著者

八木 啓俊

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.1-28, 2020-09-17

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Due to a dearth of historiographical sources, the analysis of local potentates under the Timurid Dynasty (1370–1507) has been lacking. In the present article, the author takes up the case of one of those potentates, the Mar'ashīs, who set up a Sayyid political regime in the region of Mazandaran on the Caspian Sea in present day northern Iran and compares it with the Badakhshān regime, based on the Timurid chronicles and a local histoty entitled, Tārīkh-i Tabaristān wa Rūyān wa Māzandarān. After his conquest of Māzandarān, Tīmūr (r. 1370–1402) appointed two military figures based in Khurāsān as the governors (dārūgha) of Sārī and Āmul. However, since both dārūghas continued to maintain relations with their bases, Tīmūr attempted to limit their power by demanding military service and political hostages. When the dārūghas rebelled, the Timurids switched to indirect control over Mazandaran through the Mar'ashīs. With the establishment of the 'Alī Sārī regime in 1411/12, the Timurids ordered the Mar'ashīs to submit taxes, although at that point in time Māzandarān was still attempting to recover from the Timurid invasion and thus in no financial position to take on additional tax burdens. After the death of 'Alī Sārī in 1418, the Timurids took advantage of the resulting conflict and division among the Mar'ashīs to raise silk taxes through the promises of local rule to the highest bidder, who turned out to be Murtad ̣ ā. Then provisions pertaining to the taxation of Māzandarān were determined, and these rules would be followed by all succeeding amirs of the Timurid Dynasty. While the Timurid authorities did grant the Mar'ashīs a certain amount of autonomy regarding the administration of their regime and religious affairs, tax collection never wavered on the crucial economic resource of Māzandarān silk. In his comparison of Māzandarān and Badakhshān governance, the author finds similarities between the two concerning frequency of taxation, destinations of taxation, dispatch of tax collectors and military service, while noting a difference in the political status enjoyed by the two regimes at the Timurid court, stemming from the fact of the Badakhshan regime being formed later than the Mar'ashīs', thus resulting in the former's lower status.

著者

渡邊 美樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.63-94, 2020-12-17

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In the research to date on the history of the Liao Dynasty, the reign of Emperor Shengzong 聖宗 (982–1031) is regarded as the turning point in the Dynasty's tribal system, based on the facts that Shengzong 1) reorganized the six nomadic tribes under the leadership of Xiwang 奚王 that had existed since the founding of the Dynasty and 2) formed subjects not of Qidan 契丹 ethnic origin—the Ordo 斡魯朶 people and imperial slaves—into tribes. Since there is no record of any new tribal formation in the Liaoshi 遼史 histories from that time on, Shengzong's reign is regarded as marking the completion of the Dynasty's tribal system. Referred to in the Liaoshi as "Shengzong's thirty-four tribes" (Shengzong Sanshisibu 聖宗三十四部), the research to date has inferred that this tribal collectivity was formed for the specific purposes of firmly establishing a centralized system of governance and expanding the tribal defense forces on the borders, despite the fact that no attempt have yet been made to ascertain the circumstances under which each individual tribe was formed. In order to fill this gap, the present article examines from which tribe each of Shengzong's thirty-four tribes originated through a careful survey of the background and motivation for each tribe's formation. What this survey reveals is the possibility of classifying the thirty-four tribes into two distinct groups: those people already under the Liao rule prior to Shengzong's reign and those people organized on the occasion of the acquisition of human resources in the expeditions during Shengzong's reign. Furthermore, the purposes behind formation varied from tribe to tribe: for example, compensating for population scarcities, accounting for war captives, the restoration of order on the frontier, and appeasing groups of people to submit to Dynasty rule. In other words, Shengzong's thirty-four tribes were not formed collectively under a consolidated policy of political centralization and border defense, but rather formed separately and incrementally in the process of the Liao Dynasty attempting to solve domestic and foreign problems that had arisen during Shengzong's reign. Despite the fact that the research to date has viewed the Liao tribal system as depicted in the Liaoshi as a self-evident conclusion and has avoided any discussion other than the aims of creating the system as a whole, the author concludes that tracing the circumstances of formation tribe-by-tribe casts doubt on the argument of the research to date that Shengzong conceived his own master plan when reorganizing the tribal system. In the future, only careful examination of conditions evolving over time promises to reveal the actual raison d'etre of the tribes formed under the Liao Dynasty.

著者

土肥 歩

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.1, pp.1-29, 2020-06

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The civil disturbances caused by secret societies and discharged military veterans of Guangxi Province from the end of the 19th century into the beginning of the 20th century were further exacerbated by natural disasters, especially the flood and famine from 1901 to 1903. Although much research has paid special attention to these Guangxi civil disturbances to date, the aspect of relief efforts by foreign Protestant missionary societies has not been sufficiently covered. For this reason, the present article attempts to clarify whether or not the disaster relief activities, which were carried out by the Christian and Missionary Alliance (CMA) in Guangxi Province, and by Robert McWade, a Consul General of the United States at Guangzhou, affected the civil disturbances. The author begins by summarizing the actual conditions surrounding the disturbances based on the research to date and the available primary sources, in order to confirm a relationship between civil disturbances and the Renyin Disasters. Next, he describes the famine relief efforts conducted in 1903 by the missionaries of the CMA and McWade's "American Relief Expedition" funded by private voluntary contributions from the United States; then sums up the influence exerted by relief efforts on the evangelical activities of the CMA in Guangxi Province, in general, while focusing specifically on the relationship between famine relief, touted as "humanitarian service" in the US, and the simultaneous efforts by the Cen Chunxuan, the Viceroy of Liangguang to suppress rebellion. The above investigation has led the author to the following two discoveries. First, regarding the relationship between disaster relief and Protestant evangelical activities, as already shown in the existing research, the contribution of the humanitarian efforts carried out by the missionaries of the CMA and diplomats in the midst of the Renyin Disasters can be confirmed. On the other hand, it is also clear that the evangelical efforts conducted by McWade's "Expedition" met with every possible impediment because of the oppositions on the part of local elites. Secondly, due to the intervention of Chinese authorities, the relief campaign was incorporated into the counterinsurgency operations. In more general terms, the author's results demonstrate the necessity of further studying the relationships between internationally organized relief campaigns and intervention in such efforts by Chinese local authorities.

著者

伊藤 光成

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.1-29, 2020-12-17

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The Cao Wei 曹魏 Dynasty was a polity that faced a contradiction between its standing as a bona-fide Chinese dynasty and the reality of the Three Dynasties Period triumvirate. This article examines the idea of an international order envisioned by the Dynasty's founder Emperor Wen 文帝 (Cao Pi 曹丕) and the background to its conceptualization. To begin with, throughout the Later Han Period the relationship between that Dynasty and the peoples on its periphery had changed. In the north, the decline of the Xiongnu 匈奴 saw the rise of the Wuwan 烏丸 and the Xianbei 鮮卑; in the east, there was the establishment of tributary relations with the "Eastern barbarians" (Dongyi 東夷); and in the west, there was a rupture in relations with the kingdoms of the West (Xiyu 西域). Under such circumstances, newly enthroned Emperor Wen decided to follow the precedents set by the diplomacy practiced by an idealized Han Dynasty, focusing on the eras when that Dynasty was most influential in each of the three peripheral regions. Accordingly, in the north, an equestrian nomadic hierarchical order was established placing the emirs of the Wuwan and Xianbei under the Chanyu 單于 of the Xiongnu, as during the reign of Later Han Emperor Shun 順帝; in the east, a system of receiving tribute was set up by giving special treatment to the Gongsun 公孫 Clan regime in Liaodong, which exerted strong influence on such "Eastern barbarian" tribes as the Fuyu 夫餘, in the tradition of Later Han Emperor Guangwu 光武帝; and in the west, Former Han Emperor Yuan's 元帝 Wuji Xiaowei 戊己校尉 military order was reinstituted and Han Dynasty accomplishments in the region compiled, together with efforts to stabilize relations with the region through special treatment of the oasis city state of Jushi Houbuguo 車師後部國, which had caused the original break with the region during the Xin and Later Han Periods. It was in this way that Emperor Wen devoted himself to inheriting the "Han Dynasty international order," although his policies were often at odds with reality. Consequently, it is difficult to conclude that such diplomacy functioned effectively in the midst of uncertainty on all sides of the periphery. That being said, even if not fully in sync with the realities of the situation, there is no doubt that Emperor Wen attempted to gain legitimacy and authority for his Dynasty by assuming a posture of being the successor to the powerful Han Dynasty.

著者

護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.p217-222, 1976-01

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

菅原 純

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.2, pp.279-287, 2004-09

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

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The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion's local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.

著者

酒井 恵子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.463-490, 2006-03

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The Ming-Qing period has been said by many scholars to be a time when literati authors wrote biographies of faithful wives (節婦) who did not remarry after their husbands' deaths and heroic martyrs who committed suicide or were killed in order to preserve their chastity. These actions are also said to have had a close relation to the awarding of government honors for virtuous behavior-jing biao 旌表. However, according to recent studies, those biographies had already begun to proliferate during the Yuan period.Before that time, during the Tang-Song period, the great majority of those who received jing biao were filial sons (孝子); then during the Ming period, faithful wives and heroic martyrs came to occupy the overwhelming majority of the recipients. During the Yuan period, although the majority of the recipients were still filial sons, the number of faithful wives and heroic martyrs were on the increase. Also at the same time, regulations regarding jing biao were changed by the government, which decided to remove from consideration filial children who bled their thighs to provide medicine for sick parents and institute an age qualification for faithful wife candidates.Compared with the Song-Jin period, the stoppage of the civil service examination during the Yuan period reduced the number of officials entering the government and made it more difficult to obtain special privileges. Under such difficult circumstances, jing biao came to attract attention as a means to acquire such privileges; however, it became more and more difficult for filial sons to acquire the honor, as more emphasis was placed on faithful wives, resulting in a sharp increase in applications on behalf of the latter group. On the other hand, the Dynasty's age limitations on faithful wives resulted in jing biao being limited to widows of rich and powerful families.Consequently, the increase in biographies of faithful wives and heroic martyrs during the Yuan period should be considered as reflecting the simultaneous tendency for jing biao candidates to be limited to members of the wealthy classes, who had the wherewithal to pay someone to write their biographies.

著者

佐藤 実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.371-402, 2000-12

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The purpose of this paper is to put into some kind of logical order blockprinted editions of the early Qing period scholar Liu Zhi 劉智's Tian-Fang Dian-Li 天方典禮 and Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu 天方至聖實錄 that were transmitted to Japan and examine the conditions under which the Islamic works written by Muslims of the late Ming / early Qing period were circulated and handed down.The oldest extant edition of Tian-Fang Dian-Li was published by Yang Fei-lu 楊斐菉 in 康煕 49 (1710) and that of Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu was published in Cheng-du 成都 by Huan-chun-tang 還淳堂 in 道光 7 (1827).There are three different extant editions of Tian-Fang Dian-Li: the Tong Guo-xuan, Dian-nan 滇南 and Jiang-zhang-tang 絳帳堂 editions. There was also a Huan-chun-tang edition, as seen in a preface by Huan-chun-tang's Ma Da-en 馬大恩 appearing in the Dian-nan and the Bao-zhen-tang 寶眞堂 Huang-chun-tang edition.There are two different editions of Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu: The Huan-chun-tang and Zhen-jiang Mosque editions. The list of Islamic literature contained in the Tong-zhi 同治 13 / Guang-xu 光緒 1 (1874) printings of the latter is important for knowing about publication of that genre during the late Ming / early Qing period.After many Islamic works written by Muslims at that time were published by Ma Da-en in Cheng-du during the Dao-guang 道光 era (1830s and 40s), similar publication continued during the Tong-zhi era (1860s) in Yunnan 雲南, and then by Yuhaiting 余海亭 in Cheng-du. Therefore, in southeast China, the publication of Islamic books followed a route from Cheng-du to Yunnan, then back to Cheng-du, with Ma Da-en playing the pioneering role.In addition, Islamic works preserved in Zhen-jiang and Guang-dong 広東 became very valuable after the loss of many books due to the Muslim risings of the Tong-zhi era.Finally, the author points out that there is no evidence that the works of Liu-Zhi were published or printed by either the Shan-xi 陝西 or Shan-dong 山東 Schools.

著者

ガン A.v. 護 雅夫

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, 1962-12

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The way of sitting on chairs as high as the knee and the use of tables fitting to it was introduced to China from the West only secondary, Japan refused such an attitude. When the Uigurs lost their "Empire of the Steppe" in Mongolia, and founded a kingdom at Ko-ch'o 高昌 (to-day: Turfan-oasis, Eastern-Turkistan) in the middle of the 9th century, they changed from semi-nomad life to the way of the agrarian and towns-building people of their new country. From the wall-paintings and miniatures of Ko-ch'o may be recognized, which attitude the Uigurs adopted, what was looked at by them as dignified, and what as mean; how they behaved in reverence and how in leisure.On those pictures we see the difference between noblemen and simple people (1), the former's hair hung loose and they bound their caps by a red ribbon under the chin. The people (2) arranged the hair on the back of the head by fastening it with a thin material or a dark cap; this cap was bounded by a ribbon, the loose ends of which hung down into the neck. Only the belts of the aristocracy (1, 11) were adorned with pendants. To have the feet bare was only the way of hard working people (3). Even the feet of the Buddha were covered with sandals (4), otherwise unknown among the Uigurs.Chairs were only used as lecturing desk (5), not in common life. Reading was done in putting the book on the lower left arm, a finger of the right one following the lines (see again 5, right side). Or, a book was put on a low stand with crossed shelves (6, middle). For writing, a pad was put on the crossed legs of a person (see again 6, right, down), or a low little table was put in front (7). In all these cases, people would sit crossed-legged. But that was just an attitude of the clergy. Sitting easy was usually done on the floor, esp. on a little carpet so as to kneel and sit on the lower legs (8 and 9). In working or in attendance, people would kneel with one leg, the foot of the other one flat on the ground (10), so as to be able and jump up quickly if required. Deep reverence was not so much shown by the attitude of the whole body, but particularly by that of the hands. In front of the Buddha, a man would stand upright or sit easy, a woman and a monk would likewise stand upright (11) or kneel upright. To offer something, a man or a woman had to cover the own hand, but a monk might touch the gift by his hand (12).As a sign of complete submissiveness, and as a sign to have no weapons at hand, people would in front of the Buddha clasp the palms of the hands together, the top of the fingers turned up (again 9). Or they would put the hands into the mouth of the sleeves (again 11). Still unexplained remains the meaning of a long flower-twig in the hands of a donator in front of the Buddha, very much too heavy as to be cast on him in reverence (13). Not infrequent, those twigs are just painted across the breast and by the side of the donator's head, without being hold with the hand (again 11).So, we see, the Uigurs at the time of their Kingdom at Ko-ch'o did not adopt the Chinese way of sitting on chairs, but remained on the floor, on mats and small carpets.

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.111-118, 1972-06

著者

石塚 晴通

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1~4, pp.33-61, 1985-03

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It is well-known that the texts of the Nihonshoki owned by the Iwasaki-Bunko, which include the use of diacritic marks are the oldest texts of this kind, but there are few papers written about the compounding marks “gōfu” 合符 used with characters. In the texts there are two types of compounding marks. One was marked between two characters in the middle and the other was marked between two characters on the left. These compounding marks were based not on Chinese but on Japanese. The ones marked in the middle indicated a single Japanese word, and the ones on the left indicated two Japanese words in the 10th century.

著者

小池 求

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.567-592, 2010-03

著者

太田 敬子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.027-054(109~136), 1992-01

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The Jarājima (Mαρδαϊται in Greek), were a native group of the Amanus mts. in western Thughūr, the borderland between the Arab and the Byzantine power. This article will examine the character of the Jarājima, their activities in the Arabo-Byzantine conflicts and the policies of these Great Powers toward them, in order to reconstruct the history of Thughūr in the early Islamic period. The Jarājima concluded a very advantageous peace treaty with the Muslims, but they did not refrain from their insurgency against the Muslims in the mountainous region and from cooperating with the Byzantine Army. Their activity had great influence on the Arabo-Byzantine peace treaties. In addition, they played an important role in the anti-Muslim movements by the indigenous peoples in Syria. Finally, the Jarājima were driven out from their country by the Muslims, emigrating into Byzantine or Muslim territory.It should be confirmed that they were an armed portion of the indigenous people of the Amanus region, which controlled the passes there, and lived on compensation for maintaining garrisons, or by trade and plunder. Up until the diaspora throughout Byzantine and Muslim territory, they had been autonomous of any governing organization. This is a situation peculiar not only to the Jarājima, but also the other communities in the Thughūr region.We can find two underlying principles for the policy of the Muslims concerning the Jarājima: conciliation with some concessions and removal from the Amanus region and Muslim territory. Meanwhile, the Byzantine empire utilized of the Jarājima as a native army fighting against the Muslims. But, the Byzantines recognized them only as irregular, temporary soldiers on the periphery outside the borders. There was great contrast between the policy of the Muslims and that of the Byzantines, but the both seem to have considered the Jarājima as a people outside their political and strategic organization proper. This may be related with the ethnic character of the Jarājima.The movement of the indigenous peoples and the changes that occurred in their societies seem to have exerted a great influence on the establishment of Muslim rule in Thughūr. The history of the Jarājima shows the special character of that social change in that region of the era, and is therefore important as an excellent example of general change brought about by the expansion of the Muslims.

著者

深沢 宏

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.113-130, 1971-06

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.1・2, pp.055-061(102~108), 1992-01

著者

榎 一雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.p76-80, 1974-06

著者

田頭 賢太朗

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.61-91, 2020-03

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This article examines the characteristic features of the Jinwuwei 金吾衞 Regiment, one of the Twelve Imperial Guards (Shi’erwei 十二衞) units in China’s Southern Command (Nanya 南衙) system from the viewpoint of its relationship to the military command authority of the Tang Period Emperors. The author’s findings are as follows. First, the Jinwuwei was integrated into the emperor’s military command and was the Imperial Guard unit that functioned to activate that authority. This special character of the Jinwuwei stems from the “yuhou” 虞候 military system of the Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang periods. Yuhou were the units responsible for reconnaissance and sentry duty, as well as command and leadership of forces in the field, supporting the authority of the high command by implementing its military law. The author argues that the Jinwuwei was an Imperial Guard unit acting in the role of yuhou under the command of the Tang Emperors. Secondly, the Jinwuwei, with the principle of yuhou at its core, was originally formed based on the concepts underlying the nomadic military organization of Xianbei 鮮卑, resembling the Mongolian pastoral bureaucracies of yūrtchī and bulārghūchī, demonstrating, in the author’s view, one occurrence of the nomadic elements which existed within the Sui and Tang Dynasty bureaucracies. Based on these findings, the author concludes that the military command authority of the Tang Emperors was intimately related to the Jinwuwei in the capacity of a yuhou unit, which was mobilized in order to deploy the whole Twelve Imperial Guards under the command of the Emperor. Moreover, the workings of military command authority in general—for example in the case of a special expeditionary force (hangjun 行軍) and regional military governors (jiedushi 節度使)—were similarly based on the yuhou system with its Xianbei nomadic character. From the above findings it is inferred that the Twelve Imperial Guards including the Jinwuwei retained the character of hangjun units under the Emperor’s military command.

著者

深川 真樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.1-29, 2020-03

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The Pupils of Academicians (Boshi-Dizi 博士弟子) System, which was instituted in 124 BCE and the Imperial Institute of Learning (Taixue 太學), the highest seat of learning in ancient China dating back to the Zhou Dynasty, have been generally regarded as comprising one unified body. However, it remains uncertain whether the former was initially integrated with the latter, because neither of the documents relating to the establishment of the Boshi-Dizi System, Emperor Wu’s (Wudi 武帝) imperial edict and Gongsun Hong’s 公孫弘 petition, mention the Taixue, and Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史記), a contemporary work of historiography, contains no information indicating any such initial integration. This article considers the integration of the two institutions mainly from the perspective of the history of thought, beginning with an attempt to confirm the plan and aim of the initial Boshi-Dizi System. Next the author compares them with ideas about the Taixue which existed since antiquity and shows a significant departure between the two. This is followed by the introduction of Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒 concept of the Taixue, raising the possibility that although the Boshi-Dizi System adopted Dong’s ideas in part, it was initially an attempt to expand the existing institutions. Then the author turns to the subject of when and how the two institutions were eventually integrated, assuming integration occurred during the reigns of Emperors Yuan and Cheng (Yuandi 元帝 and Chengdi 成帝; 49–7 BCE), which were marked by institutional reform of the Han court along the lines of Confucian ideas. The author concludes by arguing that the integration should occupy an important place in the history of the growth of Confucianism because of its primary role in the establishment a “new” Han Taixue grounded in the study of the Confucian classics.