著者

伊藤 守

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, pp.148-149, 2008-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

松田 士朗

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.145-146, 2008-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

于 海春

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.241-260, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-03-29)

参考文献数

22

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This study explores the journalism award system and award-giving practices at both national and provincial levels in China. Since the 1990s, an established award system has existed in China, through which the Chinese Communist Party and government have tended to define “good quality news” to control journalists and news production. The central argument of this study, however, is that even under an authoritarian regime, differences in award-giving practices are evident at the provincial level. Due to their diverse political economies, provincial governments have various interpretations of “good quality news” and thus attitudes toward media control. Following an empirical content analysis comparing article winners of the national and three provincial―Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangdong―journalism awards between 1997 and 2017, two conclusions were reached. First, the findings reveal that although the official award system is designed as a top-down structure, there are remarkable differences in the content of award-winning articles at the provincial (horizontal) level; thus, a variance in media control between national and provincial government is demonstrated in authoritarian China. Second, drastic changes can be seen in the award-giving practice of Guangdong and Beijing since Xi Jinping became China’s president in 2013: between 2013 and 2017, significantly fewer award-winning articles exhibit watchdog journalism. It is evident, therefore, that the Chinese Communist Party and government exercise less tolerance toward criticism of their power in the media under Xi Jinping.

著者

藤森 研

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.241-242, 2019-07-31 (Released:2019-10-25)

著者

北出 真紀恵

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.134-145, 2002-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

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This paper aims to examine the role expectations of female radio personalities and the gender structuring of radio personalities. Radio has come to be situated as a local medium aiming at mass personal communication, and its broadcasters are called "radio personalities." Through interviews with former radio producers and female radio personalities, I conclude that female radio personalities are expected to perform specifically feminine roles. Acting as the metaphorical wives of their partners, they speak as representatives of those involved in daily and/or household matters. For this reason, radio cannot yet be called gender-free.

著者

曲 揚

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, pp.123-141, 2017-07-31 (Released:2017-11-07)

参考文献数

45

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This paper discusses the political propaganda activities of Japan againstChina during the Second Sino-Japanese War by analyzing Dentsu Inc.’s Chinesemagazine from 1938 to 1944. After the investigation and arrangement of the publication activities ofDentsu Inc. during the Second Sino-Japanese War, this paper uncovers anotherside of Dentsu Inc. that differs from its well-known identity as an advertisingcompany. On this basis, this paper analyzes the content of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinesemagazine in combination with its historical context. The content of the magazinetransformed from its original coverage of trade, economic reviews, andcomprehensive monthly reviews into that of a literary magazine. Its developmentappears to show its transformation from a trade information magazineunrelated to Japan’s national policy into a weapon for opinions and ideologicalwarfare. However, this magazine was designed with a definite propagandaobject and purpose since its first publication. The characteristics of the magazineinclude:( 1) duality of superficial Sino-Japan cooperation and domination byJapanese;(2) magazine content in unilateral transmission from Japan (dominator)to China( dominatee);( 3) when Japan lost the battle during the SecondSino-Japanese War, the magazine converted its content from rational analysisand review into perceptual spirit theory, tried to fight against Europe andAmerica appealing to oriental cultural spirit, and resorted to using emotionincitingcultural and literary works as its main propaganda means. The development and content change of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese magazinereflect how Japan explored political propaganda activities against China duringthe Second Sino-Japanese War. In other words, Dentsu Inc.’s magazine, afterseveral episodes of edition revision and final publication suspension, could not promotethe heartfelt exchange between China and Japan, and ended up in failure.

著者

辻 大介

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, pp.3-13, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-09-11)

参考文献数

27

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In the United States increasing ideological polarization between the Republicans and the Democrats has deteriorated into a deep partisan divide among the public, exemplified by the Trump phenomenon since the 2016 presidential election. It has been noted that the Internet intensifies and entrenches such polarization of political attitudes through encouraging selective exposure of information based on individual preferences and predispositions.In Japan, although the situation is not as drastic as in the United States, the left-right partisan conflict in the mass public has become more salient under the Abe government than before, particularly on the Internet. This study examined the effects of Internet use to polarize Japanese political attitudes, distinguishing the two-stage processes suggested by the “minimal effects” theory.Analyses of nation-wide survey data randomly collected in 2019 revealed that people with high political interest and efficacy were more likely to seek ʻhard news’ concerning political and social affairs on the Internet, while those who were less politically sophisticated tended to focus more on ʻsoft news’, such as entertainment. The results indicated that the high-choice information environment brought about by the Internet increased the gap between the political actives and the apathies. Second, using a generalized ordered probit regression model as an alternative to a problematic methodology employed in previous studies, this study demonstrated that hours of using the Internet for personal interests had significantly a polarizing effect on the approval/disapproval toward the Abe administration, which was likely affection-based rather than ideology-based. This paper discussed the implications of these findings for civic engagement in democracy.

著者

浅野 健一

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, pp.203-204, 2020-01-31 (Released:2020-06-17)

著者

佐藤 信吾

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.181-199, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-03-29)

参考文献数

38

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This paper clarifies the interaction between journalism and social authorities through commemoration to construct the war memory, focusing on the “memorial visit” conducted by Heisei Tennō and the social remembrance of the Battle of Manila. Heisei Tennō visited the Philippines in January 2016 as a final overseas destination in his lifelong journey to console the spirits of war victims.In conventional journalism theory, social authorities are perceived as powers enforcing the dominant memory frameworks through commemoration, while “forgotten” memories are invisible. Journalism stands on the same side as social authority and either reinforces these frameworks or opposes the authority’s stance and criticizes them. During the “memorial visit,” however, Heisei Tennō attempted to unearth the “forgotten” memory (the Battle of Manila), and his trip triggered a debate about Asian-Pacific war memory in Japanese society. Journalists also noticed the importance of this memory and reported it on a much larger extent than before. This situation shows that social authorities and journalism can interact with each other, and these interactions can excavate “forgotten” memories. In this paper, I analyze articles from the Asahi Shimbun, Yomiuri Shimbun, Nikkei Shimbun, and Manila Shimbun (local newspaper in Manila), and clarify the structure in which Japanese journalism became aware of the memory of the Battle of Manila through reports on the “memorial visit.” It becomes clear that the three Japanese newspapers had hardly reported on the Battle of Manila before the “memorial visit.” Moreover, the number of reports increased dramatically during the journey. In addition, I discuss the difficulty of the continuous recall of memories led by a one-time event (“memorial visit”) from the viewpoint of journalism routine theory (news value theory and August journalism in Japan).

著者

小林 聡明

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, pp.129-147, 2009-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

47

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The U.S. returned Okinawa/Ryukyu to Japan in 1972 after 27 years of occupation. The Agreement between Japan and the U.S. Concerning the Ryukyu Islands and the Daito Islands determined the relocation of the Voice of America's transmitters in Okinawa. However the relocation process has still not been cleared. Moreover, there is a secret agreement on the VOA's relocation costs. This paper clarifies the negotiations between Republic of Korea and the U.S. on the transmitters' relocation by analyzing the declassified documents in ROK Diplomatic Archives. It not only sheds light on the hidden history of VOA but also explores the significance of VOA in East Asia during the Cold War.

著者

桶田 敦

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, pp.3-12, 2019-01-31 (Released:2019-06-06)

参考文献数

4

被引用文献数

1

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A symposium was held on June 23, 2018, entitled “What is Public OpinionSurvey Discussion on the Reliability of Public Opinion at a Crossroads” atthe Spring Research Presentation of the Japan Society for Studies in Journalismand Mass Communication. In public opinion polls, it is natural that reliability and validity are requiredtogether with its immediacy. However, although the trial and error is being carriedout at each research institution about the methodology of such cellularphone RDD (Random Digit Dialing) survey, researchers and practitioners ofrelated positions will meet together to discuss its reliability and validity. Therefore,it is the purpose of this symposium to overview the present situation ofpublic opinion surveys, to discuss its reliability and consider its validity, and toconfirm the concept of “public opinion survey in the present age” at the sametime. Discussions were held at this symposium by three public opinion surveypractitioners and two researchers. The point of discussion is the current stateof public opinion survey in the mass media; in particular the basic concepts ofRDD fixed telephone survey and the problems of RDD phone survey to landlinesand mobile phones. The issues were then collated. In addition, there was areport on conditions for the creation of alternative methods and investigationmethods conforming to the conditions for post-RDD fixed telephone surveys. In response to these reports, important points were identified, stating thatit is necessary to clearly distinguish between surveys and polls and to handlepolls appropriately.

著者

大石 裕

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.17-34, 2020-07-31 (Released:2020-09-26)

参考文献数

31

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The masses have been perceived in a negative light in contrast to the public.In addition, the mass audience has been regarded as subjects who are easilymanipulated by media and political elites. Still, the elimination of the massesmay jeopardize democracy itself. This fear as held by the author derives fromthe fact that the masses and media in advanced societies have shaped populardemocracy as the correct form of democracy. This article re-examines masscommunication in terms of popular democracy and national democracy.

著者

メディア史研究部会

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.49-61, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-03-29)

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The term “media history” itself was coined in the 1970s, but the field of media studies was established in the 1990’s in Japan. The studies of media history have encompassed individual studies of different media, with the historical study of newspapers and television at its core. Much media history research has emerged in last 30 years most of which concentrating on the war and occupation periods between 1931 and 1951. Particularly remarkable was the development of research on Taiwan and Korea, under the Japanese Empire, as well as on Japanese occupied territories and China.In the study of newspaper history, the social transition of journalists as a group was discussed anew. The historical studies of magazines and publishing has seen the development in the area of readership and magazine genres. Research on news agencies has been carried out over a long period from 19th to the 21st century. As for radio broadcasting, research newly developed the histories of broadcasting in Asia and in the Arab world. In the study of the history of television, a study has appeared on the issue of war and memory in television. In the field of photography and film, a wide variety of research results have been achieved, including the international history of film exchange, research on cinemas and the film industry, and the archiving of documentary films. In the history of advertising, progress was made in the collection of oral histories and in the archiving of advertising material. Media studies of Japanese immigrants have developed mainly on North American newspapers. The historical study of public relations diplomacy and propaganda also took a new turn with studies of the US, China, Japan and Germany. Cross-media studies include those on media reception in local communities and those on narratives of war. Last but not least important is a meta-study that re-examines the history of media history research itself.

著者

松山 秀明

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.35-48, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-03-29)

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This paper investigates the history of broadcasting studies in Japan and suggests possibilities for future research. Nearly 100 years have passed since the commencement of broadcasting in Japan. A wide variety of studies about Japanese broadcasting have been conducted. In the 1920s through the 1930s, early radio studies focused on analyzing the characteristics of radio as new medium. However, in the late 1930s through the 1940s, radio studies in Japan changed the opinions that radio was the weapon of state control during the war. After the Second World War, academic institutions were established in Japan, such as the Institute of Journalism and Communication Studies at The University of Tokyo (1949-1992) and the NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute (1946 onward). These academic institutions created demonstrative research of television and present a new scheme for critical research called “Broadcast Studies”. However, in the 1970s through the 1980s, Japanese broadcasting studies were gradually stagnant because of the bloated broadcasting industries. After the 1990s, Japanese television studies tries to build a new scheme, depending on the theory from overseas such as Cultural Studies and Semiotics. “Archive research” that gain momentum in the 2000s through the 2010s has become the darling of Japanese research on television broadcasts. In other words, an “age of verification” where a number of researchers use radio and television programs as materials for argumentation has started. Nowadays the television viewing is decreasing among young people, on the other hand the viewing images on the Internet such as YouTube and Netflix is more and more increasing. Future broadcasting studies in Japan have to focus on changing a concept of “broadcasting” on the internet age.

著者

山腰 修三

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.3-12, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-03-29)

参考文献数

27

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The purpose of this paper is to review the development of theoretical research in The Japan Society for Studies in Journalism and Mass Communication. Theoretical studies of mass communication in Japan began after World War II. In the course of theoretical interventions into the political and social situation of the time, mass communication theory in Japan relied heavily on mass society theory. This made it possible to articulate media effects theory and journalism theory into mass communication theory. In this articulating process, “the social” and “the political” have played the role of the nodal points. These nodal points connected mass communication theory with not only journalism and media effects studies, but also information society theory and cultural studies.As media studies have developed, the situation has changed. Media studies has developed under the influence of theoretical fields that are different from traditional mass communication studies. In this paper, we call these theories of media studies as “media theory.” Mass communication theory has been unable to include or articulate with media theory. And media theory in Japan have excluded theories of mass communication studies such as journalism. As a consequence, theories of media and communication studies in Japan are fragmented, and the age of post-theory is about to arrive.In order to solve this crisis, we need to reevaluate a theoretical significance of “the social” and “the political” as nodal points.

著者

丸山 重威

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, pp.283-284, 2010-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

平松 淑郎 西野 泰司

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.195-196, 1996

著者

丸山 友美

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.143-162, 2019

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<p>The purpose of this paper is to explore how television documentaries as a</p><p>particular mode of expression were formed through an investigation of the</p><p>composition of sound recording as a prehistory of television documentaries.</p><p> By tracing the genealogy of the radio programs Man on the Street, which</p><p>started broadcasting during the occupation of Japan at the end of World War</p><p>II, and Social Survey, one of its spinoffs, this paper examines the formation process</p><p>of television documentaries from the following three points. First, this</p><p>paper focuses on the fact that particular documentary aesthetics were imported</p><p>under the leadership of the General Headquarters (GHQ), and examine these</p><p>modes of expression within the dynamic of broadcast policy. Second, it examines</p><p>how Japanese staff who actually produced these programs merged their</p><p>ideas with the occupation army's to create a unique form of Japanese radio documentary.</p><p>Thirdly, it demonstrates how the democratic program ideas presented</p><p>by GHQ became sharply distinguished as what would be called Rokuon-</p><p>Kōsei. These points are investigated from a detailed technical, historical and</p><p>formal analysis.</p><p> This paper presents two concluding points: 1) that opinions of socially vulnerable</p><p>communities became newly accessible in radio broadcasting after</p><p>World War II and 2) that this was made possible by a brusque and minimalist</p><p>editing method that was developed with the intention of broadcasting these</p><p>subaltern opinions with little modification. This genealogically leads us to the</p><p>television documentary The Real Face of Japan, which was produced with a</p><p>new montage theory that until then had not been done in the documentaries</p><p>and culture films, and was subsequently highly praised by documentarists and</p><p>critics. Thus, this paper offers a new analytical point of view for reviewing</p><p>early television documentaries through describing the formation process of documentary</p><p>modes of expression called Rokuon-Kōsei in earlier radio documentaries.</p>

著者

岡村 黎明 石澤 靖治

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.219-220, 1997

著者

喜多 満里花

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.181-199, 2020

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<p> Popular cultural content is transnational, as it is produced across national</p><p>borders. However, it is used as a tool to represent national image and identity</p><p>for branding, which is contradictory. Therefore, two issues will become the</p><p>subject of discussion: signifying the processes of policy makers and the</p><p>effects of these discourses on people's national identity. This study examines</p><p>these issues through document analysis of Korean government publications</p><p>concerning Korean popular music( K-Pop).</p><p> The study shows that K-Pop signifies two different things in these</p><p>documents.</p><p>Documents written in English say that it is "hybrid and transnational</p><p>music" for external branding, whereas those in Korean claim that it has</p><p>"original content, inheriting Korea-ness from traditional culture" for internal</p><p>branding.</p><p>In addition, the government's view of national identity and cultural</p><p>nationalism shown in internal branding is not considered by the Korean</p><p>people in their reactions to discourse about the Korean wave or change of</p><p>governance. This rejection of this reconstructed national identity differs from</p><p>the circumstances shown in previous studies.</p>