著者

野口 和彦

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2021, no.203, pp.203_80-203_93, 2021-03-30 (Released:2022-03-31)

参考文献数

43

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Although the United States and the Soviet Union seriously competed with each other through nuclear arms racing, they never fought each other directly. This is a puzzle because the more severe the conflict is, the higher the incentives become for the conflicting parties to fight. To tackle this issue, I pick up two classical hypotheses explaining the surprising stability of the international system. H1 is the theory of nuclear revolution developed by Robert Jervis. H2 is the stability of bipolar world constructed by Kenneth N. Waltz. The Cuban Missile Crisis is used here to test these hypotheses. This case study is timely because we now know the details of this important political event. As a result of testing these two hypotheses, H1 passed and H2 failed: U.S. decisionmakers, especially John F. Kennedy, first got angry about the Soviet’s sudden installation of nuclear missiles’ sites on Cuba, but he gradually come to favor a quarantine because he was afraid of nuclear retaliation if the U.S. military attacked Cuba. This evidence confirms that H1 is valid. As for H2, this assumes that superpowers do not have to care about alliance politics in the bipolar world because their security is ultimately threated only by the other power, so it should only balance against the other superpower internally. Nevertheless, the United States and the Soviet Union both did worry about how their allies reacted, the US even endangered the missile deal with the Soviets for the sake of its relatively minor ally, Turkey. This evidence of superpower behavior is inconsistent with H2. In sum, the stability of the international system was maintained by the nuclear revolution, at least during the Cold War.

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.82, pp.94-115,L10, 1986-05-17 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

1

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Recent theoretical efforts in international relations focus increasingly on building grand and dynamic theories with major emphasis on cycles in addition to trends. This essay is to critically review an important part of these recent efforts: long cycles both in economic sphere as well as in political-military sphere and their linkages. First, recent researches in the Kondratieff waves are briefly summarized as those emphasizing on (a) technological innovations, (b) capital accumulation, and (c) resource abundance and scarcity. Second, George Modelski's “long cycles” theory is examined with particular emphasis on how it treats economic-political linkages. Third, a brief summary of the Wallersteinian “world-system” approach is given. How it relates long cycles in economics (the Kondratieffs) with the rises and declines of hegemony is the case in point. I summarize Bousquet's attempts to critically examine Wallerstein and others' early effort and to reconstruct it focusing on technological innovations. I suggest that current efforts in long cycles both in economic and political spheres have strong similarities with such early works by Toynbee and Akamatsu in the 1930s and 1940s. Recent efforts have clear advantages in research environment both in terms of increase of increase of empirical data and availability of computers, however. I argue, however, that more conceptual clarity and sophistication is necessary if the current efforts are to go beyond a simple revival of the research a half century ago.

著者

納家 政嗣

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.143, pp.1-11,L5, 2005-11-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

19

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The study of international relations today requires some consolidation of the growing debates on normative inquiries. The expansion in normative writing since the 1980s has included both new substantive justice claims and new approaches for studying them. Three main developments at the end of the last century accelerated such reassessment of IR norms. First, globalization brought with it a heightened sense of our material and ideational interdependence, that we coexist in a single world and effective and sustainable solutions to shared problems cannot be achieved without regard for justice. Second, the end of the Cold war led to a renewed interest in the promotion of a just world order on account of the strengthened perception that certain sets of values concerning the well-being of mankind were now more widely shared. Third, constructivists have challenged the neoutilitarian mainstream of IR-the synthesis of neo-realism/liberalism- and attempted to rectify biases caused by its strict rationalist assumptions by placing the ideational aspects in the center of IR theory.International society has long embraced a view that, to borrow the words of R. Aron, focused on “the minimum conditions for coexistence of states”. The pursuit of morality or justice was seen as a challenge to the maintenance of international order. However, there are now some signs that this perception has given way to a concern with individual justice, to support for humanitarian intervention, human security, protection of the global environment, sustainable use of natural resources, and demands for distributional justice from rich to poor states. But existing responses to, or implementation of the new normative claims also suggest that traditional ideas of international order, depending on such norms as non-interference, are still very attractive to the majority of states. Furthermore, the apparent revitalization of liberal norms mentioned above cannot easily be differentiated from the policies of hegemonic America. Thus, while we acknowledge the importance of investigating the process of constructing new norms and coordinating conflicts among norms, we still require a more consolidated framework for dealing with the relationship between the norms of inter-state order and global justice claims.The eight articles appearing in this issue all represent insightful responses to the theoretical challenge briefly suggested above.

著者

中井 和夫

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.114, pp.135-150,L13, 1997-03-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

21

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The first Ukrainian state already has lasted five years. But it does not mean the end of long dreamed of statism, but the beginning of hard ways for building a nation.The border of Ukraine has a peculiar character. Almost all border lines were drawn by dividing regions, each of which comprised historically one region. This condition also makes the task of building a nation difficult.In the western part of Ukrainian border, such regions are Galitsia, Carpathian, Bukovina and Bessarabia. If you turn to the east, there are two divided regions, the Donbass and the Slobidska Ukraine.The Ukrainian border was made by dividing regions that caused difficulties in building the Ukrainian nation-state. Because of the dividing the regions automatically made Ukrainian Diaspora or irredenta outside Ukraine. In Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Moldova and Russia, Ukrainians have been living as a minority group. At the same time the opposite sides, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Moldova and Russia, consider the regions which were incorporated with Ukraine their irredenta. Between Ukraine and Russia there is another but major border dispute on the Crimean Peninsula.Ukraine herself is divided into two parts, Eastern and Western. The Western part of Ukraine, called Galicia, has some characteristics which are not seen in other parts of Ukraine.On the contrary to the Galicia, eastern and southern parts of Ukraine have different characteristics. The Donbass and Crimea belong to these regions. These regions have strong tles with Russia although they belong to Ukraine. The Crimea, now an autonomous republic in Ukraine, belonged to Russia until 1954. A part of the Donbass was belonged to Russia before the 1917 revolution as the Don Army District.The contrast between the West and the East in Ukraine can be seen on the map. There is an interesting piece of evidence to show the dichotomy between the West and the East. It shows the change of support for the first president Leonid Kravchuk and the second president Leonid Kuchma. In Ukraine we can hear a new Ukrainian proverb, saying, “Ukrainian Presidents born in the East will die in the West”. This proverb well explains the dichotomy between the East and the West in Ukraine.For Nation-building in Ukraine there are some obstacles in terms of integration of people into one consolidated group. Ukraine is divided not only by geography but also by culture and identity.Language problems may be the most visible problem in today's Ukraine. The second obstacle for the integration of the Ukrainian nation-state is religious splits among the people. Ukraine is, of course, a secularized state. But the history of the suppression of national churches such as the Uniate Church (Ukrainian Catholic Church) and Ukrainian Orthodox Church made these churches political factors.Ukrainians have failed to form a nation-state. Russians have also failed to form their own nation-state. Russians have always been a subject of a big empire, first the Russian Empire and next the Soviet Union. Above all things they carried out their mission to build and maintain an empire. Ukrainians, in contrast, are eager to build their own nation-state, not an empire. This is an identity difference between two nationalities. And this difference reflects the dichotomy in Ukraine between the East and the West.The geopolitical position of Ukraine in the International arena has been a factor of difficulties for the building a nation state. For Ukraine, located between the West and the East, between Germany and Russia, inevitably it has been geopolitically in either a buffer zone or a battleground. In the Northern War in 18th century, the Napoleonic War, Crimean War, World War I and World War II, Ukraine was one of the major battlefields. After the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union the region which includes the territory of Ukraine became a battlefield between Europe and Russia b

著者

臼井 勝美

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1961, no.15, pp.119-133, 1961-03-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

竹中 佳彦

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.109, pp.70-83,L9, 1995-05-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

52

被引用文献数

1

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When did the Japanese begin to regard the United Nations as the ideal organization? Most of Japanese intellectuals must have advocated the construction of the “Greater East Asia Mutual Prosperity Sphere.” When and why did the switch from the regionalism to internationalism occur? This article's purpose is to answer these questions, focusing on the Japanese intellectuals' perception of the postwar international organization in the Pacific War.In 1942, the Association of International Law in Japan established four committees in order to serve their country by pursuing and constructing the Greater East Asian International Law. It made a plan to issue the Greater East Asian International Law Series.The first volume of this series was written by YASUI Kaoru, who was an associate professor of international law at Tokyo University. He introduced the idea of the national socialist international law initiated by Carl Schmitt to Japan. He expressly wrote in this book that he could select neither liberal international law, nor Marxist international law, nor national socialist international law as his own position. But he was purged from Tokyo University in 1948. Why? Because he never denied establishing the Greater East Asian International Law. After the Pacific War he became a Marxist student of international law, and he played an active part in the movement to prohibit the atomic and hydrogen bombs.One of the faculty members to oppose Yasui's promotion to a professor in 1943 was YOKOTA Kisaburo, who was the head professor of international law at Tokyo University. Both Yokota and Yasui were followers of TACHI Sakutaro, but Yokota considered that Yasui was unprincipled and went with the current of the times. Yokota studied the non-belligerency phenomena in World War II, dissimilar to belligerency or neutrality on the international law. He never converted from liberalism to militarism, though he criticized the United Nations for attacking Japanese hospital ships and merchant ships. And he paid attention to the international organization plan discussed among the United Nations at the Dumberton Oaks Conference before the surrender.He foresaw that the United Nations would be the name of the new international organization, and he temporarily translated the word of the United Nations with “Kokusai Rengo, ” which meant not Allied Powers but the international union of states, as if it were an ideal organization. This free translation might only be in imitation of the precedent that the League of Nations had been translated into the term “Kokusai Renmei” which implicated the international league in Japanese, but it was fixed as the formal translation in postwar Japan. It has given the United Nations the image of the ideal international organization for the Japanese.

著者

松本 繁一

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1967, no.33, pp.54-76, 1967-06-01 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

98

著者

三上 昭美

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1964, no.26, pp.1-21, 1964-07-01 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

91

著者

小林 良樹

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.167, pp.167_57-71, 2012-01-30 (Released:2013-09-21)

参考文献数

54

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The objective of this article is to examine the influence of cultural factors on systems of democratic control over the intelligence communities of different countries and the light this can shed on the road ahead as Japan develops its own oversight mechanisms.The intelligence communities of different countries are configured in different forms. In the US, the Director of National Intelligence serves as the head of the IC, while in the UK, the Joint Intelligence Committee which is a part of the Cabinet Office is responsible for directing the IC. This variation reflects not only the different presidential and parliamentary political systems but also the different organizational cultures of intelligence agencies in Britain and the US. For instance, the prevailing characteristics of organizational culture in the British IC are collegiality and collaboration. In the US, divisionism and bureaucracy are predominant. These cultural differences are rooted in the different political, historical and social environments unique to each country.Systems for democratic control of the ICs also vary in different countries. In the US, congressional committees specialized in intelligence matters in both chambers of Congress exercise oversight and have strong authority over the IC. Although in the UK the Intelligence and Security Committee which directly reports to the Prime Minister is responsible for oversight of the IC, it exercises comparatively moderate control over the IC. Such differences are a reflection of the cultural differences between each country. The US system of oversight by powerful congressional committees reflects the high levels of public distrust in the IC, the result of a litany of intelligence-related scandals. This system also reflects the history of serious power struggles between Congress and the executive. In the UK, however, public trust in the IC, and collaboration between the executive branch and Parliament, has historically been greater than in the US.Currently, Japan has no organization dedicated to democratic oversight of its intelligence organs. If Japan expands the scope of its intelligence activities, it will be necessary to develop new and enhance existing mechanisms for democratic control. In doing so it will be vital to ensure that they take account of the cultural factors at play in Japanese society rather than to transplant the systems of control in place in foreign countries which reflect their different cultural milieu.The Japanese cultural factors that systems of control in other countries do not take account of are, firstly, a strong public distrust of intelligence activities, and secondly strong public desire to maintain the political neutrality of intelligence organizations. These cultural characteristics can be attributed to Japan's historical experiences during the Second World War, and are very different from circumstances in other countries. The existing Independent Regulatory Commission system could be a possible foundation on which to build a uniquely Japanese system for democratic oversight of the nation's intelligence activities.

著者

井上 勇一

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.71, pp.173-188,L14, 1982-08-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

30

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Railway construction by rival powers led to conflicting economic and political claims at the close of the 19th century. At the bottom of Russian and Japanese clashes over the issue of the Seoul-Wiju railway lay international competition for control of the northern half of the Korean Peninsula. Britain and Japan constructed the Peking-Mukden, the Seoul-Pusan and the Seoul-Wiju railways respectively to counter a Russian threat in the Far East through the control of the Siberian and the Chinese Eastern railways. This is the basic background of the Russo-Japanese War.Additionally, from the view point of railway construction, the Russo-Japanese War may be said to be a battle over different gauges, because both Russian railways were broad gauged whereas the British and Japanese railways were standard gauged.Even the technological aspect of railway building had political implications. It was no coincidence that the Anglo-Japanese railways were both standard gauged in opposition to the broad gauged Russian railways.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.138, pp.142-156,L13, 2004-09-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

65

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Between 1999 and 2004, the issue about Chechen and foreign fighters in and around the Pankisi Valley in one of the districts of the Eastern Georgia was a focus of political negotiations in the Georgia-Russia, Gerogia-USA, then Russia-USA relations.The majority of the residents of the valley are the Chechens and the Ingushes, who are called as the Kists there. Using historical and ethnographic literatures by Margoshivili, Shavkhelishvili and others which describe the immigration process of the Chechens and the Ingushes to the Pankisi Valley in the 19th century, this paper underlines the importance of traditional and national homogeneity between the Chechens and the Kists, which keeps their mutual relation and fellow feeling in the both sides of the Great Caucasus. As the Kists had no right as ethnic minority in the Soviet era, they could have merged into the Georgian masses, if they had no relation with the Chechno-Ingush Republic and the people living there. This is how the valley still remains as a semi-independent enclave of Chechnia within Georgia.The majority of the inhabitants of the valley are Sunni Muslims. Then the Pankisi Valley has a strategic value, as one of the Sunnite outputs from the Chechen and Daghestan into the South Caucasus. It is also witnessed there the re-islamization during and after the Perestroika era, the coming of the foreign missionaries and the rising in the popularity of the so called the Wahhabits among the local people.Even after the violent death of a Chechen field commander Ruslan Gelayev and the end of the War against the Terrorism in Georgia, the Kists remain as the Chechens and their majority are the Muslims. Excepting the Kists, there are the Georgian Pshavs, the Tushes and the Ossets in the valley. Any ethnic or confessional clash would be reflected in a wilder arena. With potential cause of discontents to the Georgian government, the strategic importance of the valley in the process of integrity of Georgia's ethnics and regions into one single civil society is still existing, as well as in the regional security of the South Caucasus as a whole.

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

日本国際政治学会 ; 1957-

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.189, pp.1-16, 2017-10

著者

西 和彦

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.113, pp.90-102,L12, 1996-12-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

12

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The purpose of this paper is to present a historical and geographic macroperspective on the changes in global politics and economics being brought about by communications networks. The Internet is playing a major role in this revolution. We are in the midst of an momentous age, in which two cultures, which began in ancient Egypt about 6, 600 years ago and spread around the globe, are meeting again in the Asia-Pacific region, which includes Japan. The information revolution is making this possible.We can use the Venetian civilization as the dividing line between the Middle Ages and the modern industrial world. Since then, the phases of global prosperity were punctuated by the industrial, manufacturing, and commercial revolutions made possible by the development of the steam engine, and later the internal combustion engine. The fourth phase of global prosperity began when the American-invented transistor was reborn as the microprocessor.A key aspect of the information revolution is the migration of publishing onto online services, and making those resources available in real time. This is being made possible by the microprocessor. In turn, this provides us with the ability to use communications networks to improve dialogue among nations, access to education and health care, and solutions for the planet's ecology.The roots of this information revolution lie in the US's attempt to deal with such problems as its budget deficit, trade deficit, and increasing difficulties with its systems of education and health care. But as the US makes the transition from a National Information Infrastructure to a Global Information Infrastructure, this information revolution also offers opportunities for solving East-West and North-South problems. Communications networks are now linking not only the world's major economic powers, but also post-Soviet Eastern Europe, the Asian-Pacific region, South America, and Africa. From the standpoint of this information revolution, the major power in the twenty-first century—in terms of human resources, language, economic strength, military ability, and communications technology—will not be China or India, it will be the US. The US is the only nation with sufficient resources to leverage communications networks as a means toward peace and prosperity in the twenty-first century. The US can use the information revolution to extend its dominance and prosperity for another hundred years. Rather than compete against the US, Japan should choose to support the cause of world peace by contributing to the expansion of information networks.

著者

三浦 聡

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.145, pp.162-165, 2006-08-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

秦 郁彦

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.70, pp.47-66,L5, 1982-05-22 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

63

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While the United Nations were devoting their last efforts towards the defeat of the Axis Powers, strategists within the U. S. Joint Chiefs of Staff had started to prepare for the “next war.” The USSR appeared as the most probable enemy in the war plans from the fall of 1945. Rapid demobilization and resulting reorganization of American armed forces, however, curtailed effective deterrence toward the USSR which maintained relatively superior forces along the “Iron Curtain.”Official declaration of the Cold War by President Truman in 1947 accelerated the rapid strengthening of the U. S. armed forces and a number of emergency war plans, short and long term, were drafted.In this article, the author has endeavoured to trace the evolution of the American strategy toward the USSR between 1945 and 1949, based chiefly on the JCS Official History. Special attention has been paid to the changing role of nuclear weapons within the overall strategy.The Far East was always given low priority by war planners and it led to the retreat of the U. S. defense perimeter in Asia since the “loss of China” in the fall of 1949. Japan under the occupation was, however, enjoying calm and peaceful days.

著者

張 帆

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.200, pp.200_52-200_66, 2020-03-31 (Released:2020-04-16)

参考文献数

80

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As an independent discipline, International Relations (IR) has gone through 100th years. In recent years, “non-Western IR theories” and “Global IR” have become hot topics, and IR in Japan has been receiving more attention. Especially, many researchers focus on Realism in postwar Japan.In existing research, scholars always compare Japanese Realism and the Realist theory. However, this research approach does not realize the differences among “non-Western” IR. Therefore, it does not fully reveal the characteristics of Japanese Realism.This article makes a comparative study between Japanese Realism and Chinese Realism, especially focusing on Masataka Kousaka and Xuetong Yan, the most famous realists in Japan and China.In 1950s, Japanese intellectuals debated on foreign policy, and the Idealists who advocated unarmed neutral policy were the mainstream. Labelling the Conservatives who supported the US-Japan Security Treaty as “realists,” the Idealists criticized “realists” for ignoring the value issue, but only recognizing the de facto. Enlightened by Classical Realism, Kousaka proposed a new “realism” in which the power politics and value coexisted in 1960s. He also advocated a diverse view of power, with particular emphasis on the role of non-military forces. Based on these views, Kousaka suggested Japan center its foreign policy on non-military forces, play the role of middle power and peace state, and amend the Yoshida Doctrine.In China, IR did not really start until 1980s. Influenced by Scientism, Yan debated with the Marxists on the view of national interests and became a realist in 1990s. After then, Yan combined the Classical Realism with ancient Chinese political thought and proposed “Moral Realism” in 2010s. “Moral Realism” believes that the key of the power shift in international system lies in political leadership. A rising state could not become a dominate state unless it practices “morality”. China should amend the Deng Xiaoping Doctrine and promote a foreign policy based on the values of Confucianism.Through comparative analysis, we can find that Japanese Realism and Chinese Realism both (1) face the problems of “import” and “creation” of IR; (2) advocate the adjustment of foreign policy; and (3) stress the importance of value and non-material power. On the other hand, compared with Chinese Realism, Japanese Realism (1) takes the reality of “middle power” as starting point; (2) regards Pacifism as the value of Japan; and (3) is lacking sufficient concern for the construction of the theory.Japanese Realism takes a traditionalist approach and try to end the diplomatic debates in Japan and to amend the Yoshida Doctrine. From the perspective of the Scientism, Japanese Realism is not a theory, but a thought. Nevertheless, as a pioneer in the exploration of “non-Western” IR, it has brought us rich enlightenment.

著者

野口 和彦

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.153, pp.175-185, 2008-11-30 (Released:2010-10-01)

参考文献数

40

著者

宮地 隆廣

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2013, no.174, pp.174_174-174_177, 2015-09-15 (Released:2015-07-28)

著者

藤井 昇三

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1964, no.26, pp.22-35, 1964-07-01 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

49

著者

山口 優人

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2021, no.204, pp.204_83-204_98, 2021-03-31 (Released:2022-03-31)

参考文献数

61

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Since the September 11 attacks, the United States has led the global war on terrorism, which primarily targeted terrorists motivated by radical Islam, also known as Global Jihadists. This international military campaign caused many serious problems, such as heavy civilian casualties by the U.S.-led military actions, the expansion of Jihadist militant groups by the power vacuum in Iraq, and the overwhelming refugee influx in Europe. Many experts on international law or human rights have criticized preventive attacks, torture, and drone strikes targeting those suspected of being involved in terrorism activities as illegitimate.Critical terrorism studies have regarded the methodological vulnerability of mainstream terrorism studies as one of the causes of this problematic counterterrorism. This article reflects on the omissions of conceptual analyses in terrorism studies as an American social science by focusing on fanaticism, which is one of the key concepts in the New Terrorism theory. The assertion is that the concept of fanaticism has distorted the recognition of the Global Jihad in academic and political contexts. Thus, this article deconstructs the binary system of reason/fanaticism, exposing the arbitrariness of the system by hidden political power.The first section describes the process of constructing binary systems in terrorism studies: secular/religious motives and reason/fanaticism. This process is revealed by shedding light on significant works by Bruce Hoffman and Walter Laqueur. Hoffman has claimed the possibility of unprecedented attacks by religious terrorists because of the radical difference between secular motives and religious ones. He concluded that religion inspires terrorists to more destructive violence, for example, the use of weapons of mass destruction. Laqueur developed the binary system of secular/religious motives, using the term fanaticism, which means a mental illness caused by a loss of reason. He constructed the structure of reason/fanaticism in the core of his New Terrorism theory.However, this structure is invalid because our minds cannot be transcendentally divided between reason and fanaticism. The second section of the article thus points out that the structure’s boundary has been drawn arbitrarily from the perspective of the Enlightenment and Western modernization. By reviewing the Foucault/Derrida debate about madness, the author clarifies that our minds are the mixture of truth and falsehood. This means that terrorists who seem to be absolute fanatics follow truth to some extent. As long as scholars persist in using this term, terrorism studies will naturalize the distorted understanding of Global Jihad.Finally, the article presents some concepts in psychoanalysis or social psychology as an alternative approach to the New Terrorism theory. These studies have explained our irrational behaviors by focusing on our minds’ unconsciousness. We should reflect on the conceptual problems of existing studies from a critical perspective, paying attention to micro approaches more positively for the development of multidisciplinary terrorism studies.