “Han Dynasty international order,” although his policies were often at odds with reality. Consequently, it is difficult to conclude that such diplomacy functioned effectively in the midst of uncertainty on all sides of the periphery. That being said, even if not fully in sync with the realities of the situation, there is no doubt that Emperor Wen attempted to gain legitimacy and authority for his Dynasty by assuming a posture of being the successor to the powerful Han Dynasty.

著者

清水 宏祐

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1・2, pp.193-222, 1994-10

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In the 11-12th centuries, there were many amīrs in the era of the Great Saljūqs who ruled Iraq and Iran. They were military-commanders, iqṭāʻ holders,and sometimes served in the court of the rulers.Gauhar Ā’īn (meaning Jewel Mirror in Persian)was a mamlūk amīr who served seven rulers. Among them, one was a woman, and four were the Saljuqid rulers. He went to the battle field six times. It was a great success for him that one of his ghulām soldiers captured the Emperor of Byzantine Empire in the battle of Malāzgird.Gauhar Ā’īn was appointed shaḥna, the military governor of Baghdād three times. His mission was to maintain order of the big city. He exercised his power cruelly to oppress riots. The most important duty for him is to negotiate with the ‘Abbāsid Caliph. Whenever he came to Baghdād as shaḥna of Sulṭān, he interfered in the affairs of the Caliph about the dismissal of his wazīrs. He represented the Sulṭān in the diplomatic intercourses, and continued to threaten the Caliph by unusual performances. Gauhar Ā’īn died at the age of over 70 years in the battle of Sefīd-rūd, the battle between Saljuqid rulers in 1100. His body was returned to Baghdād, and buried in the eastern section of the city.In Gauhar Ā’īn life-history, we can see the typical career of a mamlūk amīr of those days. He was trusted by Sulṭāns, acted as a faithful slave commander. He even executed a member of the royal family, and also attended on Alp Arslān when he was killed.FoIlowing up the life of each amīr, we can clarify the characteristics of the Saljuqid ruling system.

著者

渡辺 紘良

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.1-31, 2020-09-17

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The annual amount of freight transported on China's inland waterways during the early years of the Song Dynasty has been estimated at about 6 million dan 石, an achievement made possible by the Dynasty's human resource policies. Inheriting the national unification projects of Emperor Shizong 世宗 of the Later Zhou Dynasty, Taizu 太祖, the founder of the Song Dynasty, concentrated efforts on reducing the number of regional military governors (fanzhen 藩鎭) and rebuilding the domestic political regime, thus emphasizing the improvement of regional strongholds rather than fiscal strength; moreover, considering the relocation of the capital to Luoyang 洛陽 or Chang'an 長安, improvements in inland waterway transportation were not prioritized, and the national unification efforts were also left incomplete when he suddenly died. In contrast, in the second year of his reign (977), in order to expand waterway transportation projects, second emperor Taizong 太宗 relaxed restrictions on members of the militias commanded by former Five Dynasties military governors (jiangli yaqian 將吏衙前) illegitimized and reduced by Taizu, an action which provided human resources for private salt traders defying government monopoly and the expansion of candidates for the civil service examination system. On the other hand, after taking over management of waterway transportation and warehousing, this same jiangli yaqian promoted illegal practices among shipping crews and brought about the bankruptcy of local elites (lizheng yaqian 里正衙前) under their jurisdiction who were also involved in waterway transportation. Consequently, the Dynasty was forced to give jiangli yaqian the authority to muster ship crews in the capacity of administrators (zhugangli 主綱吏) over the waterway fleets of the Huainan-Jiangnan region. Moreover, in 983 their authority was extended to the waterway fleets of Hunan, and officially recognized by the Dynasty as managing the waterway transportation in their own right. That same year marked the occurrence of incidents throughout China, in which jiangli yaqian attempted to recover their formerly usurped judiciary authority in the provinces. Fearing that such incidents could extend to waterway transportation administration, the central government, in the wake of the exposure of corruption in the Treasury Bureau, set up departments of inland waterways and overland routes in Kaifeng, thus recognizing an even larger bestowal of authority on jiangli yaqian and ending the stagnation in waterway transportation development. In the background to this newly bestowed authority lay the actions of a group of close advisors to Emperor Taizong, some of whom were well-informed about the operations of the Treasury and Kaifeng agencies, and would be later promoted to Treasury Minister. It was largely due to this group that Taizong had been able to directly control jiangli yaqian. Moreover, the policy of entrusting the management of waterway transp01tation to jiangli yaqian paralleled the free appointment of petty officials, whose effects cannot be ignored.

著者

久保 茉莉子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.67-74, 2020-09-17

著者

樋口 秀実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.1, pp.27-53, 2011-06

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The present article discusses the erection in July 1940 of the “National Temple of the Sun Goddess,” dedicated to Amaterasu Okami 天照大神, in order to discover its contribution to the psychological integration of the new state’s citizenry. Some research already exists on the process of the Temple’s erection and its significance, which emphasizes such points as since the Temple was erected to worship the Sun Goddess, it was for all intents and purposes merely an attempt to import Japan’s state Shinto religion into Manchukuo. The discussion then turns to the extent to which Japan was determined to “religiously infiltrate” Manchuria. The author argues on the contrary that the fact of the Temple being erected as a national place of religious worship makes it necessary to raise the question of to what extent it furthered the spiritual integration of the new nation. Manchukuo being a state created almost overnight by the Japanese Guandong Army, it was divided with the memory of political events and trends of the previous Three-Provincial Government regime. Another point is how Manchukuo intended to deal with the state’s multi-ethnic population. Therefore, a plan for psychological integration by raising national identity and consciousness must have been an important issue for stabilizing the governance of the new state. It is in this vein that the author reexamines the process of erecting the Temple and its significance, while asking the questions 1) why a national temple worshipping Japan’s Sun Goddess would be deemed appropriate in the light of ethnic cooperation being cited as the original rationale for state formation, 2) how much success did the Temple have in national psychological integration, and 3) if unsuccessful, what was its significance in terms of church and state issues. The Temple was erected for two reasons. The first stemmed from attempts by the imperial court’s interests in Manchukuo to strengthen the imperial authority of Puyi, and the second from attempts by Japanese bureaucrats in the Manchukuo government to gain a greater say in political affairs vis-à-vis the Guandong Army. These two civil-political forces were interested in subordinating the Army to the authority of the Emperor of Manchukuo and limiting its level of intervention in the state’s political process, by turning the spirit of Japan’s deep military allegiance to the emperor against the Army in making the Sun Goddess, the founding ancestor of Japan’s imperial family, also the founder and guardian spirit of Manchukuo. From his analysis of the political backdrop on which the Temple was erected, the author concludes that the event made no significant contribution to the psychological integration of the Manchukuo nation. The Temple, which was where Puyi placed the sacred mirror which he brought from Japan as the symbol of his imperial authority, was, nevertheless, unable to play the role as Manchukuo’s equivalent of Japan’s Ise Shrine.