著者

中村 圭爾

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3・4, pp.285-320, 1980-03

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The inscription buried in the grave of Liu Tai 劉岱 in Nan-ch’i 南斉 era was excavated in Chiang-su 江蘇 Province in 1969. This inscription gave full detail of the marital relations of Liu Tai. The purpose of this study is to discuss the characteristic features of marriage during the Southern Dynasties through a description of marriage as described in this inscription, and to relate this marital mode to the aristocracy of the Southern Dynasties.The inscription states that the Liu Tai family had marital relations with eight families in all. Moreover, within these eight families several had marital relations with each other, while among them several had been rejected by clans of the highest social status in the Southern Dynasties. Based on this fact, we presume that there existed two groups which had differing ranges of marriage possibility.Up till now it has been recognized that there were two major social statuses, namely shih 士 and shu 庶, and that they differed in the range of marriage possibility. But even within the shih class we can see the existence of two groups which had no marital relations with each other because of their difference in social status. Those are the groups stated in the beginning. Therefore we can confirm the existence of stratified groups classified by marital relationships. The marital relations described in the inscription in the grave of Liu Tai belong to the group which was placed between the highest status clan and shu people.By examining the official position of bureaucrats who came from the family, it became clear that their positions were right between the highest and lowest classes of bureaucrats. Based on this, we can see that the stratum of marriage possibility was almost coincident with bureaucrat position.On the other hand, marriages were carried out according to social status, and the stratum of marriage possibility was coincident with the social status of each clan. Therefore, we can conclude that in the Southern Dynasties the position of bureaucrats corresponded to their social status, and that these groupings formed particular social classes.Finally, the historical character of the Southern Dynasties’ aristocracy is defined by this unity of social status and bureaucratic position. Indeed, it was upon the existence of these particular social classes that the principles of governance by the Imperial authority were based.

著者

鄒 笛

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.01-027, 2019-09

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The Jingkang 靖康 Incident marked the end of the Northern Song Dynasty (北宋), which was regarded as the watershed moment of the Song history. It also ushered in the beginning of the southward migration of northern ethnic groups. The Jingkang Incident has been regarded to embody the military weakness of the Song Dynasty. However, before the fall of the Northern Song, state governance was so stable that the Southern Song Dynasty (南宋) could be rebuilt immediately after its demise. This implies that the military power of the Northern Song Dynasty was not that insubstantial as discussed in the previous scholarship. This article defines the era between the Song-Jin war and the fall of the Northern Song as a “military process,” taking the battle of Taiyuan 太原 as a decisive moment. It mainly focuses on the international circumstance that the Northern Song faced, and discuss the complicated reasons of its destruction beyond the simple “military weakness” hypothesis. The Northern Song’s miscalculation of the Jin military strategy resulted in the latter’s occupation of Taiyuan and the entire Shanxi 山西. The Northern Song seems to have vacillated between distinct policies, which led to its endless diplomatic compromises and expedient military strategies. However, beneath the surface, the Northern Song Dynasty was striving to balance the battle lines between Kaifeng 開封 and Taiyuan. During this “military process,” the correlation among decision makers in the central government, the military correspondence between Kaifeng and Taiyuan, and the frontier military operations materialized, with its resultant influence persisting into the Southern Song Era. Having explored the “military process” during the fall of the Northern Song, this article concludes that the reason of its demise is far more complicated than the military weakness hypothesis. The influence of the international relations that the Northern Song faced should not be neglected. On the other hand, with the Jin army marching south, reconstruction of the nation’s defense line plays a vital role in the rebuilding of the Southern Song. Thus, research on the fall of the Northern Song can also prompt us to discuss the characteristic of the Southern Song regime.

著者

岸本 美緒

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.33-34, 2019-09

著者

隋 藝

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.029-057, 2019-09

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During the early 1950s, the Communist Party of China launched the “Three-Anti Campaign” (“San-fan” Yundong 「三反」運動) against corruption, waste and bureaucratic red tape. This article is an attempt to trace the development process of the Movement, by focusing on the regional and geopolitical situation in northeastern China; then tries to clarify the actual mentalities and behavioral responses of the general public to the Movement, by taking up the case of how the people of northeast China tried to adapt to it. It was in 1949 that there first appeared in northeast China activities intended to combat growing corruption within the CPC; but such direct action was prevented from evolving into a full-blown political movement by the necessity to expand production in response to the outbreak of the Korean War. Then in the summer of 1950, as the Korean War entered a stalemate, a movement to increase production through austerity (Zengchan Jieyue Yundong 增產節約運動) was launched, while political mobilization in the form of a “Two-Anti Campaign” (“Er-fan” Yundong「二反」運動) also was initiated. Later, the two fronts were merged into the “Three-Anti Campaign” and then escalated into the Party practice called “tiger-hunting” (dahu 打虎), involving coercing members of the general public to come forth and inform on corrupt Party officials, forcing confessions from the accused through various forms of torture, in order to meet quotas set for the number of offenders. As the general public became more and more embroiled in such an escalating oppressive political environment, a typical response to the call for austerity would involve people hiding anything that might appear expensive, including coats and shoes, and donning the plainest apparel they could find, to give the appearance of compliance. Others pleaded guilty (even if falsely charged), promising to repent, in order to mitigate the full brunt of the fear and violence perpetrated by the Movement. And then there were the opportunists, who tried to curry favor with the authorities by false accusations and acts of violence directed at their rivals. On the other hand, concerning how officials accused of similar offenses should be dealt with, the opinions of the government agencies employing the accused showed a modicum of leniency. That is to say, the Movement did not become so unruly that it threatened to completely destroy the human bonds supporting local everyday life, for even during the height of the Movement’s vehemence, we can still observe plenty of attempts at mutual protection based on intimate human relationships.

著者

岡崎 正孝

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3・4, pp.307-335, 1988-03

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The waters of the Zāyandeh-rūd in Esfahān had traditionally been distributed among some 500 villages of seven irrigation districts through 105 madis, or main irrigation channels. In the Safavid period, however, a Royal order was proclaimed to abolish the customary water distribution systems and replace them with new regulations. Under the Qājārs, the regulation was altered by certain powerful individuals.The new regulation of the Safavids, known to be drawn up by Sheikh Bahā’ī of Amilī, a distinguished scholar at the court of Shāh ʻAbbās, was intended to gain a monopoly over the river’s summer irrigation water for the rice cultivation in four districts, in which the Crown lands were concentrated. Naturally, this caused the devastation of three other districts when their water supply was stopped.Furthermore, under the Qājār, with the rapid development of the reclamation of lands, the Safavid’s regulation was arbitrarily altered by such influential personages as the Crown Prince Zill al-Soltān, leading mojtaheds and large landlords at the ruinous, selfish sacrifice of the weak.This paper aims to illustrate one of the characteristic features of the land holding system of Iran through examining how irrigation water had been controlled by men of power.

著者

大石 真一郎

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.1, pp.95-120, 1996-06

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This paper attempts to examine the social and political situations of the Turkic Muslims, who are now called Uygur, at Kashgar in the early twentieth century and their reformist movement.After Ismail Gasprinski, the Crimean Tatar reformist, opened a model primary school at Bakhchisaray in 1884, his new-method (usul-i jaded) education had an important effect in the Muslim regions of Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and so on.Husayn and Baha’al-Din. the brothers of the Musa Bayof family, whose native place was Ustun Artush in the suburb of Kashgar, were representative millionaires in Eastern Turkistan (Sinkiang). They endeavored to introduce the new-method education, and opened schools at Ustun Artush and Gulja in 1908 at the latest. At Kashgar, the reformist ‘ulama ʻAbd al-Qadir Damulla also established a new-method school in 1912.But, the reformist movement was severely hampered by conservative ‘ulama and influential persons at Kashgar. The activities of the Turkish teacher, Ahmed Kemal, who had been sent by “the Committee of Union and Progress” and opened a new-method normal school at Ustun Artush under the assistance of the Musa Bayofs in 1914 made clear the conflicts among the Muslims. ‘Umar Bay who had rivaled the Musa Bayofs in commerce was one of the conservative leaders. He made approaches to the Chinese authorities and the Russian consul to suppress the reformists. Especially during World War I, the authorities were also fearful of the Pan-Turkic and Pan-Islamic inclination of Ahmed Kemal’s education.Though the authorities were cautious about the reformist movement, the native reformists actually never verbally nor physically oppose the Chinese rule, for, in those days, their objectives were limited to reforming the traditional Islam and enlightening the ignorant Muslims. Consequently,however, the Chinese authorities’ suppressions gave the occasion for the reformists to incline to drastic nationalism later.

著者

西 英昭

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.033-040, 2018-09

著者

大塚 修

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.528-534, 2006-03

著者

白 玉冬

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.384-360, 2015-12

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The success of the Tang Dynasty in quelling the Huang Chao 黄巣 Rebellion (875-884) was in large part made possible by the contingent of Shatuo 沙陀 Turks and Tatars 達靼 led by Shatuo warlord Li Keyong 李克用, whose son, Li Cunzu 李存勗, would found the Later Tang polity of the Five Dynasties Period. The close relationships that would exist between the Later Tang Dynasty and the Tatar settlements in the north Gobi Desert at the beginning of the 10th century dates back at least to 878, when Li Keyong along with his father Li Guochang raised their own rebellion against the Tang Dynasty, were defeated and took refuge among the Tatar tribes. The purpose of this article is to trace the origins of the Tatars who interacted with the Shatuo warlords during the final years of the Tang Dynasty, by discussing the Nine Tatars settled in the northern Gobi. To begin with, the author points to a letter written by Li Keyong to his arch-enemy Zhu Quanzhong 朱全忠, in which we discover the existence of a tribal settlement in Yinshan 陰山, which Li refers to as Yiqin 懿親. A review of the use of "Yinshan" in the Tang Period sources, mainly epitaphs mentioning people of Turkic descent, shows that while 1) Yinshan could refer to the present day Yinshan and Tianshan mountain ranges of the southern Gobi Desert, there is also its use as 2) a synonym for all of northern China and 3) possible reference to Ötükän yïš 于都斤山 (the Khangai Mountains of central Mongolia) in the northern Gobi. The problem is 1) that there is no record of Tatar (Shiwei 室韋 in the Tang records) settlements in the Yinshan Mts, and the fact that the Yinshan region, being a mixed agricultural-pastoral area, played only a peripheral role in the nomadic states of the period, meaning that the only region capable of spawning large powerful nomadic organizations was the northern Gobi. Consequently, the author reasons that the migration of Tatar tribes into the central Mongolian steppe around the time of the collapse of the Eastern Uighur Khanate must have included at least one part of the Nine Tatars, the Kelie 克烈 (the Kereyids), settling there during the latter part of the 9th century. The Yuanshi's 元史 biography of Suge 速哥 describes the Kereyids as matrilineal kin to the "Li Tang", a polity which should be interpreted as the Later Tang Dynasty, which the Shatuo Li Family claimed to be the legitimate successor to the Tang Dynasty. And if so, the Kereyids correspond to Li Keyong's Yiqin settlement. The author concludes that the Tatars who protected Li Keyong and his father in exile, then fought beside the Shatuo warlord in the counterinsurgency effort against Huang Chao were in fact the Nine Tatars of mainland Mongolia, or least one contingent thereof i.e., the Kereyids. Therefore, the history of Mongolia around the 10th century becomes closely connected to the development of the dynasties in mainland China and thus constitutes an indispensable part of eastern Eurasian history.

著者

斯波 義信

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.2, pp.66-70, 2018-09

著者

榎 一雄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.p109-132, 1985-03

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In the Sections on Ch'ing Chung 輕重篇 in Kuon-tzu, there appears several times the name of Yü-shih/chih which is generally considered as identical with the tribe Yueh-shih/chih 月氏 or Ta Yueh-shih/chih 大月氏 which migrated from the north-western part of China as far as Ta-hsia 大夏or what is now the northern half of Afghanistan.The Yü-shih/chih of Kuan-tzu is described as either a tribe or a place in which yü 玉 or jade was collected in abundance. As is well known, it is the region of the present Khotan in Chinese Turkestan where so much jade has been collected from ancient times and brought to China. And the statement of Kuan-tzu concerning Yü-shih/chih is taken as meaning the occupation of the Khotan region by the Yueh-shih/chih tribe or as the trading of jade which the Yueh-shih/chih collected and brought to China.The author of the present article tries to establish that the name Yü-shih/chih itself designates Khotan and that the statement in Kuan-tzu intends to say that the jade was collected in the Khotan region. It is for the following three reasons: (1) the Sections on Ch'ing Chung in Kuan-tzu are considered to have been compiled in or sometime after the reign of emperor Wu 武 of the Former Han Dynasty, as has been clearly pointed out by Professor Ma Fe-po 馬非百, when the name of Khotan was known by the Chinese for the first time as the result of the first mission of Chang Ch'ien 張鶱 to Central Asia; (2) the name of Khotan was recorded by Ssu-ma Ch'ien 司馬遷 in the Shih-chi 史記, Bk. 123, as Yu-t'ien 于○ which later corrupted into Yu-chih 于寘 is shown by almost all current texts of Shih-chi; (3) the compiler of the Sections on Ch'ing Ch'ung of of Kuan-tzu who saw the corrupted form Yü-chih, changed it into Yü-shih/chih in reference to the name Yü 禺 which is recorded as a mysterious place or tribe in Mu-t'ien-tzu chuan 穆天子傳 and Shan-hai-ching 山海經.○は寘のうかんむりと眞の間に儿

著者

山口 元樹

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.3, pp.340-316, 2011-12

著者

王 勇華

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

東洋學報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.4, pp.1-32,i-ii, 2002

著者

川崎 信定

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, no.3, pp.451-456, 2000-12

著者

遠藤 光暁

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.3・4, pp.01-025, 1995-03

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The close examination of the Zhongzhou Yuefu Yinyun Leibian 中州楽府音韻類編 (ZYYL), one version of the Zhongyuan Yinyun (ZYYY), reveals that the ZYYL had been originally compiled according to the Guangyun 広韻 and then the ZYYY was revised and enlarged on this basis. The phonological properties of the ZYYY are slightly different from those of the ZYYL, hence the authors of these two editions can not be the same person (i.e. Zhou Deqing 周徳清).

著者

磯野 富士子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1・2, pp.57-80, 1985-12

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The anda relationship has been interpreted by most of the Western scholars of Mongolian history as one of “sworn brothers”. Nevertheless, a careful study of the Secret History of the Mongols seems to indicate that, at least at the time of Chingis Khaan, the anda relationship was not a fictitious blood relationship but a military and political alliance of two men established by an oath on the base of equality of the two parties.Even though the word “brother” in most of the Western languages implies equality, in Mongol, as well as in Chinese and Japanese, a brother always has to be either elder or younger involving the question of seniority. In the Secret History Chingis and Jamukha address each other as anda; and the word akha (elder brother) or düü (younger brother) is used for somebody who is not actually related by blood only when there is a clear difference in the status of that man in relation to the speaker.There is no symbolic action like mingling of blood in the ceremony to establish an anda relationship. The most important element is an exchange of presents of equal value. Many instances observed in more or less primitive societies show that the one-sided offer of presents makes the receiver stand in an inferior or subordinate position, as is seen in the Anglo-Saxon poetry.Among the Mongol tribes before their unification andas were very often khudas (two persons whose son and daughter are married). As the Mongols practiced strict exogamy a marriage alliance was not likely if the anda relationship was really conceived as “brothers”, even fictitious.Chingis and Jamukha were destined to become mortal enemies, not in spite of but precisely because of, their being andas. When Chingis succeeded in making himself the Khaan of all the Mongols, there was no room for anyone who could claim equality with him, and Jamukha would not accept a lower status.

著者

青木 健

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.01-09, 2022-12-16

著者

中村 慎之介

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.37-66, 2022-12-16

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Goryeo was a country that existed on what is now known as the Korean Peninsula for 475 years, from 918 to 1392. For the sake of the prosperity and stability of the ruling dynasty, Goryeo focused on the establishment of close relationships with the Buddhist community, which provided assistance to the lay regime. The Buddhist community flourished under the royal patronage. The state preceptor (Kor. guksa) was the highest-ranking Buddhist monk in Goryeo, who was honored to be a teacher of the Goryeo king. The Goryeo Dynasty granted various privileges not only to the Buddhist monk who was appointed as guksa, but also to his disciples. Therefore, disciples lobbied for the nomination of their masters for the position of guksa. On the contrary, the dynasty was able to control the Buddhist community by bestowing favor upon it. This paper focuses on the practice of the complementary relationship between the Goryeo Dynasty and the Buddhist community: a royal family member who did not succeed to the throne become an ordained Buddhist monk of the Huayan 華嚴 sect, and after his death, he was immediately posthumously appointed to the position of guksa, the highest honorary position in the Goryeo Buddhist community. This practice was confirmed only in the eleventh–thirteenth centuries. This study traces, in as much detail as possible, the political process from Daegakguksa 大覺國師 Uicheon’s 義天 ordination (1065) to the conferral of the guksa upon Jing’eom 澄儼 (1141) over a period of about eighty years and thus approaches the aspect of the complementary relationship between the Goryeo Dynasty and Buddhist community. The results of the study revealed the following two points. (1) The disciples of Uicheon sought to inherit political influence based upon the blood relationship between Uicheon and the king. They also sought the additional conferral of the guksa, which entailed concessions. (2) Injong 仁宗 (r. 1122–1146), who was forced to establish a new relationship with the Buddhist community because of the rebellions of Lee Jagyeom 李資謙 and Myocheong 妙淸, made Buddhist monks from the royal family to join Huayan, Zen 禪, and Weishi (or Faxiang 法相) sects, aiming to use them as intermediaries in the establishment of a dominant structure in the Buddhist community. In other words, this practice was established because of the coincidence of interests between Injong and the disciples of Uicheon.

著者

浜川 栄

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.2, pp.147-174, 1999-09

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What influence did the Yellow River dikes collapsing twice have on the society during the transition period from former to later Han dynasty? This question has not been fully discussed. Among the few studies on this subject, Hans Bielenstein and Kimura Masao emphasize that the destruction of the dikes was a major cause of the fall of Wang Mang’s regime. I feel this view is open to further analysis. In this article, I analyzed this theme from a different viewpoint.During the transition period, influential families throughout the country built forts to defend themselves from local bandits. However, this measure of self-defense could not be seen in the plains south of the Yellow River and north of the Huai River (Huaibei plain 淮北平野) when the Red Eyebrows 赤眉 invaded the region. As there were several cases, though exceptional, in which people were captured but then released by the bandits after winning their sympathy, it is probable that influential families did not exist in this area.This can also be assumed from the feud between Liu Xiu and Liu Yong 劉永. Although Liu Yong was holding the strategic position of Sui Yang 唯陽 in the Huaibei plain, being closest to the throne among the Liu clan, he was defeated by Liu Xiu who was expanding his power in the Hebei plain 河北平野. This was because Liu Xiu was able to gather the influential families of the Hebei plain, whereas Liu Yong could not in the Huaibei plain.Since the Warring States Period, the Huaibei plain possessed vast superiority in population, economic power, and etc. over the Hebei plain. However, judging from the above-mentioned situation, it is evident that the area had gradually lost its advantage. It was the collapse of the Yellow River dikes that caused the decline. The influential families had evacuated the area to escape inundation caused by unrepaired dikes. Obviously, resistance against the bandits was no longer possible, moreover, there was no potential for Liu Yong to expand his power.The collapse of the Yellow River dikes had an influence on the society not as a direct cause of Wang Mang’s fall, but as a primary factor for Liu Xiu to establish the Later Han dynasty.

著者

梅村 坦

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3・4, pp.80-86, 1996-03