著者

佐藤 進

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.16-37, 1995 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1

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A view has been widely accepted that state-formation was based upon a nation in Media and Persia. But, the existence of a nation before state-formation is questionable in the Iranian areas in the first half of the first millennium B. C. The Neo-Assyrian cuneiform documents show the lack of ethnic identy among the Medes. “Media” is apparently not self-named, since the attempts have not succeeded to interprete it by any Indo-European languages. An explanation is most convincing that the name is derived from the Akkadian appellation KUR (Mad/t)-a-a “men of the mountains, frontier” to the Medes. The Medes was really men of the frontier, a people of aboriginal and Iranian origins in the central Zagros. They were incorporated to a nation in the process of forging political unity (cf. T. C. Young, CAH IV2, 21f.). A similar phase is described by de Miroschedji (ZA 75, 265-306) in pre-Empire Persia. He considers the ethnogeny of the Persians in accordance of the rise of Persian monarchy in the last seventh century. He asserts persuasively that the Achaemenian rule is started by Darius the Great. In this paper, it is emphasized that the real formation of the Persians was promoted by the founder of Achaemenian rule.

著者

秋山 慎一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.131-144, 1985-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

著者

森 茂男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.63-78,266, 1977

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The Avesta Yašts, which constitute the earlist part of the Younger Avesta, comprises numerous uninteligible passages. Yašt 5, 11:13 are typical hymns having such passages.<br>Parallel passages are observed between Yt. 5, 11:13 and Yt. 10, 125 (a hymn to Mithra), that is to say, <i>ahmya vaše vaz_??_mna</i> (Yt. 5, 11) with <i>ahmya vaše vazante</i> (Yt. 10, 125), and <i>caθwaro vaštara spaeta vispa hama. gaona_??_ho</i> (Yt. 5, 13) with <i>caθwaro aurvanto spaeitita hama</i>. <i>gaona_??_ho</i> (Yt. 10, 125), although they have been rejected or ignored by many Iranists. The dual form, <i>hama</i>. <i>nafaeni berezanta taurvayanta</i>, (Yt. 5, 13), which shows the very contradictory grammatical feature in context, seems to be a formula in the non-Zoroastrian original Yašts. Therefore, the agents of the verb, <i>taurvayanta</i>, are not <i>caθwaro vaštara</i> "four drawing-animals, " but two gods suggested by the dual form. The above two evidences, I think, reveal the close relation between Anahita and Mithra. On the other hand, Anahita was also worshiped as the bestower and the guardian of kingship as well as Mithra in ancient Iran, and such function of Anahita is known by several passages in Yast 5, the inscriptions of Artaxerxes II and other evidences in West Iran. Moreover, considering the dual form of Yt. 5, 13 and Herodotus' famous misunderstanding about Iranian Aphrodite, Anahita (I, 131), we could not deny the possibility that both of them were united into a pair.<br>I suppose St. 11 sings a pair of gods, Mithra and Anahita, driving the chariot, and St. 13 comprises the fragments of two different hymns, one depicts Anahita's four drawing-animals, the other the combat against <i>daevas</i> by them. Yt. 5, 11: 13 would be the remnant of the lost hymns dedicated to Mithra-Anahita. If we accept Christensen's theory that, imitating the Avestan language, Median magi converted to Zoroastrianism composed Yašt 5, we may say that the original text of Yt. 5, 11:13 was the part of θεογουιη, so-called Median version of Yašts.<br>My translation of Yt. 5, 11:13 is as follows;<br>St. 11: Who (the male god, i. e., Mithra), the first, drives the chariot, gripes the bridles for (driving) the chariot; (Anahita) driving his chariot, …<br>St. 13: Whose four drawing-animals (are), white ones, all of one colour. (Two gods, Mithra and Anahita) of the same family, high ones, overwhlmed…

著者

アクロイド P. R. 小野寺 幸也

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.76-91, 1984

著者

榮谷 温子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.40-60, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

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In this study definiteness is considered in view of information structures, especially giving weight to the notion of “familiarity.” We compare it with three other information structures: old- and new-information, theme and rheme, and reference. Through this comparison we find that the category of definiteness is independent from the other structures, although it correlates with them.a) Old- and new-information is “already activated” and “unactivated” information in certain discourse but definiteness depends on a writer/speaker's assumptions.b) Theme-rheme structure is strategy on the sentence level though definiteness is on the noun phrase level.c) Referentiality means how a noun phrase refers (or does not refer) to an entity, though definiteness is the relation between a noun phrase and what it refers to.Then, this paper analyses the Egyptian short play 'Arafa Kayfa Yamutu by T. al-Hakim to show how definite noun phrases are used in discourse, and we found that the following features decide the usage of definite noun phrases:1) how much the speaker feels convinced of an issue, and2) how much the speaker puts importance on the object.The result tells us that the structure of definiteness and indefiniteness is not only defined through hearers' or readers' state, but also that definiteness can be employed actively or subjectively by the speaker/writer. Definiteness is one independent information structure and a device which can be used actively by writers/speakers to send their message to others.

著者

佐藤 進

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.148-157, 1990

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.84-97, 2013

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It has been generally accepted that in Ottoman society Muslim girls were not excluded from elementary education in the traditional schools (<i>mekteb</i>). However, there is no study that addresses the issue of to what extent girls' education was widespread before the Tanzimat reforms. Although some studies have mentioned the existence of female teachers for girls, they only gave a general description without references or drew on a limited number of examples, and no further investigation has been conducted.<br> This article presents some findings on girls' schools and female teachers in Ottoman society based on two documents, dating from the 1780s and 1811, which provide lists of <i>mektebs</i> located in Istanbul. These documents show that there were a fairly large number of girls' schools: about one-sixth of the schools listed in the first document and about one-third of those in the second document were for girls. Noticeably, most of them were taught by female teachers.<br> Many of the girls' schools with female teachers were probably schools of modest size without an independent school building where the students gathered in the teachers' houses for instruction. However, since mixed schools for boys and girls are known to have been common, one can safely assume that the opportunity for elementary education for girls was significantly richer than is generally supposed for a "traditional" Muslim society. The existence of a large number of female teachers suggests that some women could acquire an education sufficient for teaching children. Their appearance in the official documents also shows that their occupation was socially recognized.

著者

渡辺 金一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.213-228, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

勝又 俊雄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.34-54, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 1979 at Anemospilia in Archanes, north of Knossos, Y. Sakellarakis unearthed ruins of a rectangular temple which had been destroyed by earthquake in the Middle Minoan IIIA period (c. 1700 B. C.). The temple consists of three rooms and a corridor, where a pair of clay foot models in life size was found. The excavator indicated that the clay feet could have belonged to an anthropomorphic wooden cult image, xoanon. The hypothesis has supported strongly those views which insist on its existence in the period. The aim of this article is to proceed with a negative argument to the views, and to clarify the meaning of the clay foot models in the find-contexts.To begin with, attentions should be paid to the following four facts. 1) Fourteen models so far discovered from seven sites in Crete and one in Kea are rarely found in pairs. 2) Usually they are found in non-shrine contexts and not in shrines of a palace or a country house. 3) They do not represent bare feet, but most likely some sort of footgears are painted on them. 4) Statues and figures in large scale existed certainly in the palatial periods in Minoan Crete. However, they should not be interpreted automatically as a xoanon. In fact, the fragments are always found in the context as a votive.The above analysis leads to a conclusion that no archaeological evidence supports the view which maintains the existence of xoanon in the palatial periods. If it were so, what is the role of the fourteen clay foot models in the find-contexts?It is evident that our models are not votives, since feet models dedicated to deities should be barefooted as we see in numerous examples from the Asklepieion in the classical Corinth. It is also agreed that ‘epiphany’ of deity was a central element in Minoan rituals in the palatial periods, since there existed no cult images. Pictorial representations of epiphanies include scenes where a small deity hovers in the air or descends before the worshippers. Such representations as these could imply a deity perceived by the worshippers, but invisible. Therefore, the clay foot models must symbolize the presence of such invisible deity in ritual, which could have taken place outdoors as shown on a gold ring from Isopata. Consequently The clay feet should not necessarily be found in shrines.

著者

岡田 明憲

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.85-99, 1996

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A variety of goddesses appear in the Zoroastrian pantheon. Among them, three goddesses are especially significant -Armaiti, Aši, and Anahita.<br>Armaiti is a member of the Ameša Spentas and is ranked among the highest order of goddesses. Aši is closely connected with the concept of Aša, the core of the thought of Zoroaster himself. In Yašt it is recorded that Aši was the love of Zoroaster. Anahita, apparently influenced by the cult of Mesopotamian Mother Goddess, became the most popular object of Iranian faith.<br>The three goddesses have separate origins and are theologicaly distinct. Nonetheless, under the influence of Indo-Iranian folk beliefs, all these goddesses have been viewed as the Earth Mother and as the complements to deities of the sky. Ahura Mazda and Armaiti were regarded as the parents of Gaya Maretan, or the primeval man. Mi∂ra and Anahita formed a pair. Aši was closely associated with Sraoša. These models parallel the dual divinities-Dyavaprthivi-of Rg Veda.

著者

栗山 保之

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.53-74, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Yemen is the southern region in the Arabian Peninsula. The Rasulids [626-858/1229-1454] was one of the flourished dynasties in Medieval Yemen. They succeeded in gaining control of most Yemen, from Hadramawt to Makka. In their realm Zabid was the central city which situated on the Tihama facing the Red Sea. A number of Madrasas were constructed by them in Zabid as well as in many other towns and villages. These Madrasas were built and maintained through waqf allocation. The ‘ulama’ in Yemen gathered on Zabid to study Islamic sciences. Their construction of Madrasas has two purposes. First, they wanted to show their legitimacy to subject Yemen to their rule. Secondly, they aimed to expand their own Sunni authority against the Zaydi shi'is, who were throughout the northern Yemen.

著者

東長 靖

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.48-64, 1986

被引用文献数

1

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Yasushi TONAGA, <i>The Position of Allah in the Divine Self-Manifestation in the Thought of Oneness of Being</i> (<i>Wahdah al-Wujud</i>)—<i>with Special Reference to Kashani and Jili</i>—: Ibn 'Arabkl first formulated the theory of Oneness of Being (<i>Wahdah al-Wujud</i>). His theory was later developed into several versions by his direct and indirect disciples, who are called "the School of Oneness of Being". Kashani (d. ca. 735/1334-35) and Jili (d. ca. 832/1428) are two of them.<br>Kashani divided the process of the divine self-manifestation into five stages as follows: (1) <i>ahadiyah</i> (realm of absolute oneness), (2) <i>wahidiyah</i> (realm of relative oneness), (3) <i>'alam al-jabarut</i> (world of spirits), (4) '<i>alam al-malakut</i> (intermediate world), and (5) <i>'alam al-mulk</i> (phenomenal world). <i>Ahadiyah</i> is the realm of the exclusive essence of the One, while <i>wahidiyah</i> is that of integration of all the names and attributes of God. Regarding Allah as the mediator between the essence of the One and the created world of the many, Kashani located the position of <i>Allah</i> in the level of <i>wahidiyah</i>.<br>Almost a century later, Jill divided the same process into six stages as follows: (1) <i>uluhiyah</i> (divinity), (2) <i>ahadiyah</i>, (3) <i>wahidiyah</i>, (4) <i>rahmaniyah</i> (Compassionateness), (5) <i>rububiyah</i> (Lordship), and (6) maliklyah (Kingship). Emphasizing the supremacy of <i>Allah</i>, Jill located the position of <i>Allah</i> not in <i>wahidiyah</i>, but in <i>uluhiyah</i> which stands above <i>ahadiyah</i>.<br>In order to understand the historical change of the position of <i>Allah</i> between Kashani and Jili, one should take into account 'Ala' al-Dawlah Simnani (d. 736/1336) who, belonging to "the School of Oneness of Witness (<i>Wahdah al-Shuhud</i>)", criticized Kashani based on his conviction that <i>Allah</i> is the highest. I point out that Jill's thought would result from the reaction against Simnani from within the School of Oneness of Being.

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.225-248, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小笠原 弘幸

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.208-222, 2005

著者

平野 智洋

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.58-75, 2001

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The highest court titles, despot (δεσποτης), <i>sevastokrator</i> (σεβαστοκρατωρ), and <i>Kaisar</i> (καισαρ), had very important roles in the Late Byzantune Empire. The holders of these titles, normally members of the imperial family, had considerable influences not only on the political scene, but also on the provincal administration as they were the highest position of its apparatus. On the administrative role of the title holders, many scholars have explained that it had the same character as the Western appanage, and that the administration did not depend on his their titles, but simply on that they were a member of the imperial family; their administration was basically private, since it had no foundation in the Byzantine theory of government. I make my examination, therefore, in comparison with that Byzantine administrative apparatus and office of the governor considering its continuity.<br>There are many cases which one and the same person had both the office of governor (κεψαλη) and the court title. In such cases, the administrator more often signed himself, or was mentioned by others, as the latter rather than the former in documentary sources. This custom indicates that that person tried to raise his authority by using the court title which indicated his higher social status. It was probably an omission of formality as well because there was no need to refer oneself as the lower class of the <i>kephali</i>. And the absence of that reference after the second half of the fourteenth century indicates that this formal omission became more prevalent.<br>Substantially, there is no difference in the administratorship before and after 1349, when the Emperor Ioannis VI Kandakouzinos (1347-54) appointed his relatives as the administrator of imperial territory. The administration of the despots was definitely different from that of the co-Emperor Matthaios Kandakouzinos (1353-57), whose authority involved real autonomy. Though their authority was rapidly enlarged, it was not established as private (except for the case of Thessaloniki in the first half of fifteenth century) or autonomous. They lacked their own diplomacy and the rights to inheritance. Especially in the Morea, from Manouil Kandakouzinos (1349-80), the first, to Dimitrios Palaiologos (1449-60), the last, all the <i>despotai</i> were apparently the imperial governers rather than the private landlords. Although the tendency of feudalization continuously developed in the imperial territory, these administrators did not originate from that tendency.

著者

和田 廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.190-194, 1996-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中村 妙子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.70-90, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Byzantine emperor John II made Syrian expeditions twice, in the 1130s and 1140s. From the beginning of the twelfth century, the Syrian cities and the Crusader States preserved the balance of power through economic agreements and military alliances. However, Zangi, ruler of Aleppo, refused to maintain this balance-of-power policy and started to advance southward in Syria to recover lost territories from the Crusaders and obtain farmland which was under Damascus' rule. John carried out his expedition at this time.John compelled Raymond of Poitiers, the consort of the heiress of Antioch, to become his liege vassal. John and Raymond agreed that Raymond would hand Antioch over to John in return for cities, currently in Muslim hands, which John would capture leading a joint Byzantine-Crusader army. But Raymond had John attack cities whose power Raymond himself wanted to reduce. Also, as the nobility of Antioch, who had come from south Italy, had influence over Raymond, John could not appoint a Greek Orthodox cleric as patriarch of Antioch. Furthermore, an encyclical issued by Pope Innocent II stating that all Latins serving in the Byzantine army were forbidden to attack Christians in Crusader States, forced John to reduce his claims on Antioch, being conscious of the West's eyes. John even sent messengers to Zangi investigating the possibility of forming an alliance with him if the nobility of Antioch rejected him.John's Syrian expeditions largely changed the balance of power in Syria and made Zangi's advance in southern Syria easy. Zangi recaptured his lost territories, just after John retreated from besieging Shaizar, where Zangi had confronted him. The Byzantine threat and the reputation which Zangi gained as a strong leader made Damascus yield him Hims, which would be a base for his further advance southward in Syria.

著者

塚本 明廣

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.1-16, 1994

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The words bridging the two lines in the Edwin Smith papyrus are not split arbitrarily. They do, however, follow several rules:<br>(1) More than one consecutive determinatives are never divided into two lines. The combinations are treated as inseparable single strings. And the determinatives, single or combined, have a tendancy to shift to the head of the next line.<br>(2) The grammatical morphs (xr, jn, n) are never separated from pronominal suffixes. The combined string forms a indivisible unit. And they are placed at the head of the next line.<br>(3) The grammatical morphs (xr, jn) written alphabetically are never split, while lexical morphs spelled phonetically can be split freely.<br>These restrictions and other tendancies of spelling are tested and confirmed by other literary works in hieratic script with limited exceptions.<br>Considering these split words and words written within lines, and the fact that determinatives of lexemes vary freely, ancient Egyptian scribes must have already identified linguistic units. These correspond nearly to words, grammatical morphemes, and determinatives in contrast to phonogrames in modern linguists' terminology.

著者

青柳 正規

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.161-161, 1986-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

二ノ宮 崇司

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.143-163, 2010

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The aim of this paper is to examine the phonetic features of emphatics in Jibbāli, a Semitic languages of Oman. Jibbāli emphatics have been regarded variously as ejective or glottalized in previous research.<br> I analyzed recordings of Amharic ejectives (t', s') and non-ejectives (t, s) as well as Korean glottalized (t^ʔ, s^ʔ) and non-glottalized consonants (t, s), and contrasted them with Jibbāli emphatics (T, K, S, S̃, Ś, Ṯ) and non-emphatics (t, k, s, s̃, ɫ, θ) recorded during my field research conducted in the Sultanate of Oman July-August, 2008. I examined them in terms of voice-bar, fill, intensity and duration of the adjacent silent period and the release burst, using Kay's Multi-Speech (ver. 2.5).<br> It turns out that all Jibbāli emphatics are unvoiced in terms of the voice-bar. In Amharic, the intensity of word-final <i>t^ʔ</i> is stronger than that of word-final <i>t</i>. In Jibbāli also, the emphatics were strong in comparison to the non-emphatics. The duration of the silent period of both Jibbāli emphatics and Amharic ejectives is longer than that of Korean glottalized consonants. Concerning the duration of release burst, in Amharic, that of fricative ejectives tends to be shorter than that of fricative non-ejectives. That of the Jibbāli emphatics likewise is shorter than that of the non-emphatic counterpart. However, in Korean, the release burst of the glottal <i>s^ʔ</i> has almost the same duration as that of the non-glottal <i>s</i>.<br> In conslusion, judging from their intensity and duration, Jibbāli emphatics have been confirmed to be ejectives.