著者

平松 明日香

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.3, pp.1-28, 2016-12

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In the research to date on the Later Han Dynasty, the Dowager Empress Deng’s (鄧太后) regency has been characterized as an era in which eunuchs rose to power at Court. However, alliances between eunuch and imperial in-laws in such practices as influence peddling for court appointments (選挙請託) became ingrained during the era of Emperor An’s (安帝) direct rule and the regency of Dowager Empress Yan (閻太后). As this period has not been duly noted due to its short duration, the author of this article examines it by focusing on imperial in-laws, eunuchs and literati bureaucrats, in an attempt to explain the reasons for the rise of the eunuchs at that time.The author begins with an investigation of two imperial in-law clans, the Gengs (耿) and the Yans (閻), discussing their family pedigrees, court appointments and influence they exercised at Court. The article then moves to the main question of the rise of the eunuchs and its various causes. To begin with, criticism of the governance during the regency of Dowager Empress Deng and the infiltration of the Deng Clan into the bureaucracy are discussed as factors. The author concludes the eunuchs in this period first gained influence at Court through the drafting and transfer of documents, before forming their affiliations with court in-laws. Then, regarding the political participation of eunuchs under the direct imperial rule of Emperor An, the author raises examples in order to show the motivation behind the Emperor and his in-laws coming to regard the eunuchs as indispensable.This is followed by an examination of the literati bureaucrats in office during the reign of Emperor An and the regency of Empress Dowager Yan. First, the author confirms the fact that a certain number of Deng Clan bureaucrats managed to retain their appointments during the reign of Emperor An, then shows that the Emperor resisted this move by summoning bureaucrats opposed to the Deng Clan to his side, as evidenced by the large anti-Deng character of the Office of Palace Writers (Shangshu 尚書). Finally, the author shows that this trend continued even during Empress Dowager Yan’s regency, when reaction arose to the deposing of the Heir Apparent, and the Yan Clan was unsuccessful in building friendly relations with bureaucrats, bringing about even heavier dependence upon the eunuchs. The author concludes that accelerated participation by the eunuchs in politics during the reign of Emperor An and the regency of Empress Dowager Yan marked an important era of transition in the history of the Later Han Dynasty.

著者

豊岡 康史

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.4, pp.469-476, 2008-03

著者

原 實

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.3・4, pp.01-07(432~438), 1994-03

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.536-562, 2006-03

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Maṣlaḥa, which is translated as public interest or common good, has been one of the major topics in the study of Islamic legal theory since the beginning of the 20th century, and today, is attracting the attention of scholars interested in “publicness,” or the nature of a community of people as a whole. However, the original meaning of maṣlaḥa is merely “interest” or “good,” and how it developed into the term for “public interest” or “public good” has not been clearly investigated. The present article discusses the legal theory of Abū al-Ḥusayn al-Baṣrī (d. 1044), a Mu‘tazili theologian and attempts to show that in his ideas we can see the germination of the usage of maṣlaḥa in the sense of public interest or public good in the Islamic world.In al-Baṣrī’s ideas, maṣlaḥa is principally used merely in its original sense of “interest,” but he divides the meaning into two types: one that receives praise from God as one of His followers, the other that does not involve praise nor blame from God. The former is almost synonymous with the legal rules derived from revealed sources of law, such as Qur’ān, Sunna, Ijmāʻ and Qiyās, and regarding them, he argues vehemently against the use of maṣlaḥa as ratio legis, for this maṣlaḥa is what we can gain through speculation and is not determined by human reason. This maṣlaḥa can be interpreted as sharī‘a, which God revealed to men as their public interest or common good.The latter meaning is used interchangeably with other Arabic words, such as naf‘ and manfa‘a, which also mean “interest” principally. He says that we are able to understand this maṣlaḥa through reason and can use it as the basis for judging something or some action to be good and permissible. The significance of his ideas about maṣlaḥa lies in these two separate usages; and the author concludes from this that this double meaning paved the way for maṣlaḥa to play a prominent role in legal theory, by providing later scholars with a hint to use maṣlaḥa as the basis of their own legal speculations.

著者

斯波 義信

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.66-70, 2018-09

著者

西 英昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.33-40, 2018-09

著者

上野 雅由樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.2, pp.262-268, 2006-09 (Released:2018-08-22)

著者

窪添 慶文

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.3, pp.301-308, 2006-12

著者

新免 康

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.61-63, 2017-09

著者

村上 正和

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.1-29, 2017-06

著者

蓮田 隆志

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.234-210, 2017-09

著者

持田 洋平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.31-57, 2017-06

著者

大久保 翔平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.147-176, 2017-09

著者

上野 愛実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.208-184, 2017-09

著者

柳谷 あゆみ

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.118-91, 2017-06

著者

山下 将司

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.2, pp.173-203, 2003-09

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The Xuanwumen incident (玄武門の変) which occurred in A.D. 626 involved Prince Lishimin 李世民 killing his brother Jiancheng 建成, the crown prince of the Tang 唐 dynasty, and coercing his father Liyuan 李淵, the first emperor of the dynasty, to relinquish the throne. This incident is usually regarded as either sibling rivalry or a court dispute over the title of crown prince and has been considered to have had no influence on the political structure of the dynasty. Therefore, the recent research has not taken into consideration the concerned parties in the incident. For example, there were a number of natives of Shangdong 山東 among Lishimin's retainers, particularly natives of Qiji 斉済 (Qijun 斉郡 and Jibeijun 済北郡 of the Sui 隋 period). They had been affiliated with Limi 李密, a revolutionary at the end of the Sui period. After Limi's defeat, they came to serve the Tang dynasty under Lishimin. It was Fangxuanling 房玄齢 (the right hand man of Lishimin and the ringleader of the Xuanwumen incident) who organized this group under Lishimin. Fang was a member of the Qinghefang family (清河房氏), which had been influential in the Qiji area since the 460s and had continuously produced many regional officials of the Qiji area during the Sui period. Furthermore, Limi's right hand man was also of Fang's lineage. It can be said that the natives of the Qiji area who were once active under Limi formed a strong group supporting Lishimin under the direction of Fang.Meanwhile, Emperor Liyuan began to disperse Lishimin's group and organize his retainers into the Twelve Guanzhong Armies (関中十二軍) as a countermeasure against the Turks (突厥) in A.D. 625. It was a move to transfer the central force of the Tang dynasty from his second son's retinue to his own. The Xuanwumen incident broke out when antagonism between the emperor and his son reached a climax as the result of a collision between two disparate power bases.

著者

小澤 一郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.3, pp.354-329, 2013-12

著者

樋口 秀実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.1, pp.27-53, 2011-06

著者

樋口 秀実

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.1, pp.27-53, 2011-06

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The present article discusses the erection in July 1940 of the "National Temple of the Sun Goddess," dedicated to Amaterasu Okami 天照大神, in order to discover its contribution to the psychological integration of the new state's citizenry. Some research already exists on the process of the Temple's erection and its significance, which emphasizes such points as since the Temple was erected to worship the Sun Goddess, it was for all intents and purposes merely an attempt to import Japan's state Shinto religion into Manchukuo. The discussion then turns to the extent to which Japan was determined to "religiously infiltrate" Manchuria. The author argues on the contrary that the fact of the Temple being erected as a national place of religious worship makes it necessary to raise the question of to what extent it furthered the spiritual integration of the new nation. Manchukuo being a state created almost overnight by the Japanese Guandong Army, it was divided with the memory of political events and trends of the previous Three-Provincial Government regime. Another point is how Manchukuo intended to deal with the state's multi-ethnic population. Therefore, a plan for psychological integration by raising national identity and consciousness must have been an important issue for stabilizing the governance of the new state. It is in this vein that the author reexamines the process of erecting the Temple and its significance, while asking the questions 1) why a national temple worshipping Japan's Sun Goddess would be deemed appropriate in the light of ethnic cooperation being cited as the original rationale for state formation, 2) how much success did the Temple have in national psychological integration, and 3) if unsuccessful, what was its significance in terms of church and state issues. The Temple was erected for two reasons. The first stemmed from attempts by the imperial court's interests in Manchukuo to strengthen the imperial authority of Puyi, and the second from attempts by Japanese bureaucrats in the Manchukuo government to gain a greater say in political affairs vis-à-vis the Guandong Army. These two civil-political forces were interested in subordinating the Army to the authority of the Emperor of Manchukuo and limiting its level of intervention in the state's political process, by turning the spirit of Japan's deep military allegiance to the emperor against the Army in making the Sun Goddess, the founding ancestor of Japan's imperial family, also the founder and guardian spirit of Manchukuo. From his analysis of the political backdrop on which the Temple was erected, the author concludes that the event made no significant contribution to the psychological integration of the Manchukuo nation. The Temple, which was where Puyi placed the sacred mirror which he brought from Japan as the symbol of his imperial authority, was, nevertheless, unable to play the role as Manchukuo's equivalent of Japan's Ise Shrine.

著者

河野 六郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3, pp.p257-279, 1978-03