著者
渡邊 美樹
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.3, pp.63-94, 2020-12-17

In the research to date on the history of the Liao Dynasty, the reign of Emperor Shengzong 聖宗 (982–1031) is regarded as the turning point in the Dynasty’s tribal system, based on the facts that Shengzong 1) reorganized the six nomadic tribes under the leadership of Xiwang 奚王 that had existed since the founding of the Dynasty and 2) formed subjects not of Qidan 契丹 ethnic origin—the Ordo 斡魯朶 people and imperial slaves—into tribes. Since there is no record of any new tribal formation in the Liaoshi 遼史 histories from that time on, Shengzong’s reign is regarded as marking the completion of the Dynasty’s tribal system. Referred to in the Liaoshi as “Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes” (Shengzong Sanshisibu 聖宗三十四部), the research to date has inferred that this tribal collectivity was formed for the specific purposes of firmly establishing a centralized system of governance and expanding the tribal defense forces on the borders, despite the fact that no attempt have yet been made to ascertain the circumstances under which each individual tribe was formed. In order to fill this gap, the present article examines from which tribe each of Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes originated through a careful survey of the background and motivation for each tribe’s formation. What this survey reveals is the possibility of classifying the thirty-four tribes into two distinct groups: those people already under the Liao rule prior to Shengzong’s reign and those people organized on the occasion of the acquisition of human resources in the expeditions during Shengzong’s reign. Furthermore, the purposes behind formation varied from tribe to tribe: for example, compensating for population scarcities, accounting for war captives, the restoration of order on the frontier, and appeasing groups of people to submit to Dynasty rule. In other words, Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes were not formed collectively under a consolidated policy of political centralization and border defense, but rather formed separately and incrementally in the process of the Liao Dynasty attempting to solve domestic and foreign problems that had arisen during Shengzong’s reign. Despite the fact that the research to date has viewed the Liao tribal system as depicted in the Liaoshi as a self-evident conclusion and has avoided any discussion other than the aims of creating the system as a whole, the author concludes that tracing the circumstances of formation tribe-by-tribe casts doubt on the argument of the research to date that Shengzong conceived his own master plan when reorganizing the tribal system. In the future, only careful examination of conditions evolving over time promises to reveal the actual raison d’etre of the tribes formed under the Liao Dynasty.
著者
八木 啓俊
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.2, pp.01-028, 2020-09-17

Due to a dearth of historiographical sources, the analysis of local potentates under the Timurid Dynasty (1370–1507) has been lacking. In the present article, the author takes up the case of one of those potentates, the Mar'ashīs, who set up a Sayyid political regime in the region of Mazandaran on the Caspian Sea in present day northern Iran and compares it with the Badakhshān regime, based on the Timurid chronicles and a local histoty entitled, Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān. After his conquest of Māzandarān, Tīmūr (r. 1370–1402) appointed two military figures based in Khurāsān as the governors (dārūgha) of Sārī and Āmul. However, since both dārūghas continued to maintain relations with their bases, Tīmūr attempted to limit their power by demanding military service and political hostages. When the dārūghas rebelled, the Timurids switched to indirect control over Mazandaran through the Mar'ashīs. With the establishment of the 'Alī Sārī regime in 1411/12, the Timurids ordered the Mar'ashīs to submit taxes, although at that point in time Māzandarān was still attempting to recover from the Timurid invasion and thus in no financial position to take on additional tax burdens. After the death of 'Alī Sārī in 1418, the Timurids took advantage of the resulting conflict and division among the Mar'ashīs to raise silk taxes through the promises of local rule to the highest bidder, who turned out to be Murtad ̣ ā. Then provisions pertaining to the taxation of Māzandarān were determined, and these rules would be followed by all succeeding amirs of the Timurid Dynasty. While the Timurid authorities did grant the Mar'ashīs a certain amount of autonomy regarding the administration of their regime and religious affairs, tax collection never wavered on the crucial economic resource of Māzandarān silk. In his comparison of Māzandarān and Badakhshān governance, the author finds similarities between the two concerning frequency of taxation, destinations of taxation, dispatch of tax collectors and military service, while noting a difference in the political status enjoyed by the two regimes at the Timurid court, stemming from the fact of the Badakhshan regime being formed later than the Mar'ashīs', thus resulting in the former's lower status.
著者
深川 真樹
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, no.1, pp.1-32, 2013-06
著者
深川 真樹
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.96, no.4, pp.1-30, 2015-03

There have been for some time various views concerning on what date the Confucian thinker Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer papers.No matter how trivial the question may seem at face value, it is, however, related to the very important issue of whether or not the ideas of Dong Zhongshu genuinely influenced the link that was established between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought, known as “establishment of Confucianism as state religion,” and if so, how.Concerning the Hanshu’s 漢書 account of the three examination questions (zhice 制策) posed by Emperor Wu and the three outstanding answers (duice 對策) to them submitted by Dong Zhongshu, there is the opinion that they were actually posed and submitted in the order described by the chronicle.However, this way of thinking poses a problem in that the context and content of the second Q & A exchange is closely connected to exactly what year Dong Zhongshu submitted his answer.From an investigation of the content of the examination, the author concludes that a 2nd-1st-3rd series of questions and answers is much more likely to have been the actual sequence of the examination.Unconvinced by the various explanations that have been offered so far as to the date of the examination, the author proceeds to reexamine the problem, concluding that the examinations were submitted three successive times in the period between the6th month of the 6th year of the Jianyuan 建元 Era and the 10th month of the next year.Furthermore, although it is generally believed that the post to which Dong Zhongshu was appointed after his examination was as an administrator (xiang 相) in Jiangdu 江都, the author shows that in fact he was granted the bureaucratic rank of zhongdafu 中大夫.The author is also of the opinion that the local civil service examination subject of xiaolian 孝廉, regarding filial piety, very likely “originated from Dong Zhonshu.The decisive moment in establishing the link between the Han imperial court and Confucian thought was the acceptance and implementation by Emperor Wu of institutions intellectually based on Dong Zongshu’s ideas about state ideology.Therefore, the raison d’être of the monarch as to governing based on moral guidance in accordance with the will of heaven was enthusiastically adopted; and imperial rule soon assumed, in the guise of 10th Han Emperor Yuan, leadership based solely on Confucian ideas.
著者
付 晨晨
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.2, pp.1-30, 2019-09

The origins and earliest history of the Leishu 類書 genre of encyclopedias quoting passages from earlier literary erudition on selected themes, and thus expressing the worldview and scope of knowledge of the compilers, is not yet fully understood, due to the fact that almost all Leishu compiled before the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 periods have been scattered and/or lost. A recent important study has shown that the earliest Leishu could be categorized into two types based on their content: those of the Southern Dynasties (南朝) and those of the Northern Dynasties (北朝); however, disagreement still remains among scholars over such issues as the order and collation style of the items contained in the earliest works. This article, accordingly, analyses the characteristics of the early genre based on a critique of the research to date, in order to place the historical development of the Leishu within the context of the history of scholarly inquiry between the Han and Tang Periods. After re-confirming that the passages quoted in the remaining fragments of Xiuwendian Yulan 修文殿御覽, compiled by the Northern Qi (北齊) Dynasty were arranged according to the four traditional literary categories of Jing-Shi-Zi-Ji 經史子集, the author shows that the citations of Hualin Bianlüe 華林遍略, compiled by the Liang 梁 Dynasty, did not, as already known, conform to that order, but rather one in accordance with the three categories of “Zishu 字書 (Chinese dictionary)-Jing 經-other books (listed in chronological order).” In view of the fact that Dunhuang Document P.2326, while not Hualin Bianlüe, but also compiled by the Southern Dynasties, are arranged in this same latter order (with no chronological order for “other”), such a structure should be regarded as the standard by which the Leishu from the Southern Dynasties were compiled; and was strongly influenced by the development of the art of annotation-commentary on the Jing, Shi and Ji genres from the Han Dynasty on. So it does not follow that the Leishu genre always presented comprehensive surveys of the all the Jing-Shi-Zi-Ji works from the start, but rather with both changing styles of erudition and historical consciousness, Leishu gradually came to cite works from a more and more diverse number of themes, topics and sources. The author concludes that the Leishu compiled in the Southern Dynasties, were not convenient reference books for writing poems, but rather encyclopedias for understanding the worldviews of ancient literature, developing in close connection with the growth of scholarship, in general, and historical consciousness, in particular, from the Han Period on.
著者
佐藤 次高
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.1・2, pp.115-139, 1989-12

On 17 Dhû a1-Hijja 717 A.H./20 February 1318 A.D., a man appeared at Qirtiyâwus in the Syrian province of Jabala and called himself Muhammad b a1-Hasan al-Mahdî. Three thousand of al-Nusayrîs immediately assembled around him asserting the deity of Alî b. Abî Tâlib. They proclaimed publicly the abolition of both prayer (salât) and abstinence from drink, and then attacked the Muslims of Jabala in public prayer. Among the rebels was included a youth named “Ibrâhîm b. Adham”, a popular sûfî saint who died in Jabala in the latter half of the 8th century. Received the news of their revolt, amir Shihâb al-Dîn Qirtây, governor of Tripoli, despatched 1,000 cavalries under the command of his three Mamlûk amirs. On Dhû al-Hijja/25 February they battled with al-Nusayrîs and succeeded easily in suppressing the revolt after they killed 120 rebels including al-Mahdî.According to the contemporary sources such as al-Nuwayrî’s Nihâya al-Arab and Ibn Battûta’s Rihla, the revolt was clearly against the religious policy of the Mamluk government toward al-Nusayrîs. In 1317 Sultan al-Nâsir (1293-94, 1299-1309, 1310-41) carried out the cadastral survey (rawk) in the province of Tripoli including Jabala and ordered al-Nusayrîs to construct mosque (masjid) in each village. Then he prohibited them strictly from holding the initiation called “khitâb” in which new participants are granted the secret creeds peculiar to al-Nusayrîs. Al-Maqrîzî (d. 1442) explains that they believe Alî’s deity and insist the idea of heaven and hell to be denied. The sunnî ulamâ’ in the Mamluk period regarded al-Nusayrî’s belief as infidel and estimated them inferior even to the Christians and Jews. We find its example in the fatwâ of Ibn Taymîya which was delivered at the revolt of a1-Nusayrîs in 1318.
著者
小笠原 弘幸
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.1, pp.86-112, 2008-06

Ottoman historians often claimed the existence of a close relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Seljuk Dynasty, although no reliable contemporary source can show this relationship to be based on historical fact. Nevertheless, these accounts of such a relationship were of value because they provided legitimacy for Ottoman empire rule. The purpose of this article is to investigate how the Ottoman historians of the 15th and 16th centuries went about narrating this pseudo-genealogical relationship.During the 15th century, Ottoman historians stressed the Oğuz origins common to the Ottoman Empire and Seljuk Dynasty (see Yazıcıoğlu, Kemâl and Neşrî), and even invented a marriage between the Ottoman ancestor and the Seljuk royal family (see Enverî, Râdvûn and Ebû’l-heyr). These accounts worked as a means of legitimizing Ottoman rule in 15th century Anatolia, where many Turkish emirates claimed to be successors of the Seljuks.However, the narrative concerning the Seljuks drastically changed during the 16th century, with no Ottoman historian writing about the above-mentioned marriage and only a few (Bitlîsî, Nasûh and Lokmân) regarding the Seljuk Dynasty as Oğuz in origin. The most popularly supported non-Oğuz origin was Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish king of Shāhnāme (see Bitlîsî, Küçük Nişancı and Lokmân), who was generally favored among such Persian historians as Mustawfī. Another possible ancestor was the Prophet Abraham (see Zaʻîm, Abû’l-ʻAbbâs), although no non-Ottoman historian ever mentioned any Abrahamic origins regarding the Seljuks. Some of the sources argued that the Turks originated from Abraham, however(see Jāhiz, Ibn ʻInaba).The author concludes from this examination that the change of narrative between the two centuries in question was caused by two factors: the political situation and historiographical trends. During the 16th century, the legitimizing force of the Seljuks was deemphasized, as the Ottoman Empire developed beyond the former territories of the Rum Seljuks and came under the stronger influence of Persian historiography.
著者
大出 尚子
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.4, pp.27-55, 2023-03-17

This article discusses the history of the management of the three Shengjing 盛京 mausoleums in relation to the problems of modern Chinese history, such as the treatment of the “ancestral temple and mausoleums” and of the “private properties” of the Qing Imperial Household after the promulgation of the “Articles of Favourable Treatment of the Great Qing Emperor after His Abdication.” In particular, we elucidate the characteristics of the management system based on Puyi’s 溥儀 intention to be deeply involved in the preservation of the three Shengjing mausoleums during the Manchukuo period, and approach the reality of the Manchukuo. From the Qing dynasty to the collapse of Manchukuo, the management system by the Qing dynasty was severed only when the Republic of China made it into a park after the promulgation of the “Revision to the Conditions of Special Treatment of the Qing Royal Family.” After the establishment of Manchukuo, the management system by the Government Administration Office, Imperial Household Office, and related organizations under the direct control of Puyi, namely the Qing Imperial Household, was restored. Preservation of the Qing dynasty property has a history of being linked to efforts to restore the Qing dynasty. Nevertheless, in Manchukuo, which had Puyi as its head of state but denied the restoration of the Qing dynasty, not only was the administration system on the Qing Imperial Household side restored, but Puyi’s intentions were also reflected in various aspects such as the establishment of the management organization, personnel affairs, and repair budgets. In this way, the reality of Manchukuo was evident in the fact that the political heritage of the late Qing dynasty, which was deeply related to the restoration of the Qing dynasty, could not be eliminated. The process of appointing Chen Zengshou 陳曾壽, who played a central role in the management organization since the early days of Manchukuo, revealed that Puyi, who appointed him, was the main figure in the preservation of the mausoleums. Puyi’s intention in preserving the three Shengjing mausoleums was to appear as the “Great Qing Emperor” by reviving the mausoleums as the “private property” of the former Qing Imperial Household and reviving visit to the mausoleum.
著者
黄川田 修
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.4, pp.29-37, 2018-03
著者
張 天恩
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.4, pp.27-56, 2021-03-15

During the Sino-French confrontation in the summer of 1883, not only Chinese diplomats overseas, but also several mandarins in China tried to take advantage of the conflict brewing between the French government and Parliament to make gains in their diplomatic negotiations with the French side. In particular, the Chinese minister in Paris, Tseng Chi-tse, attempted to manipulate French public opinion and lobby members of the Parliament to influence French policy towards Vietnam. To begin with, the present article elaborates how such activities were conducted and the responses of the Chinese and French governments at the time, followed by a clarification of the ways in which these activities influenced Chinese policy toward France, and finally considering their significance for the overall character of the Qing Dynasty throughout the 1880s. As Tseng Chi-tse kept constant watch in Paris over the conflict between the French government and Parliament, and took every opportunity to influence French policy towards Vietnam, the Superintendent of Northern Trade Li Hung-chang, while not always complicit with Tseng, did cooperate with Tseng’s Parliamentary lobbying strategy by refusing to further negotiate in deadlocked talks with French Minister Arthur Tricou, by abruptly departing for Tientsin in July 1883. After the conclusion of the Treaty of Hue of 1883, Tseng held high expectations for an anti-government movement by the opposition forces in Parliament, which did not go undetected by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. After winning a vote of confidence, the French government proceeded to use it to put pressure on China. After the resumption of Parliament, Tseng countered by launching an intense campaign to publish diplomatic documents damaging to the French government and winning praise in the press for brandishing a “new diplomacy.” The author concludes that it was this “new diplomacy” that provides a significant clue for reassessing Chinese diplomacy during the 1880s.
著者
五十嵐 大介
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, no.1, pp.75-102, 2009-06

During the Mamluk period, powerful figures, especially the Mamluk military aristocracy, began to convert their private property into waqfs (Islamic religious endowments) for the purpose of securing the endowers’ private sources of revenue. The growth of the so-called “self-benefiting” waqf, that is、 a waqf earmarked for the endowers themselves as the main beneficiaries of the revenue earned from the waqf, reflected such circumstances. This article attempts to show the realities behind the “self-benefiting waqf,” examining 1) the ways by which endowers could include themselves as waqf’s beneficiaries, 2) the social stratum of such endowers, 3) the size of the waqfs in question, and 4) stipulations providing for beneficiaries after the death of the endowers contained in waqf deeds.Theoretically, the three schools of Islamic law, except the Hanafi school, denied the legitimacy of the “self-benefiting waqf,” however, in reality, the practice became widespread in both Mamluk Egypt and Syria. There were three methods by which waqf endowers could include themselves as beneficiaries. The first was to expend all earnings from the waqf’s assets on the endower himself; the second was to expend the surplus from waqf earnings after expenditures on the maintenance of waqf-financed religious or educational institutions, salaries and other compensation for the staff, etc; and the third was to divide waqf earnings between the endower and his charitable activities.Among the three methods, the first was the most popular, no doubt because it was a way by which the endower could benefit most directly from his waqf. In this ease, anyone who donated his private property as waqf, which involved the abandonment of all rights of ownership over it, could, nevertheless, continue to oversee the endowed property and pay himself compensation as the waqf’s controller (nazir). It can be said that there was no change in the de facto relationship between the property and its “ex”-owner before and after the endowment was made. In short, the “self-benefiting waqf” of this type could be seen as a way of securing the actual “possession” of one’s estate against such emergency circumstances as sudden political upheavals, sudden death by natural disaster, outbreak of war, or political intrigue, situations under which the subsequent confiscation of property could have occurred at any moment.
著者
藤田 衛
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.4, pp.1-26, 2021-03-15

Jiaoshi Yilin 焦氏易林 (hereafter Yilin) is a book of divination, which is thought to be written by Jiao Yanshou 焦延壽, who served the imperial court of Former Han Dynasty Emperor Zhao (昭帝; r. 87–74 BCE). This article takes up the issue of the work’s approach to divination, which has been argued to conform to shifa 筮法 of I-Ching 易經. However, during the Song Period, a debate arose regarding that approach, resulting in a method of adoption quite dissimilar to that of I-Ching. The author proceeds to examine for the first time the Yilin approach to divination focusing on that very controversy and the discussions that have followed up to the present day. The author begins by laying out the characteristic features of the work and compiling a bibliographical genealogy of the extant copies. The existing genre may be generally categorized into the Yuan-Period manuscript (元抄本), the Ming-Period print (明刻本) and the Song-Period collated print (校宋本), the last of which is thought to be based on the first, in spite of its name. The author argues that one reason why large discrepancies exist between the texts of the Yuan manuscript and the Ming print is that the former was based on a version which predated the collation done by Huang Bosi 黃伯思 (1079–1119), while the latter postdated it. Moreover, the manuscript which the author discovered in the National Library of China contains prefaces which carries information regarding the fengua-zhiri 分卦直日 method of assigning hexagrams to days of the month. The author then turns to Yilin’s methodology via an examination of the prefaces to the texts and related sources from the Song Period, which reveals at least three possibilities: 1) the I-Ching method for deriving hexagrams using divining sticks; 2) the above mentioned fengua-zhiri method; and 3) a combination of 1) and 2). That being said, since the fengua-zhiri method was specifically discussed during the Song Period, it was probably first proposed at that time in the work’s history, leading the author to conclude that as it is impossible to state definitively what the orthodox divination method of Yilin is, it should be considered as a work outlining a number of different approaches.
著者
北川 香子
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.4, pp.01-033, 2023-03-17

There is a blank period of contemporary historical materials between the Angkor and the post-Angkor periods. The well-known history of this period, from the 14th century to the 16th century, had been edited from the Dynasty Chronicles compiled after the end of the 18th century, inscriptions of the early 14th century and the late 16th century, and Portuguese or Spanish records. The parts not described in those texts have been filled with imagination. In this paper, we reexamine the inscriptions from the 14th to the 17th century and the earlier versions of the Dynasty Chronicles, to ascertain which data were cast aside, which story was derived from guesses when constructing the accepted Cambodian history, and to identify what is definitely written in the above historical materials. The results. 1) The fact that the Angkor Kings do not appear in the Dynasty Chronicles or modern inscriptions suggests the possibility that historical records were not inherited through the blank period. 2) In the late 16th-century inscriptions, the Angkorian sites are given the qualifier “of old Cambodia.” In addition, the King’s inscription refers to the builders of those foundations as “the ancestors of the King,” indicating a recognition that his own royalty was to be traced back to that era. The statements that many “old” statues and buildings were “restored” and that recovering “the old prosperity” through the spread of Buddhism was desirable suggest that there might have been major destruction and confusion, or there might have been a time when Buddhist statues were left unattended. 3) In modern inscriptions, the title of kamrateṅ was not attached to the King’s name but put after the words symbolizing Buddhism. Moreover, a 16th-century inscription contains the word varman in the King’s name. These suggest the possibility that classical knowledge had been handed down to the society’s upper class. 4) The lack of donations of lands and personnel, which were seen in inscriptions up to the 14th century, and the fact that the words prefixed to people’s names to indicate their sex and social status had changed before the 16th century, suggest the structure of society and the economy transformed during the interim period. However, as the gap period lasts as long as two centuries, rapid changes should not necessarily be assumed.
著者
髙村 武幸
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.1, pp.1-31, 2015-06

In the administrative system of ancient China, the decisions were made about various administrative matters and were communicated by means of typical official documents. There are, however, many points that remain unclear about the process whereby decisions were made and the documents that were used during this process. I accordingly examined the administrative decision-making process in local government during the Qin-Han period and the documents that were used during this process.First, I examined administrative matters that required their own decision-making at the county level during the Qin, and as a result I show that the greater part of such matters concerned judicial judgements. It is known that during the process leading up to the county head’s making a decision when judicial and other decisions were made, discussions were held in which several officials would exchange views orally, that is, their views were solicited in a meeting format. But because it is thought that such meetings would have been held by assembling the officials concerned who were under the jurisdiction of the county head, frequent meetings would have interfered with their administrative duties. Accordingly documents were used in lieu of the direct oral expression of views, and in such cases documents with the characteristics of correspondence were used instead of typical official documents. It is to be surmised not only that the “unofficial” nature of correspondence would have been preferred because such documents were used during the process before a final decision was made, but also that another quality of correspondence—as a substitute for direct conversation—would have been favoured as a substitute for meetings and discussions in which views were expressed orally directly to the county head and other officials.In view of the above points, it is to be surmised that during the Qin-Han period a method in which decisions were made after the officials concerned had expressed their views orally was considered desirable in administrative decision-making. This could be described as a remnant of the system in earlier times in which men with the right to speak on political matters gathered to discuss state affairs (jiyi 集議). It has also become clear that documents with the characteristics of correspondence that were used in an administrative context could be regarded as a vestige of the conduct of administration through the medium of the spoken word.
著者
鈴木 直美
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.89, no.4, pp.407-437, 2008-03

The aim of this article is to determine the meaning of the terms “tongju” 同居 and “shiren” 室人 as seen in Shuihudi Qin Slips 睡虎地秦簡 through a comparison with the information regarding household registration in the Liye Qin Slips 里耶秦簡. Such an analysis will hopefully stimulate discussion of the research methods employed in studying household composition under the Qin 秦 dynasty.The specific characteristics of the recording system used for household registries are as follows. One wooden tablet was used for each household and contained all the pertinent records. Separate columns on the tablet were reserved for male/female, adult/minor and household servants. Wives and children were listed with notations identifying the names of their husbands or fathers, thus defining simple family units within the household.The term “wushi” 毋室 in the registries confirms that a member’s name had been removed from their parent’s registry, but does not indicate their present household. These people were like those appearing in the early Han 漢 dynasty Zhangjiashan Han Slips 張家山漢簡, who held rights to arable and residential land and were registered in the order of which they were deregistered from their parents’ households. The tom thus shows that the same system existed during the Qin period and functioned in the same manner.Considering both the writing style of the Qin registries and the procedures for confiscating wives and children to make them wards of the state, the term shiren referred to a simple family unit made up of an adult male, his wife and any minor-aged children, while tongju referred to the cohabitation of two or more adult males within a single household, or the practice of several nuclear family units headed by adult males cohabiting within a single household. These two terms limit the scope of the confiscation of wives and children and the implication of criminal behavior, while also regulating military conscription from a single household. These features all can be interpreted as policies giving precedence to the preservation of household communities.
著者
金 昇來
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.2, pp.1-28, 2021-09-16

Even before the decline of the Qing Dynasty, which began at the turn of the 19th century, there were cases of the construction of access roads in and out of the former British Settlement of Shanghai; then as early as 1869 the ratepayers of the consolidated International Settlement approved the management of “extra-settlement roads” by the Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC). In 1885, with the introduction of a private subscription system, the SMC began collecting monetary dues to pay for various infrastructure projects and law enforcement services beyond the Settlement’s boundary. While this move was initially intended to provide security in this area, the SMC gradually employed the policy to expand its influence outside the Settlement. Through proposal of the special tax of water in 1906, the SMC attempted to bring its private subscription system into the new millennium, by renewing its contract with the Shanghai Waterworks and levying surcharges on existing water rates. The same method was then used in contracting telephone services. On the other hand, the chief executive of the Qing Dynasty’s Shanghai local administration, the Taotai, was not about to recognize any encroachment of foreigner influence beyond the Settlement and thus refused to allow any SMC tax collection outside its border. At the same time, however, the Taotai was forced to recognize the utility of the Settlement’s various infrastructure projects on the periphery, thus approving water supply, while prohibiting the collection of external taxes to pay for them. Nevertheless, these actions did not mean that the SMC’s surcharges were completely eliminated, as the Taotai merely avoided mentioning their existence, resulting in Chinese subjects paying water surcharges to the SMC until 1911, when finally exempted; but the Council continued to collect from foreign residents. However Taotai might recognize all along the fact that the surcharges were still collected even after he banned, so rather than make further action on prohibiting their collection, he no doubt preferred to concentrate on the modernization of local administration in the Chapei region adjoining the Settlement. This is why it was necessary for the Taotai to continue to stress that the northwest suburb of Paoshan prefecture along the Yangtze River was not an open port, but rather a part of the Chinese inland territory, in order to demonstrate his success in preventing the expansion of foreign influence into its inland regions.