著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.65-82, 2014

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This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period.<br> Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the <i>ulema</i> class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the <i>ulema</i> class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II.<br> During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (<i>kuls</i>) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of <i>Rumeli Beylerbeyi</i>. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of <i>kul</i> and <i>ulema</i> backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the <i>kul</i> viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having <i>kul</i> viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing <i>kul</i> viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of “ilkhan” in his Anatolian history of Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye.Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be “the subjugated khan”, but “khan of the people”, because the other title of this regent was “Ulus Beg”, which means “the lord of the state”.Accordingly, Hülegü's title of “il-khan”, when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also “the khan of the people”. This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of “khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)”, which was turned into “Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)”.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987

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Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of "ilkhan" in his Anatolian history of <i>Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye</i>.<br>Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be "the subjugated khan", but "khan of the people", because the other title of this regent was "Ulus Beg", which means "the lord of the state".<br>Accordingly, Hülegü's title of "il-khan", when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also "the khan of the people". This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of "khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)", which was turned into "Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)".

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1, pp.1-16,168, 1969

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Pancatantra, famous collection of animal fables of Indian origin, was translated into Middle Persian by Burzoe in the sixth century, but this version was lost. In the eighth century, Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated the Middle Persian version into Arabic prose and named it "Kalila wa Dimna" after the names of two jackals in the text. This Arabic translation became the basis for subsequent Persian versions.<br>First of all, in the tenth century the famous poet of the Samanid court, Rudaki put the Arabic version into Persian verse form at Amir Nasr's request, but no more than several verses of this epic have survived.<br>Abu al-Ma'ali Nasr Allah, probably a native of Shiraz, translated the Arabic version into Persian prose about 1144, which was dedicated to Bahram-Shah of Ghazna. This version was made in such an elegant style that it had effect on many later Persian works, such as "Akhlaq-i-Nasiri" and "Marzban-nameh".<br>About the end of the fifteenth century Husain Wa'iz Kashifi made by far the best known Persian version, entitled "Anwar-i-Suhaili", which was aimed at simplifying and popularising Nasr Allah's version. But his style was much more bombastic and florid, with many exaggerated expressions and considerably expanded parts.<br>This bombastic version became simplified in India and Abu al-Fadl, a famous historian and minister under Akbar, compiled a book, entitled "'Iyar-i-Danish", which was derived from Kashifi's version.

著者

M・ホルト ピーター 林 武

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.1-2, pp.105-129, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.161-164, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

北原 圭一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.159-172, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Qur'an's story of Yusuf (=Joseph; Surah 12), parallel to the Joseph story in the Bible (Genesis 37-50), is said to be the best (or the most beautiful) of all stories (Ahsan al-qasas), It was elaborated in the post-Qura'nic legend, that is, Hadith, “tafsir (exegesis)”, Qisas al-Anbiya' (tales of the Prophets), etc., and became one of the favorite subject matters particularly in Persian poetry. There are many works entitled Yusuf u Zulaykha (=Potiphar's wife) in it, of which the most estimated is a fifteenth century prominent mystical poet, 'Abd al-Rahman Jami (d. 1492)'s.In addition to these independent works of Yusuf u Zulaykha, many Persian poets made the most of this story as edifying anecdote in their poetical works, for instance, Farid al-Din 'Attar (d. ca. 1221)'s Mantiq al-Tayr, Sa'di Shirazi (d. 1292)'s Bustan (Sa'di-nameh), and so forth.From the folkloristic point of view, as Shalom Goldman states in The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men (1995), the Yusuf story consists of three motifs: “Potiphar's Wife motif”, “the motif of the Wise Man as Saviour”, and “the motif of the Young Man Triumphant”. When we examine the development of the Yusuf story in Persian literature, “Potiphar's Wife motif” is the most important of the three. Because a lot of Persian poets such as 'Attar, Jami, took up this motif in their works by preference as stated above.In this paper is examined the development of the “Potiphar's Wife motif” as a significant part of the Yusuf story and her image in Persian literature. As to the image of Potiphar's Wife, she is usually described as a wicked woman in many narratives that deal with this motif. But for most of the Persian poets she isn't the like of it. Her passionate love for Yusuf is rewarded on account of its strength, and through the power of repentance she becomes “a blessed woman” in the end.

著者

嶋田 襄平

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3-4, pp.143-151,A200, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Circumstantial evidence is, as Dr. Soheil M. Afnan points out, in favour of Ibn al-Nadim's statement that Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiya was the first to order the translation of Greek and Coptic books on medicine, astronomy and alchemy into Arabic; yet these precursory translators could not find their immediate successors. The intellectual awakening, which began with the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty and resulted in the brilliant age of translation, was a natural outcome of secretarial translations from Pahlevi under the late Umayyads. The present writer attempts to collect sporadic informations on earlier Arabic translators and on Pahlevi translation of Aristotelian logics by way of Syriac in the Sasanid period.

著者

長谷部 史彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.165-168, 2001-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

永田 雄三

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3, pp.149-168,228, 1969

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Among the principal subjects of interest in 18th-19th century Ottoman history is the political influence exerted on the reform policies of the central government by the local notables known as A'yân and Derebeyi.<br>While Mahmud II came to the throne, they, the local notables, at that time had divided and ruled even Anatolia and the Balkan area, vital parts of the empire.<br>So this time I have studied their political activities after the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774, with stress on the "Nizâm-i Cedîd" of Selim III and on the "Sened-i Ittifak" of 1808, and then referred to the policy of Mahmud II for subjugation of the local notables.

著者

法貴 遊

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.33-48, 2014

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In Medieval Arabic medical texts, a specific property (<i>khāṣṣa</i>) is thought to be one of the effects of a medicine, and effective in a specific humor or organ. This property is mainly mentioned to explain two phenomena, purgative medicines' attraction of a certain humor and theriacas strengthening of human innate heat. Galen had advocated the theory that the faculty of attracting a specific material inheres in a medical substance as its nature (referred to as the theory of inherence). The same view can be seen in the texts of Islamic philosopher-physicians such as Ibn Sīnā (d. 1037). On the other hand, Ibn Rushd (d. 1198) perceived the defects of this theory and criticised it. This article examines his criticism of the theory of inherence in his discussions about purgative medicines and theriacas.<br> Ibn Rushd says that using the theory of inheritance, we cannot explain the phenomenon that when someone takes more than one dose of purgative medicine, it attracts not only the specific humor, but all of the humors. He then proposes the alternative theory that the specific property originates in the proportions of the qualities in the attracting and the attracted materials. From this perspective, he insists that the object of attraction varies according to the amount of the heat in the medicine.<br> As for theriaca, Ibn Rushd criticises the theory of inherence as seen in the writings of Ibn Sīnā Ibn Sīnā claims that theriaca's specific property is generated from its substance, i.e. the combination of form with matter, not the mixture of the four qualities. But according to Ibn Rushd, with this explanation, it is impossible to explain the body's various responses to theriaca. Therefore he maintains that one must explain its specific property in terms of the four qualities.<br> To conclude, Ibn Rushd considers his theory to be more capable of explaining various phenomena than the theory of inherence is.

著者

阿久津 正幸

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.165-183, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In fear of the extinction of the knowledge and the death of scholars, Umayyad Caliph Umar II is reported in hadith to have said, “Pick up the traditions of the Messenger of God and write them down” (Sahin al-Bukhari, Chap. of 'Ilm, §34). This report makes clear the fact that manuscripts of Islamic religious sciences are media for preserving records and also means for transmitting knowledge to the next generation. Many studies are now beginning to stress the peculiar nature of the person-to-person style in Muslim traditional education and regard Muslim education as a cultural practice. As a result, written material (i. e. the manuscript) has not attracted broader interest among modern historians of Muslim education except for the revision and compilation of certain texts. Although, when we focus on how learners receive educational contents of the religious sciences, we can say, even in the above-mentioned hadith, that written material does not necessarily lose its importance. Rather, we should be aware that it is indispensable material in Muslim education.First of all in this brief article, I will introduce information about the Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts that was accumulated in Aleppo up until the mid-20th century. The Manuscripts were kept in the library called Dar al-Maktabat al-Waqfiyya al-Islamiyya, which was located in al-Madrasa al-Sharafiyya next to al-Jami'al-Kabtr. Its catalogue consists of 8 collections; each had been historically collected in religious waqf institutions (jami', masjid, madrasa etc.). The catalogue was arranged finally by the hand of a religious scholar of Aleppo, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Saradar, and the collections were administered under him until they were transferred to the Asad Library in Damascus by governmental decree in 1986.In addition to providing a short history of the manuscripts and libraries, I will try to indicate a few possibilities about the “archaeology of the manuscript.” Through a short survey of Islamic writing and book history, while considering the study of historical sources, I would like to emphasize as a hypothesis that the manuscript could be regarded as being document-like evidence reflecting the actual learning activities of scholars and students. This research would open a way, beyond our lack of historical sources, to understand the curriculum in pratique at the place of education in Islamic history.

著者

小田 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.1, pp.27-41,159, 1975-08-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Rumi's religious thought is based on the sufism developed by Ibn 'Arabi. The pivot of his thought is the idea of the union with God. According to his view, it is not the abstract thought separated from reality but the subjective and existential one. It is concerned with what the true and fundamental self of man should be. The idea originates from the Unity of God (tawhid), the basic doctrine of Islam. I think his idea occured when “tawhid” was earnestly and thoroughly sought.God is the only true Being. Beings other than God are nothing but Divine Manifestation (tajalli). The true Unity of God is found, I think, in Divine Act in the eternal Now which Rumi calls the “new creation” (khalq-i jadid). This Unity cannot be known by means of ordinary knowledge. Man can know it when he dies to his self. Dying to his self is “fana'”.Why must he die to self in order to know God? God gives man both body and soul (ruh, jan), the latter of which is one with God. Man is the only creature that is created to know God. Though everyone is created and given life at every moment by God, he separates from God before reaching fana'. It is the separation from God to live without knowing that fundamental fact. This is no other than the sin of man. Forgetting that God is his fundamental (asl), he regards his self as his own. Rumi names this self “nafs”. To regard his self as what is in and by himself is at the same time to set it up against God. That means to rebel against the Unity of God.The awakening of sin makes him a seeker (talib). The seeker must be guided by the master (shaykh, pir) who is one with God, for “nafs” remains in the seeker. The only purpose of this search is to die to his self. So he must make himself lower and lower. God pours his Love on the one who makes himself lower.Dying to self takes place in the very self, but it is not due to man's own act. Only Divine Love can do it. This is fana'. Man can reach the union with God at the moment of fana'. Therefore, the union never means that two kinds of being, God and man, become one by such means as fusion. We must regard Rumi's idea of union as the realization of the Unity of God, where man is dead and only God exists. At the moment of fana' he can know God and find his fundamental self which participates in Divine Act. He can find God nowhere but in his own fundamental (asl), his soul.But fana' is not the final stage. He must pass away from fana'. Passing away from fana' (fana' al-fana') is baqa'. In this stage he can realize the true unitive state. At baqa' he can live the life of his fundamental self and his life is one with Divine's. Rumi expresses this situation as “ham-dami”, which literally means “to participate in breath”. Man's every act participates in Divine Act.

著者

杉村 貞臣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3-4, pp.87-120,224, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Since 614, when the Holy Cross in Jerusalem fell into the Persian hand, the time was getting ripe for taking back it, and was strengthening the spiritual unity of the Roman Empire with the doctrine which was proposed by Sergios.The Roman Emperor Heracleios (610-641) went on an expedition into the Persian territory from 622 to 629, and took back the Holy Cross. In the Christian world, before the expedition, the Monophysist in Syria and Egypt opposed the proporsal of Sergios, but during the expedition they changed to agreed to it, and the Pope Honorius I (625-638) recognized the Monotheletism.We can point out that the Persian Expedition of Heracleios went a long way toward strengthenning the unity of the Empire in the early part of the seventh century.

著者

屋形 禎亮

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.57-78,184, 1973 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Abusir Papyri are the oldest body of papyri at present known. it was discovered at the funerary temple of Neferirkara Kakai at Abusir. Though fragmentary, their importance to Egyptology lies in furnishing the earliest examples of the hieratic script and giving informations for the administration of a Pyramid temple. But they had fallen into the hands of many museums and only a few fragments had been published till 1968. In this year all these important documents were fully published by P. Posener-Kriéger and J. L. de Cenival, Hieratic Papyri in the British Musenm, 5th series: The Abu Sir Papyri, London 1968. So now we can study these documents for the first time. In this article I treated of the date of these papyri, their contents and their significance to Egyptological studies.As for the date of the papyri, comparing the clear dates (those of Isesi and Teti), other dates without the name of the reigning pharaoh (ranging from the 2nd “numbering of the cattle” to the 21st), and the cartouches of pharaohs without dates, we can deduce that the highest date of the papyri is the year 3 or 5 under Isesi and the lowest is the year 2 or 12 under Teti. But because of the close similarities in the script and the small number of the cartouches of Unas and Teti, I suppose that the most of the papyri should be ascribed to a relatively short period, that is, to the reign of Isesi.As for the contents of the papyri, they consist of four types of documents, 1) duty-tables (the compilation of the every day allotment of the tasks of each member of the temple staff on duty), 2) inventories (charaterized by the records of inspections on the change of phylae), 3) accounts (of most varied classes registering income and expenses of the temple), and 4) the other documents) including a copy of a letter, a permit, rituals, and many unclassified fragments).I think duty-tables are the most interesting of these four types of documents because of its uniqueness, and examined from four points of view what kind of informations we could expect to derive from them. Firstly we have the oldest record of the practise of “Stundenpriesterschaft” (rotation-system in religious services of the temple staff divided into phylae) in these duty-tables. I suppose that this system had been introduced from royal labour-system into funerary temples for management of its economy and spread over other temples. Secondly we can reconstruct the organization of the temple staff from their titles, and thirdly gather informations on their duties, especially the priests called hm-ntr and hntj-š. Lastly, concerning the reform of the organization of funerary temples under Nyuserra, I think there is some possibility that hntjw-š were introduced by this reform.In short, by studying personal names, their titles and their duties recorded in duty-tables, we can make out the kind of their services and the forms of its performance. This will be a important step to reconstruct the actual operation of the administrative system of funerary temples and to approach many unsolved problems concerning the state-structure under the Old Kingdom.

著者

清水 宏祐

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.20-38, 1984

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Irshad al-Zira'a "The Guide of Agriculture" was written by Qasim b. Yusuf Abu Nasri Harawi in 921/1515. It is supposed to have been prepared during the era of the Timurids. It is a mine of agricultural information. Its contents are as follows;<br>Selection of soil<br>Selection of time for cultivating<br>Cereals and manure<br>Grapes and vines<br>Vegetables<br>Trees and flowers<br>Care for trees and estimation of crops<br>Gardening<br>The sources of its information are considered as follows;<br>The knowledge of well experienced farmers<br>Greco-Islamic Science; Theory of Garenos and Plato<br>Books of Agriculture in Arabic and other languages<br>The opinion of 'ulama' and court officials<br>The most important is one from farmers. Judging from the names of varieties of grapes, wheats, barleys, and other crops, the geographical background of Irshad al-Zira'a is confirmed to be the world around Herat, namely the eastern part of Iran and the western part of Central Asia.

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.60-87, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

10

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Mir'at al-zaman is one of the most enormous chronicles among Arabic historical works; it was written by Sibt ibn al-Jawzi in the 13th century. This work has been regarded as one of the most important sources of history contemporary with the author and has the further value of containing other historical works which have already been lost. Nevertheless, Mir'at remains unedited except for some small parts and has scarcely been examined philologically yet.Therefore, in this paper I examine Mir'at philologically and start on the classification of its manuscripts into groups.The first fruit of this paper, is a table of the 111 known manuscripts of Mir'at, together with their bibliographical information, I was able to classify many of the manuscripts as belonging to one of two groups, though many I have been unable to classify yet.I investigated the features of these two groups of manuscripts. As a result, it develops that one belongs to an abridged edition of Mir'at which was compiled by al-Yunini, the other belongs to an abstracted version which was compiled by an anonymous editor. Although the latter has been regarded as a copy of an original text of Mir'at in former research, I point out the error of this conclusion. I have been unable to discover any copy of the original text among the 111 manuscripts.Thus, as I point out, the manuscripts of Mir'at which have been used for historical research on medieval western Asia are not those of Mir'at itself, but are historical works abridged from original in a later period. In other words, medieval western Asian history has never been examined using Mir'at itself.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.2, pp.39-55, 1979 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Nikudaris was a band of people who lived in the district of Ghazna and used to make invasions into the provinces of Sistan, Kerman and Fars to the west and Multan, Lahore and Dehli to the east in the 13th and the 14th centuries. Originally they were belonging to the Ulus of Juchi, but later they were commanded by the princes descending from Chaghatai.I have come to the conclusion that they were belonging not to the three princes Balaghay, Tutar and Quli, who had been dispatched by Batu from the Ulus of Juchi to join Hülegü's campaigns in Iran and died successively in the II-khan's court, but to the army who had settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of the Great Khan Ögedei.For one reason, I find in eastern Iran no trace of the army of abovementioned princes after the conquest of the Assassins and the Abbassids.Then, Marco Polo, who traveled through the districts of Kerman, , Rudbar and Hormuz in about 1272, reported that their soldiers were of mixed bood, which was impossible to happen to those of the three-princes who arrived in Iran with Hülegü.Thirdly, they were called as Nikudaris or as Qarauna (s) s replaceable with each other. The latter was a name given to the descendents of the army settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of Ögedei.In 1261/2 they fled from Hülegü's search and went to the city of Mastung led by Nikudar (or Negüder) Noyan. Later they came in submission to the Chaghataid princes. In 1262/3 it was reported to the court of prince Töbshin that Shams al-Din Kurt of Herat was willing to join the Chaghataids and Nikudar. At that time Algu Khan of the Ulus of Chaghatai invited the commanders of the Indo-Iranian frontier army, but no one from the Nikudaris was cited. Then we find Junjudar Noyan, one of the chiefs of the Niktidaris was appeared in the vicinity of Zaranj, the capital city of Sistan. Before 1271 some of the Chaghataids were settled in Sistan and before 1272 the Nikudaris began to attack Rudbar. Their commanders were Chaghatai's great grandson Mubarak-Shah, his son Öljei-Buqa, Chaghatai's grandson Mochi and his son Qutlug-Khoja.

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.142-148, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.130-142, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)