著者

尹 国花

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.59-89, 2022-09-16

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This article analyzes the activities and the dissolution process of the Yanbian Democratic League (“the League”), a Korean social organization formed in Yanbian in the early period after the World War II. In this way, the article clarifies the interrelationship between the political trends of the area and the ethnic policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After the war, various social organizations led by Koreans were formed one after another in Yanbian, and were integrated into the League. Initially, the CCP planned to incorporate the Korean communist in the League as a means to promote its influence in Yanbian’s society. Therefore, to verifying the activities of the League and its interaction with the CCP is extremely important for making clear that what the ethnic policies of the CCP were in Yanbian. Previous studies often assumed that the League was established and dissolved spontaneously. Nevertheless, the formation of the League was largely stimulated by the instruction of the Soviet forces stationed in Yanbian. Before CCP and its grassroot organizations penetrated the local communities, it was actually the League that served as the basic unit of the political power in Yanbian. And the success of the League in enhancing local presence was due in large part to the support and the guidance of the Soviet military, which sought to maintain its influence in the locality by training Soviet-leaning cadres. Even so, since the cadres of the League had a long-term base of residence in Yanbian, many of them remained in Yanbian after the war. Many of them recognized Korea as their homeland and gave top priority to the liberation of the Korean nation. While working with the League and absorbing its cadres into the CPC, the CCP was at the same time wary of the growing power of the League, and dissolved the League as the Soviet forces withdraw from Yanbian. This action by the CPC was also a policy located in the border region between China, the Soviet Union, and the North Korean state, which aimed to eliminate the tremendous influence of the Soviet Union and the North Korean state, and establish a stable CPC government in Yanbian.

著者

尹 敏志

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.31-58, 2022-09-16

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The Seven Jia Collection (Qijia ji 七家集) contains seven historical documents of the late Ming, all of which were written from a perspective conflicts with the Qing dynasty, four of them were forbidden in Qianlong 乾隆 era. The Qingbai Caolu 淸白草廬 manuscript collected in Kunaicho Shoryobu 宮内廳書陵部 (the Archives and Mausolea Department, the Imperial Household Agency) was compiled before Qianlong era and then imported to Japan, which was lost in China. According to the Qing manuscript of the Eight Jia Collection (Bajia ji 八家集) in the Peking University Library, it was compiled by adding the Biographies of Four Kings (Siwang hezhuan 四王合傳) to the Seven Jia Collection. Before 1808, the Eight Jia Collection was imported to Japan, attracting the attention of Sinology (kangaku 漢學) and Japanese classical (kokugaku 國學) scholars. There are 13 existing manuscripts of the Eight Jia Collection in Japan, all derived from a single source. By comparing the catalogs and texts of the manuscripts, it is highly likely that exist the formation order of firstly the Seven Jia Collection of Kunaicho Shoryobu, secondly the Eight Jia Collection of Peking University Library, and lastly manuscripts of the Eight Jia Collection in Japan. In the late Edo Era, the books contained in the Eight Jia Collection were published three times. The first was the wooden type version of the Ten Days of Yangzhou (Yangzhou shiri ji 揚州十日記) by Saisentei Tetsuya Jube 採撰亭鐵屋十兵衞. In 1830, Gyokugando 玉巖堂 in Edo extracted the Biographies of Four Kings, published it with Pingding Sanni Shulüe 平定三逆述略 by Zhao Yi 趙翼. In 1834, Saito Nanmei 齋藤南溟 added guiding marks (kunten 訓點) and comments to the Ten Days of Yangzhou and A Record of Slaughter in Jiading (Jiading tucheng jilüe 嘉定????城紀略) and published Jishukan 自修館 edition. The authors of the preface and afterword of Jishukan edition were Sinology scholar living in Edo, Endo Kakushu 遠藤鶴洲 and other Kishu 紀州 feudal retainer emphasized the instructive role of the Eight Jia Collection. On the other hand, Koga Toan 古賀侗庵 emphasized the cruelty of the Qing army and pointed out that the history of Ming-Qing alternation period would be a cautionary tale for Japan. The formation, transmission and publication of the Seven Jia Collection and the Eight Jia Collection shed light on the history of the reception of Qing dynasty forbidden manuscripts, which has not fully concerned in the past..

著者

宇都宮 美生

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.61-96, 2022-06-17

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The imperial garden was a private garden that made up the pre-modern Chinese capital together with the palace and residential areas. The garden was located on the north side of Sui-Tang Chang’an 長安 City, while Xiyuan 西苑 was located on the west side of Luoyang 洛陽 City. In this article, the author explains how Xiyuan’s location related to the purpose of defense against the western peoples and the use of the terrain formed by the rivers. In the eastern part of Xiyuan, Sui Yangdi 隋煬帝 established water facilities and production activities to manage water on a daily basis while supporting entertainment and regulating the water supply to the city, while in the western part, a variety of free-range animals were maintained for use in ritual sacrifices and as a symbol of the emperor’s dignity and assets. The Tang emperors abolished these facilities, building palaces in the mountainous areas for use as hunting bases and summer vacation houses, and showed a gradually diminishing interest in water. The fact that there was no major flood damage in the Sui period while such damage occurred frequently in the Tang period indicates that the water management in Xiyuan was extremely important for Luoyang City downstream, as well as reflecting Yangdi’s reverence for and imitation of Qin Shi Huang 秦始皇帝 and Han Wudi 漢武帝. The differences in water management between the two periods reflects changes in the concept of imperial gardens. Xiyuan might be termed a comprehensive imperial garden that inherited northern traditions since the Qin and Han periods while incorporating elements of nomadic cities such as Ye 鄴 City of Northern Qi (Bei Qi 北斉) and Jiankang 建康 City during the Southern Dynasties. It also indicates that the role of the imperial garden should not be discussed solely with reference to the functions of the Chang’an garden (jinyuan 禁苑), but that water management, a tradition since Qin, should be added as one of its important roles.

著者

柴 棟

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.31-60, 2022-06-17

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During the abdication rite of the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the founding monarchs of the new dynasty usually acceded to the emperor’s throne in the altar place (tanchang 壇場) or the southern suburban altar (nanjiao 南郊) and offered sacrifices to heaven in person. In contrast, the founders of the Sui-Tang Dynasties acceded to the emperor’s throne in the main hall (zhengdian 正殿), and no longer offered sacrifices to heaven in person, but sent an agent whose role was to worship heaven. Although in certain cases researchers have mentioned this change, it is mainly investigated from the aspect of etiquette, especially the change of enthronement etiquette and the normalization of vicarious conduct (yousi sheshi 有司攝事). Therefore, it is necessary to discuss this topic from different perspectives. This study explores the reasons for the changes in enthronement etiquette of abdication in the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties. Consequently, it analyzes the location of the Chancellor of State’s residence (xiangguo fu 相國府), those who received abdication (shoushan zhe 受禪者) in Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties, as well as the relevant political situation in the Sui-Tang Dynasties at the time of abdication, further clarifying the influence of factors, other than the ritual system, on the formation and change of the enthronement ceremony. Therefore, this study investigates the effects of two aspects, namely, the location of enthronement and the executor of the proclamation to heaven, on dynastic change (gaodai jitian 吿代祭天) at that time. We find that the changes in the enthronement etiquette of the Sui-Tang Dynasties’ founding monarch are not caused primarily by the internal ceremony system, but by an expedient measure based on the location of the Chancellor of State’s residence and the political situation at the time. Therefore, this directly reflects the difference in abdication between the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties. Moreover, even though the executor of gaodai jitian changed from emperor to agent during the Sui-Tang Dynasties, Yang Jian 楊堅 and Li Yuan 李淵 took an extremely cautious attitude about the selection of the agent on the day of the ceremony.

著者

福永 善隆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.1, pp.1-29, 2022-06-17

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After the reign of Wudi 武帝 of the Former Han Dynasty, Censorate (yushitai 御史台) whose chief was the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary (Middle Aide) (yushi zhongcheng 御史中丞) was formed as an inspector organization. Up to now, that process has been discussed in the context of the formation of the Inner Court (neichao 內朝) and its growing importance. However, the relations between the Secretary of the Censorate (yushi 御史) and the Inner Court, or its core the Office of Palace Writers (the Office) (shangshu 尙書), was not fully elucidated. The traditional view of the Han Dynasty’s political and institutional history that the Inner Court take over the authority of the existing bureaucracy in the Outer Court (waichao 外朝) and the latter declined as its result has recently come under doubt. This study explores the relations between the Secretary of the Censorate and the Inner Court or the Office and demonstrates the evolution of the former in the bureaucratic structure in the latter half of the Former Han Dynasty, which is being reexamined from a new perspective. Attendants in the Inner Palace, who were the members of the Inner Court officials, had the same authority of inspector and impeachment as the Middle Aide. The “Meeting of Officials in the Inner Court,” the general meeting of the officials involved with the Inner Court, had a role as a kind of inspector to denounce the illegality of the Chancellor (chengxiang 丞相) and the Imperial Secretary (yushi dafu 御史大夫), who were in charge of the Outer Court. The authority of inspection is understood to have originally belonged to the Inner Court as a whole. However, the Middle Aide had no direct relation to the Imperial Court (jinzhong 禁中), which was the space where the Inner Court officials worked. On the other hand, the Office, the core of the Inner Court, also inspected and impeached. This study therefore focused on the consideration through the Office, which had the office space in the Imperial Palace, like the Middle Aide. At the end of the Former Han Dynasty, the Office became involved in the personnel matter of officials higher than the 600 picul level (liubai dan 六百石). We can regard this as the consequence of the improvement of the personnel system via the introduction of the investigation by the Office since the reign of Xuandi 宣帝 and Yuandi 元帝. The Office seemed to use the provincial director’s reports (cishi zoushi bu 刺史奏事簿) as one of the reference materials for investigation. In other words, its involvement in the performance assessment would be institutionalized using the lines of command and control between the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary and the provincial directors. On the other hand, the Middle Aide is thought to have gained more authority to inspect counties as time went on. It is obvious that the performance assessment and inspector and impeachment are inextricably linked. Hence, we can safely conclude that the deepening of the Office of Palace Writers’ involvement in the personnel matter of high-ranking officials concurred with the expansion of the inspection discharged by the Middle Aide to the Imperial Secretary.

著者

六反田 豊

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.533-534, 2010-03

著者

中田 美絵

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.3, pp.293-325, 2007-12

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In the aftermath of the An Lüshan 安禄山 rebellion (755-763), Bukong 不空 was able to rise to a position of influence within the Buddhist circles of Chang’an 長安 through the support of the eunuchs, the imperial army they command and Sogdians who had connection with them. A group which played most important role among Sogdians were military commanders stationed in Liangzhou 涼州. Before the rebellion, they were under Hexi Longyou jiedushi 河西・隴右節度使 Geshu Han 哥舒翰’s command. Geshu han invited Bukong to Liangzhou to preside over a ceremony baptizing of the commanders in the name of Buddha; then, after the rebellion broke out, they left Liangzhou, and proceeded to ally themselves with a group of eunuch-led imperial regiments in Chang’an, where they lent support to Bukong’s religious activities.One reason for the alliance lay in the ambitions of the eunuchs to gain the military ascendancy and establish their political influence at the Tang Dynasty court. One part of this effort included the enlistment of accomplished cavalrymen, including Sogdians, in pacifying the rebellion. Meanwhile Bukong ordained several Sogdians and organized them into a Buddhist circle under his tutelage, while maintaining his connections with the eunuch-led imperial army forces One of Bukong’s disciples, Shi Yuancong 史元琮, a commander who was based in Liangzhou, was appointed to the office of gongdeshi 功徳使, which gave him command of both the imperial army and the Buddhist temples. Luo Fumo 羅伏磨, a general in the imperial army from Liangzhou, was also ordained by Bukong, showing that his entourage moved freely between military service and monastic life.In this way, both eunuch-led imperial army forces and Bukong’s circle of monks Came to embrace many members of Sogdian descent The both groups were strongly connected with each other through Sogdian military commanders from Lianzhou. Putting in another way, the eunuchs and the Bukong’s circle of monks constituted a tightly knit organization composed of both groups which formed the springboard which enabled Bukong to soar to a position of great influence in Chang’an Buddhism, and golden age for Buddhism in general during the reign of Emperor Daizong 代宗.

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1~4, pp.481-513, 1985-03

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The utilization of Chinese historical sources by Tibetan historians in their accounts of early Tibetan history has resulted in no little confusion and error. Buddhist historians made no attempt to rectify these errors; rather, they give the impression of having devoted their efforts to producing tales thought useful for the propagation of Buddhism on the basis of these erroneous accounts.For example, the Hu-lan-beb-ther, the first work in which Chinese materials are utilized, states that the Chinese army occupied Lhasa around 670. In the rGyal-rabs-gSal-ba’i-me-long the Chinese invasion is described as if it had been undertaken for the purpose of carrying off to China the gilt bronze image of Śākyamuni enshrined in ‘Phrul-snang Temple. Yet in Bu-ston’s History of Buddhism, composed a little earlier than the above two works but dating from the same 14th century and uninfluenced by Chinese materials, there is no reference whatsoever to this important event.A re-examination of the Chinese materials, corroborated by the T’ufan Chronicles 吐番編年紀 from Tun-huang, reveals that the T’u-fan army defeated the Chinese forces at the Ta-fei River 大非川, and that the Chinese had in this same year given up all hopes for a restoration of T’u-yü-hun 吐谷輝. Thus, there is no evidence whatsoever of the Chinese having invaded Lhasa. There is also, of course, no reason why they should have mobilized a large army simply for the sake of acquiring a single Buddhist image.It seems probable that Princess Wên-ch’êng 文成 had brought this gilt bronze image of Śākyamuni from China in 646 and had enshrined it in Ra-mo-che Temple, from where it was later transferred to ‘Phrul-snang Temple. Princess Wên-ch’êng remarried the father of her deceased husband, and by the 14th century this historical fact was already being mistakenly linked with Princess Ching-ch’êng. Therefore, it is not at all surprising that Princess Wên-ch’êng’s request for a Buddhist image from China in memory of her deceased husband should have been distorted in an unexpected manner, resulting in the assertion that this image had been hidden in the ‘Phrul-snang Temple in order to protect it from the depredations of the Chinese army and that Princess Chin-ch’êng later rediscovered it.In order to justify this story, it was maintained that the hidden image had been presented to Princess Wên-ch’êng by the Chinese emperor T’ai.tsung 太宗 upon her departure for Tibet, and that it had been the emperor’s most highly prized Buddhist image. This latter point was further substantiated by the claim that this image had reached China from India and dated from the time of Śākyamuni, having been consecrated by the Buddha himself.In summing up, it would appear that the explanation of the origins of this image represents a fusion of the historical account of the arrival of a margosa Buddhist image from India during the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang and the legends relating to the production of the first image of Śākyamuni by the king of Udayana and the invitation of Kumārajīva to China.

著者

林 英樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.1, pp.39-73, 1997-06

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Up to the present, many scholars have dealt with Shang-gu-zhi-lu (商買之律), laws of traders, in connection with the study of social rank system in the Qin (秦) and Han (漢) Dynasties. In this paper. the methods to control the northern area of the Han Empire in the early Han era, where laws which intertwine with political issues will be discussed by the author.Gao-zu of Han (漢高祖) attempted to firmly rule the northern area. In the late Qin era, the influence of Xiong-nu (匈奴) became stronger as they expanded southward. Under these circumstances, traders from Bai-tu (白土) conducted commerce between China and Xiong-nu, which had steadily developed. After taking over Guan-zhong (関中), Gao-zu fortified the Han-Xiong-nu frontier against possible Xiong-nu attacks, and abolished the traders commerce. Upon conquering Dai (代) and Zhao (趙) districts, Gao-zu sent Zhang Cang (張蒼) from the central government, in order to rule the frontier region. This measure infringes upon the principle of local rule in the Han dynasty, that as a regulation, the frontier shall be within the jurisdiction of the local government. Therefore, this measure illustrates an active interest of the central government in this region.But Gao-zu had Han Wang Xin (韓王信) command this region as a king, and later Zhang Cang was transferred back to the central government. Immediately thereafter Han Wan Xin and the traders became closely allied with Xiong-nu and revolted against the Han Empire.Gao-zu sent Chen xi (陳稀) from the central government to reconstruct the frontier rule. After putting down this insurrection, he enacted the laws of traders. The objective was to rule the traders who were closely related to the Xiong-nu.This policy, however, due to Chen xi reveling with the traders, Han Wang Xin, and the Xiong-nu had failed. It was a conflict between the Han Empire’s rule system and the local community in the early Han era. Therefore, Gao-zu endeavored to grasp public feeling in the area, and made the traders surrender in exchange for providing them with rewards. By tolerating the trader’s values, Gao-zu intended to incorporate them into the Han Empire’s sphere of rule. Thus, methods to control the traders became ever more skillful.

著者

趙 浩衍

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.63-94, 2022-03-17

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This article attempts to show that the social and political characteristics of Vietnamese fengshui 風水 are truly informed by genealogical sources, which were written by same Confucian scholars as the theoretical texts of fengshui for promoting their ancestors to gain their favor, thus reflecting socio-political reality. The Doan Family (Đoàn tộc 段族) from Huu Thanh Oai 右淸威 commune, which differs from the widely researched aristocratic elite founders of state politics and rural communities, in that its influence stemmed from its relationship to the Court of Trinh Lords (Trịnh vương phủ 鄭王府) during the 18th century and became the first elite to establish itself through the 19th century state examination system. The Doan family’s genealogy, Đoàn tộc phả 段族譜, was written by a member who had passed the local examination; and for that reason contains no reference to imperial edicts (letters of appointment) or legends regarding the family as pioneering actors in state or village origins. Instead, the Doan family genealogy is designed to strengthen family bonds through fengshui practices, the rich description of which traces the appearance of fengshui in Vietnam at that time. Đoàn tộc phả informs us of three characteristic features of early modern Vietnamese fengshui, the first of which is that while the original fengshui masters were Chinese “Northern people” (bắc nhân 北人), native Vietnamese fengshui masters gradually appeared, indicating the penetration of fengshui into rural society. It is clear that the work’s author, a Confucian scholarbureaucrat with a rich knowledge of fengshui, desired to use fengshui ideas rooted in his country’s history, not in China’s. Secondly, each fengshui episode in Đoàn tộc phả is connected to fengshui theory in order to legitimate the history of the Doan family in each era. And finally, Vietnamese fengshui purports that family descendants can gain favor from matrilineal ancestors. Sons-in-law in fact become interested not only in the funeral and memorial services of their wives’ families, but also in the relocation of their mausolea, which shows incorporation of the Southeast Asian custom of bilateral descent in fengshui practices.

著者

野口 舞子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.01-026, 2015-03

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The Almoravid Dynasty (c. a. 1061-1147) ruled over a vast territory, stretching from the Maghrib to the Ebro Valley. Since the dynasty originated from the Sanhaja Berbers of the western Sahara, its rulers were alien to the people in the Maghrib as well as those in al-Andalus. Therefore, the issue of legitimacy was of significant importance for the Almoravids in their claim to rule over these territories. This paper focuses on the bayʻa, oath of allegiance, as playing a crucial role in extending the influence of the Almoravids and providing them with legitimacy.The author’s examination of a series of bayʻa cases under the Almoravids reveals several features related to the Almoravid power structure and its political beliefs. Originally, these oaths were conducted at the time of the military conquests marking the early stages of their rule. However, further into their reign, the bayʻa was exacted at coronations and designations of heirs to the throne. Another feature of the bayʻa is that a new ruler or newly declared heir would have to be first approved by the ruler’s kin and the chiefs of the Berber tribes who had been appointed military governors of each local district. This indicates that Berber tribal soldiers were of the greatest importance to the Almoravid dynasty, and maintenance of ties with them was essential for the dynasty’s power. On the other hand, in al-Andalus, ʻulamā’ such as fuqahā (jurists) and qāḍīs (judges) took the lead in the bayʻa for approving the ruler, which suggests that Andalusian ʻulamā’ were representatives of the people in al-Andalus.Along with the expansion of their territory, the Almoravids also adopted a “written missive form” of the bayʻa in addition to the original “in-person” bayʻa ceremony, in order to gain approval from all power of the realm. Consequently, the bayʻa came to involve larger and larger numbers of participants. Several texts of the “missive form” remain, which contain early Islamic traditions and Arabic rhetorical style, which were also meant to legitimize the rulers’ authority. In summary, the Almoravids developed and established the procedure of bayʻa according to the preceding tradition to legitimize their rule.

著者

三王 昌代

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.104-130, 2009-06

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According to such Chinese sources as Da Ming Shi Lu and Da Qing Li Chao Shi Lu, several diplomatic missions were sent from Sulu to China during the years 1417-24 and 1726-63, during the Ming and the Qing Periods respectively. The present article deals with a Malay document written in Arabic script, called Jawi, which consists of a diplomatic message dispatched by Sultan Muhammad Azim al-Din of the Sulu Sultanate to China in the ninth month of the hijra year 1198 (1784 AD), some twenty years after the aforementioned missions. This diplomatic message was submitted to Emperor Qianlong through the hands of many officials, including the tongzhi 同知 of Xiamen (Amoy), the xunfu 巡撫 of Fujian, and the zongdu 総督 of Fujian and Zhejiang.After describing the circumstances that led to an exchange of documents between Sulu and China, the author deciphers this Jawi document and conducts a detailed analysis of its contents, including a comparison with a public letter addressed to Sulu in 1782 and with the Chinese translation of the document, which was included in a Qing official’s memorial to Emperor Qianlong in 1784.The results of the comparison show that both countries shared a common view of a villain who, engaged in foreign trade, and embezzled the takings, and of the quantity of silver and other merchandise that must be returned to Sulu. On the other hand, there are differences in expression or in recognition as to whether the Emperor’s instructions had been widely transmitted throughout the Sulu Sultanate. Moreover, the honorific expression for the Sultan himself in the opening sentence of the original was replaced in the corresponding part of the translation by some words that express deference to the Chinese Emperor. Also added is a tribute of respect and gratitude to the Emperor, which was nonexistent in the original. It may be reasonably concluded that the translation was not so much a literal rendering of the original as something close to the expressions in the 1782 public letter addressed to Sulu.Although Jawi documents in general have rarely been used in historical study, this particular source seems to be of great value in understanding diplomatic as well as economic relations between the two countries.

著者

多田 狷介

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.2, pp.155-157, 2008-09

著者

窪添 慶文

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.2, pp.158-160, 2008-09

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.55-59, 1995-10

著者

根無 新太郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.1-27, 2018-03

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There were two types of military force used to suppress rebellions during the late Qing period: bing (兵), or regular troops consisting of the Green Standard Army and the Eight Banners, and yong (勇), or temporary volunteer troops organized into Yongying (勇營), mainly under governors-general and governors, in addition to tuanlian (團練) units on the village level. In Zhili (直隸) Province during the outbreak of the White Lotus Rebellion of the 1860s, bing, yong and tuanlian forces were deployed together to quell the insurrection, but the lack of discipline on the part of the bing-yong troops during the operation merely added to the civil unrest caused by the Rebellion. The Qing Court, in consideration of the effects of the worsening law and order on the capital of Beijing, reorganized the Green Army at the hands of the governor-general of Zhili in order to strengthen the government's control, thus leading to the formation of Zhili Lianjun (直隸練軍).However, after the outbreak of the Nian Rebellion led to the further deterioration of law and order in Zhili Province, and as it became necessary to reinforce Zhili Lianjun with Yongying, the Court designed a new capital defense plan under which Yongying were deployed to limited areas, including southern and coastal areas of Zhili, either far away from Beijing or at the spot of the actual fighting, while Zhili Lianjun was stationed around Peking. This new capital defense plan was partly based on the Court's, especially its Board of War's (Bingbu 兵部), suspicion of Yongying, which included former rebels who had surrendered, and were thus deemed untrustworthy to serve around the Capital. This suspicion was further deepened due to the fact that Yongying also served as the governors-generals' militia. As well, the Board of War had intervened several times during the establishment of Zhili Lianjun, owing to its concern over its close relationship with the governor-general of Zhili. The author takes up the Board as an excellent example of how the center's attitudes toward the periphery began to change during the late Qing period.

著者

長峰 博之

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.441-466, 2009-03

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The so-called “Qazaq khanate” was founded around the late 15th century by Jani Beg and Giray, who claimed descent from Oros of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The foundation of the “Qazaq khanate” has been the subject of animated discussion, which, unfortunately, has been marred by a historical view about the ethnic origins of the present “Kazakh nation.” The aims of this article are 1) to reconstruct the historical record from the time of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī to the foundation of the “Qazaq khanate,” based mainly on Qädir ‘Alī Beg’s Jāmi‘ al-Tawārīkh written at the beginning of the 17th century as a historical account of the successive polities of the ulūs-i Jūchī, and 2) to reconsider the foundation of the “Qazaq khanate” in relation to the disintegration and reorganization of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī was revived by Oros of the Tuqa Timurids in its disintegration and reorganization of whole ulūs-i Jūchī, which began in the late 14th century, and proceeded to dominate the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq again during the lime of Baraq in the early 15th century. Although it is said that the “Qazaq khanate” was founded as a new polity during the time of Jani Beg and Giray in the late 15th century, it was actually a nomadic polity which succeeded to the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī revived by Oros. According to the sources, Jani Beg and Giray acted like “卯z匈”s in lheir rivalrieswith the Shibanids, and therelbre came to be caUed “卯z向.”However,lhedescriptions in “漏削j‘α/-712waj・疏ゐ”and other sources reveal that they werehistorically idenlified as the Orosids who succeeded to the left hand of lheu珀s-j jziai, rather than as “卯z向”s, and thus within the Juchids. Theref1〕re,the “Qazaq khanate” should be considered as a nomadic polity with orosidstaking over the len hand of the las-j jzicゐi at its core, in the process of lhedisintegrationand reorganization of the zl/iis-iJicM.

著者

長峰 博之

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.441-466, 2009-03

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The so-called "Qazaq khanate" was founded around the late 15th century by Jani Beg and Giray, who claimed descent from Oros of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The foundation of the "Qazaq khanate" has been the subject of animated discussion, which, unfortunately, has been marred by a historical view about the ethnic origins of the present "Kazakh nation." The aims of this article are 1) to reconstruct the historical record from the time of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī to the foundation of the "Qazaq khanate," based mainly on Qädir 'Alī Beg's Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh written at the beginning of the 17th century as a historical account of the successive polities of the ulūs-i Jūchī, and 2) to reconsider the foundation of the "Qazaq khanate" in relation to the disintegration and reorganization of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī was revived by Oros of the Tuqa Timurids in its disintegration and reorganization of whole ulūs-i Jūchī, which began in the late 14th century, and proceeded to dominate the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq again during the lime of Baraq in the early 15th century. Although it is said that the "Qazaq khanate" was founded as a new polity during the time of Jani Beg and Giray in the late 15th century, it was actually a nomadic polity which succeeded to the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī revived by Oros. According to the sources, Jani Beg and Giray acted like "卯z匈"s in lheir rivalrieswith the Shibanids, and therelbre came to be caUed "卯z向."However,lhedescriptions in "漏削j'α/-712waj・疏ゐ"and other sources reveal that they werehistorically idenlified as the Orosids who succeeded to the left hand of lheu珀s-j jziai, rather than as "卯z向"s, and thus within the Juchids. Theref1〕re,the "Qazaq khanate" should be considered as a nomadic polity with orosidstaking over the len hand of the las-j jzicゐi at its core, in the process of lhedisintegrationand reorganization of the zl/iis-iJicM.

著者

志茂 智子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.3・4, pp.315-344, 1995-03

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Early in the fourteenth century Il-Khan Ghazan ordered his vazir Rashīd al-Dīn to compile a history of the Mongols mainly based on original Mongolian sources. The khan’s intention was that such a history would make the Mongol tribesmen under him reacknowledge their old ties with the Chinggisid house, so that his rule would be firmly established over the Il-Khanid territory, which had long been embroiled in political turmoil. The Mongol History, titled Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni, was completed after the death of Ghazan Khan and presented to his younger brother and successor Öljeitü Khan. Ordered by the new khan, Rashīd al-Dīn further undertook the task to compile a history of the world. Thus Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh, or the Collection of Histories, consisting of the Mongol History and the History of Nations was completed in 1311. In the past it has been falsely assumed, with no serious examination, that the initial Mongol History, or Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni, as identical with the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. The assumption is quite wrong. In fact the Mongol History text contained in Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh is a revised edition of Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni. By comparison of the History of Tribes, which makes up the core of both editions of the Mongol History, we find that the later Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition gives more refined phrasings with new words inserted and errors corrected, at the same time eliminating a large number of passages from the earlier edition. In this respect, the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition of the Mongol History is not quite as valuable a historical source as the Ta’rikh-i Ghāzāni edition.Almost all the extant manuscripts of the Mongol History have descended from the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. Only the Manuscript Revan Köskü 1518 in lstanbul has come down to us preserving intact the original form of the Mongol History. This is truly the most valuable text, and should be taken as the primary source in studying the history of the Mongol Empire.The initial edition of the Mongol History had also contained Chinggisid family trees, which were excluded by Rashīd al-Dīn in his revised work in order to reduce the volume of the Mongol History, but retained in the Mongol Genealogies section in the Collection of Genealogies supplemental to Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh.

著者

岩武 昭男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.4, pp.498-528, 1997-03

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Concerning the writings of Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl-allāh Hamadānī, many scholars state that, according to Waṣṣāf, Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh was extended to 712. This is based on Quatremère's misreading of Waṣṣāf's text. In his autograph manuscript Tārīkh-i Waṣṣāf, Waṣṣāf clearly shows that the date is not that of the final completion of Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh, but of the compilation of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf, 'the Collected Works' of Rashīd. While Waṣṣāf recorded a list of works composing it, a manuscript copied in 710 of Majmūʻa carries a different list of Jāmiʻ al-Taṣānīf al-Rashīdī. The latter list, which was edited by Quatremère, and which we know is also carried in some other manuscripts, has been assumed to be Rashīd's plan of writings, without correct reading of Waṣṣāf's text.Furthermore, in the two versions of the addendum to his endowment deed, Rashīd stipulates that his works should be copied every year in Arabic and Persia in accordance with the original edition. Its first version was confirmed, simultaneously with the endowment deed itself, by a qāḍī of Tabriz in Rabī' I 1, 709, while its second one was attested in Dhu'l-Ḥijja, 713. The former stipulates for making copies of four titles of his works (Majmūʻa, Āthār wa Aḥyā, Bayān al-Ḥaqā'iq and Jāmiʻ al-Tawārīkh), all of which are included in the list in Quatremère's edition. In the latter, two titles are added to the first four. Neither of the added ones is included in that list, but one of them, As'ila wa Ajwiba, is easily found in the list in Waṣṣāf's text.Accordingly, it must be recognized that the list of works in Quatremère's edition shows the contents of the first compilation of 'the Collected Works of Rashīd'. He made the first compilation of his collected works before 709, and stipulated for making copies of four titles of them in the addendum to his endowment deed. After he composed other works, he made the second compilation that was completed in 712, and then rewrote the addendum in 713, adding two titles of his works to be copied. The first compilation includes the translations from Chinese. But the second compilation omits them, and includes As'ila wa Ajwiba and a work contradicting metempsychosis, which we can assess as the other work added in the second version of the addendum, Taḥqīq al-Mabāḥith. The replacement of works tells us the gap between the ilkhanid government and the Yuan dynasty in China how deeply rooted Islam became in this period.