著者

伊藤 匠平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.2, pp.01-08, 2021-09-16

著者

根無 新太郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.1-27, 2018-03

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There were two types of military force used to suppress rebellions during the late Qing period: bing (兵), or regular troops consisting of the Green Standard Army and the Eight Banners, and yong (勇), or temporary volunteer troops organized into Yongying (勇營), mainly under governors-general and governors, in addition to tuanlian (團練) units on the village level. In Zhili (直隸) Province during the outbreak of the White Lotus Rebellion of the 1860s, bing, yong and tuanlian forces were deployed together to quell the insurrection, but the lack of discipline on the part of the bing-yong troops during the operation merely added to the civil unrest caused by the Rebellion. The Qing Court, in consideration of the effects of the worsening law and order on the capital of Beijing, reorganized the Green Army at the hands of the governor-general of Zhili in order to strengthen the government’s control, thus leading to the formation of Zhili Lianjun (直隸練軍).However, after the outbreak of the Nian Rebellion led to the further deterioration of law and order in Zhili Province, and as it became necessary to reinforce Zhili Lianjun with Yongying, the Court designed a new capital defense plan under which Yongying were deployed to limited areas, including southern and coastal areas of Zhili, either far away from Beijing or at the spot of the actual fighting, while Zhili Lianjun was stationed around Peking. This new capital defense plan was partly based on the Court’s, especially its Board of War’s (Bingbu 兵部), suspicion of Yongying, which included former rebels who had surrendered, and were thus deemed untrustworthy to serve around the Capital. This suspicion was further deepened due to the fact that Yongying also served as the governors-generals’ militia. As well, the Board of War had intervened several times during the establishment of Zhili Lianjun, owing to its concern over its close relationship with the governor-general of Zhili. The author takes up the Board as an excellent example of how the center’s attitudes toward the periphery began to change during the late Qing period.

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1・2, pp.191-198, 1983-01

著者

黒澤 直道

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.33-65, 2020-09-17

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The Naxi ethnic group in southwest China is famous for its peculiar pictographic scripts—Dongba Scripts. For many years, scholars thought that Dongba scripts were only used for Dongba religious texts, which were chanted by Dongba priests in their religious ceremonies; few Dongba scripts were used for other purposes. However, in areas less influenced by the Han Chinese cultures, such as the Naxi neighborhood in the Diqing Prefecture, Yunnan province, it was found that some Dongba scripts were used for non-religious purposes. In this paper, the author describes the reading sounds in the Naxi language and the Japanese interpretation of The Genealogy of the Xi Family written in Dongba scripts, found in the Naxi township of Diqing Prefecture, and compares them with other texts of the Naxi genealogy. Generally, Dongba scripts are written in rectangular handmade papers. Pictographic scripts are divided into frames and are laid out in one frame almost freely. Seen from the sequence of frames, Dongba scripts are basically horizontal text. In The Genealogy of the Xi Family, handmade papers are also used in rectangular style, but the scripts are written in vertical lines. This is not the ordinary writing style found in Dongba scripts. A possible explanation would be that it has the influence of the Han Chinese writing style. In the first part of The Genealogy of the Xi Family, the ancestors' names are basically identical to the names in other texts of the Naxi genealogy, but some names have unique features, which will aid in the understanding of the variation of names in other texts of the genealogy. After the second part, few names given on the father-child principle are found, which are characteristic in other texts of the Naxi genealogy. On the other hand, several constituents, like word prefixes, are found in some of the Xi ancestors' names. Because this feature can also be found in some names of the ancestors in other texts of the Naxi genealogy, it is hoped to give a clue that reveals social changes of the time, such as the process of unification from several tribal groups. By considering these features of genealogies, the author points out that the discovery and examination of non-religious texts of the Naxi may help to clarify the condition of their society in the pre-modern times.

著者

佐藤 健太郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.98-100, 2019-03

著者

松浦 晶子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.1-29, 2018-12

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This article attempts to clarify the realities of Song Dynasty court music in terms of music history rather than as part of scientific, intellectual, or political history. It focuses on changes to the form of chime bells (bianzhong)—the core court music instrument—discussed in great detail by Northern Song Dynasty bureaucrats, and analyzes their musical significance. Since pre-Qin times, chime bells had a form that featured rows of studs or bosses on the bells’ surface that served to deaden reverberations. Their sides were flattened, and they were hung at an angle. Consequently, the bells had little sustained and in musical performance did not blend in with the other instruments. However, during Northern Song Emperor Renzong’s reign (r. 1022-1063), the official charged with reforming music institutions, Li Zhao, altered the instrument by making bells rounder and hanging them straight down. This changed their sound. The notes now lingered much longer and the sound became one that shrouded those of the other instruments. Two of Li’s successors, Tuan Yi and Hu Yuan, made further alterations of the same sort. They also changed the sizes of the bells. While the sizes of individual bells since pre-Qin times had varied, Tuan and Hu now divided them into two size-based classes and changed individual bell size so they roughly conformed to one or the other class. Some previous research on these instruments has been skeptical about these changes, wondering if they had made the bells impossible to play as musical instruments. However, it is clear from the historical record that—regardless of whether those made by Li or those made by Tuan and Hu are the subject—these changes were made with due consideration given to the bells’ musical function. The true significance of these alterations is that they indicate there was a change in the elements that comprise music, namely rhythm, harmony, and melody; namely, they show that the role of the bell-chimes in the musical performance as a whole had changed. We may surmise that the musical sensibility of people during Song had changed in a way that would have been unacceptable going back to pre-Qin times, and that this was accompanied by a major change in the musical landscape of court music.

著者

小松 久男

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.3・4, pp.292-299, 1991-03

著者

板橋 暁子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.1-31, 2015-12

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The evolvement of an imperial Chinese ruling structure comprised of territories and subjects completely integrated politically, legally and ideologically into junxian 郡県 administrative districts (neichen 内臣) and territories and people governed by foreign heads of state swearing political and ideological allegiance to China (waichen 外臣) has been studied focusing mainly on the Han China's aristocratic (feudal) and bureaucratic institutions. In contrast, the author of the present article is of the opinion that the research to date has not sufficiently explored 1) statements and writings of individuals that may offer clues to changes occurring in perceptions concerning China's "nei" and "wai" in general and 2) specifically, the unique view of "the world" (tianxia 天下) adopted during the early years of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, when the gap between ideals and realities the concerning "the world" had become greater than ever before. Consequently, this article is an attempt to point the research in a new direction by analyzing three pieces of correspondence recorded in the Jinshu 晋書 of the biography regarding Murong Wei 慕容廆 (350-385). These letters clearly reveal an attempt on the part of high level court officials and "protectors of the realm" (fanping 藩屏) to redefine the geopolitical distinction between "nei" and "wai"and to revise the Han Chinese view of "the world." The author makes the following three points in this respect.1. The first two letters (A & B) written by Murong Wei and members of his entourage argue that from the standpoint of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the territory ruled by the Murong kings clearly lies "beyond ["wai"] its borders;" therefore, Murong Wei should be considered as a legitimate non-imperial family feudal king. 2. The fact that Letters A and B were specifically addressed to Tao Kan (259-334), the renowned Jin Dynasty military commander and provincial governor, was, according to the author, due to Tao's southern (nanren 南人) origins and his lack of support compared to northern enthusiasts,"beiren 北人,"for the Eastern Jin's official "world" view aiming at the recapture of northern China and the re-establishment of the former social structure. 3. In the third letter (C), Tao does affirm Letter B's argument for the infeudation of the King of Yan (Murong), but on the basis that his realm constitutes "nei" within the Jin Dynasty's "world." Based on the gap between the ideal of the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the de facto rule exercised in northern China by the Murong royal family, Tao's compromising attitude is in effect both anti-official and non-traditional in character. As a matter of fact, both the Murong royal family and nanren Chinese were considered as "peripheral" within the beiren Han Chinese order envisioned by the Jin Dynasty. From the arguments and responses to them appearing in the three letters dealt with in this article, the author detects a new imperial integration framework appearing simultaneously with the decline of the dynasty a core for the purpose of linking peripheral elements institutionally similar in service and allegiance to its core.

著者

中村 淳

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3, pp.p229-259, 1994-03

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The disputes between one sect of Taoism Quan-zhen-jiao (全真教) and the Zen sect (禅宗) of Buddhism arose three times in the reign of the Emperor Möngke. According to the Zhi-yuan-bian-wei-lu (至元辯偽録) compiled by a Buddhist monk which have been regarded as the only relevant literature, it is reported that these disputes ended in a victory for Buddhism. As the result of examining relevant parts of a report of mission composed by William of Rubruck and a Tibetan chronicle Hu-lan-deb-ther, we have found that Möngke supervised several disputes among Buddhism, Christianity and Islam in Qara-qorum. The first and the second disputes between Taoism and Buddhism form a through process because the two disputes were supervised by Möngke in Qara-qorum.The third dispute between Taoism and Buddhism was supervised by Qubilai at Kai-ping-fu (開平府) in 1258. Qubilai was ordered to rule China by Möngke in 1251 and intended to exclude Quan-zhen-jiao from the administration of China, for this sect absorbed the intellectuals who had nowhere to go after the suspension of ke-ju (科挙) and participated in politics of North China. This dispute was performed as a major ceremonial function for the sake of Qubilai's manifestation. At this time, Qubilai also ordered a young Tibetan Buddhist monk 'Phags-pa to take part as the main disputant. At Qubilai's accession at Kai-ping-fu in 1260 ʻPhags-pa was appointed as State Preceptor guo-shi (国師). Qubilai appointed ʻPhags-pa who didn't have any base in China as the highest priest of the empire and obstructed the rise of the Zen sect in the place of Quan-zhen-jiao, which was similarly a refuge for the intellectuals. Thus a new and full-scale Mongol Empire come to start in China.

著者

西 英昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.35-36, 2019-09

著者

大澤 正昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.72-74, 2018-09

著者

斉 会君

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.1, pp.1-31, 2018-06

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This article is an attempt to confirm the chronology of the four official state documents (guoshu 國書) issued by the Tang emperor to the Kirghiz ruler during the Huichang 會昌 Era (841-846), then analyze the process by which they were drafted. The Huichang Era was a time marked by a transition from Uighur to Kirghiz rule in Mongolia, a development which the Tang Dynasty had to heed with caution, leading to the drafting and issuance of state documents, the process of which is described in part in the extant historiography. Despite the importance of this event in the study of Tang period diplomatics, the related sources have yet to be analyzed in detail. The four documents of state in question were issued to the Kirghiz in the following order: 1) “To the King of the Kirghiz” 25th -30th day of the 2nd month of Huichang 3 (843); 2) “To the Qaghan of the Kirghiz” during the 3rd month of Huichang 3 (843); 3), “To the Qaghan of Kirghiz” during the following 6th month; and 4) “To the Kirghiz” during the 2nd month of Huichang 4 (844).An analysis of the Chinese renditions of the name “Kirghiz” reveals that diplomatic letters brought by the Kirghiz envoys were not written in Chinese, but rather written either in Turk-runic presented orally, then translated into Chinese by official translators of the Imperial Secretariat (Zhongshu-sheng 中書省) before being submitted to the emperor. During the late Tang Period, imperial orders for the drafting of documents of state would be directed to either chancellors, drafters of proclamations (Zhizhigao 知制誥), Secretariat clerks (Zhongshu Sheren 中書舍人), or scholars of the Hanlin 翰林 Imperial Academy. When the chancellor was ordered to draft a document of state, he would receive an imperial directive to that effect, then make a draft based on the result of other ministers’ conference with the foreign diplomats concerned, resulting in a manuscript that would be submitted to the emperor; and in the case of the documents sent to the Kirghiz, the original manuscripts were authored by de facto Chancellor Li Deyu 李德裕 (according to his collected works Huichang Yipin Ji 會昌一品集) and rewritten with amendments proposed by Emperor Wuzong 武宗 himself, before being issued to the Kirghiz.

著者

彌永 信美

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.39-41, 2018-03

著者

辻 大地

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.454-430, 2017-03

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This article discusses the influence of the suspension of local autonomy by Yuan Shikai (袁世凱) in February 1914, focusing on the irrigation project in Jiangnan (江南). As the summer of that year was marked by drought through Jiangsu (江蘇省) province, an irrigation project involving dredging and so on had to be conducted in both the Jiangnan and Jiangbei (江北) regions. After the suspension of local autonomy, the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau (Jiangnan Shuili Ju 江南水利局) was established to bring the project into effect, which marks the starting point for this article's examination of local government administration at that time. A part of the research done to date suggests that, after the Third Revolution (第三革命), the provincial assemblies were revived, but local autonomy on the prefectural level was not restored, as the prefectural administrators (xian zhishi 県知事) strengthened their power by continuing to deny local autonomy. However, the author of this article has found that the irrigation project, conducted as one facet of governance at the local level in Jiangnan, were operated as before by the local gentry, in cooperation with authorities such as prefectural administrators and the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau. In the amidst of political instability after the Xinhai Revolution (辛亥革命), the Beijing (北京) government found itself in fiscal difficulties, and was forced to rely in part on capital funds raised at the local level not only for such public works as the irrigation project, but also for the maintenance of law and order by armed vigilance committees (tuanfang 団防). Consequently, although reforms in legal institutions were carried out from the top down by the central government, public works at the local level still depended as before on local autonomy. In the case of Jiangnan in 1914–15, the importance of the role played by the prefectural gentry in basic echelons of society at the local level continued to be recognized, while the authorities―the prefectural administrators, who had taken on the role of the prefectural administrators in Dynastic China (zhouxian guan 州県官)―were crucial in the affairs of local governance. That being said, after the suspension of local autonomy, the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau that was established in Suzhou (蘇州) brought together the prefectural gentry. Therefore, although the importance of provincial level administrative offices did increase from that time on, the prefectural gentry still continued to play a very important role in local governance.

著者

崎川 隆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.2, pp.145-153, 2008-09

著者

崎川 隆

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.2, pp.145-153, 2008-09

著者

蒲 豊彦

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.4, pp.471-490, 2007-03

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The twentieth century saw a turning point in the colonial regime, at which time the administrator of British India changed the government’s policy orientation from orientalism to reformism. In the area of education, the orientalist-anglicist controversy was one of highlights of this transformation. In an attempt to break the deadlock in the controversy, Charles Edward Trevelyan (l807-86), a fervent anglicist, forced the orientalists into an 1834 debate regarding the application of the Roman alphabet to vernacular languages in India. Basing his “for” argument on the necessity of popular education, he cited the universality of the Roman alphabet, several of its merits, and its benevolent effect on popular education. In addition, he related romanization to the formation of a genre of national literature and the cultural unification of the Indian people, saying, “Indian vernaculars and its literature will be enriched by supplies of words and ideas derived from English.”As for the orthography of the Roman letters to be applied, Trevelyan abandoned the system created by John Borthwick Gilchrist, which was close to the standard at that time, in favor of that created by William Jones. Trevelyan said that Jones’ scheme was more systematic and applicable to languages all over the world. Trevelyan’s well-known inclination towards modern rationality and universality is clearly evident on this point.This controversy over English education was basically put to an end the following year by a memorandum written by Thomas Babington Macaulay, making the anglicists the victors. Thereafter, however, the Romanization project did not take off, for two reasons: 1) the controversy over Romanization was only one part of the English education debate, and 2) despite Trevelyan’s plan being based on the promotion of popular education, educational administrators in British India chose not to pursue that direction after 1835.

著者

髙村 武幸

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.1-35, 2022-12-16

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It is widely known that there are “two-line” (lianghang 兩行) slips among bamboo and wooden slips from the Han period. Among these “two-line” slips dating from the second half of the Former Han and unearthed in the Hexi 河西 region, there exist two types: one type has a ridge down the centre of the writing surface which divides the two lines, while the other type has a flat surface with no ridge. However, in the past there has been no examination of this difference. In this article, I focus primarily on the “two-line” slips among the Dunhuang 敦煌 Han slips, unearthed in former Dunhuang Commandery in Hexi, and compare them with the “two-line” slips among the Juyan 居延 Han slips unearthed in former Zhangye 張掖 Commandery, also in Hexi. By this means, I clarify the fact that there exist various differences, starting with the shape of slips of the same type, between regions and government offices, and I also gain leads for adding further depth to research so that it extends to regional differences between slips. There was found a clear-cut difference between the Dunhuang Han slips, which include roughly the same number of “two-line” slips with a ridge and without a ridge, and the Juyan Han slips, which include almost no “two-line” slips with a ridge. In the case of the Xuanquan 懸泉 Han slips from Dunhuang, wood from the tamarisk (hongliu 紅柳; Tamarix ramosissima) is used in more than 70% of the “two-line” slips with ridges, and few of them have been made from spruce (song 松; Picea neoveitchii or Picea crassifolia), used in many of the “two-line” slips without a ridge. In addition, the “two-line” slips with ridges are narrower than those without a ridge. In view of these facts, it is to be surmised that in order to make effective use of the branches of the tamarisk, which, properly speaking, are unsuitable for making “two-line” slips because they are comparatively narrow, and produce “two-line” slips, the branches were processed in the same way as “two-line” bamboo slips so as to add ridges to them. It was for this reason that regional differences in shape arose among slips of the same type. When one examines the reasons for these differences, it is to be surmised that differences in regional conditions lay behind them. That is to say, the Juyan region belonged to Zhangye Commandery, where a transportation route had been established to the Qilian 祁連 Mountains where spruce suitable for making wide “two-line” slips were produced, whereas Dunhuang Commandery did not have a large supply of spruce because it was a long way from the Qilian Mountains and use could not be made of transportation by water or some other means.

著者

梅村 坦

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.1, pp.105-111, 1997-06

著者

栗山 保之

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.2, pp.199-224, 2008-09

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The trade conducted across the Red Sea between the Arabian Peninsula and the African continent is known to have flourished from the middle of the tenth until the late fifteenth century, at which time the Portuguese began making inroads into the Indian Ocean. The research to date on the Red Sea trade has considered it from such different viewpoints as the merchants involved, modes of trade and trade routes; however, the articles of trade, a subject of vital importance in any examination of trade, have not been adequately examined. Consequently, in this article the author considers the Red Sea trade during the thirteenth century by examining the goods that were exported from Egypt to Yemen at that time.The discussion is based on Nūr al-Maʻārif fī Nuẓum wa Qawānīn wa Aʻrāf al Yaman fī al-ʻAhd al- Muẓaffarī al-Wārif, a collection of documents pertaining to tax administration compiled during the reign of the second Rasūlid sultan, a1-Muẓaffar Yūsuf b. ʻUmar (r. 647-94/1249-95), analyzing a section entitled “Goods arriving from the regions of Egypt,” containing documents relating to the customs house at the port of ʻAdan, listing in great detail the numerous goods that were being brought to Yemen from Egypt at the time and clarifying a number of points in connection with the classification of goods, kinds of goods (extiles and non-textiles), the localities where they were produced, from where they were shipped, distribution routes, and the maritime merchants who were involved.