著者

Yoshimi Osawa 大澤 由実

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.379-405, 2019-10-29

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本稿の目的は,食文化そして社会的文脈においてうま味がどのような感覚として捉えられ,認識されているのか,またその認識はどのように構築されたのかを,現代日本の事例をもとに明らかにすることである。味覚としてのうま味が発見されたのは 20 世紀前半の日本であり,その発見と味の概念としての普及はうま味調味料や化学調味料と呼ばれているグルタミン酸ナトリウムを主原料とした調味料の産業化と密接な関係があった。うま味の発見以来,自然科学的なうま味の解明が進むなかで,物質化,言語化されたうま味は科学的な根拠を元に第5 の味覚として概念化され,一般に定着した。一方でうま味の認識には,美味しいという評価的要素と,出汁やうま味調味料の味という性質的要素が複合的に存在していることが示された。新しい味としてうま味の認識は,個人の感覚的経験や実際の食物との関係性など複数の要因に基づき構築されたものであることが明らかになった。

著者

Aiko Hibino 日比野 愛子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.255-278, 2019-10-29

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本稿では,労働生産の文脈で手作業と機械がどのような関係性を取り持つのかを技術論・組織論の観点から明らかにすることを目的とする。技術史家の中岡哲郎の理論的枠組みに沿うならば,手作業と機械の関係性のあり方は,工場が一つの組織として成り立つ過程の中で定まっていく。日本の青森県に立地する食品加工工場と機械加工工場でのフィールド調査をもとに,機械化が進む際の手作業と機械の新たな役割,ならびに分業を検討した。そこでは,“手作業の復権” とも呼べるような手作業の役割の強化が見出される一方,機械にシンボルとしての役割が付されていた。加えて,工程を制御するための知的熟練にも限界があることを事例の中から提起した。こうした手作業と機械の関係性は,生産の流動化と高付加価値化といった外部環境に対応する過程の中で形成されてきたと考えられる。総合考察では,以上の身体-機械関係性の議論が現代の自動化問題に対して持つ含意について論じた。

著者

後藤 明 Akira Goto

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.315-359, 2002-11-20

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人工物(artifact)の製作技術の研究は,材料や製作用具の特定や,工程の同定に止まるものではない。製作者は材料や製作用具に関する詳細な知識をもち,また製作物の形態や構造に関するデザインを行う必要がある。しかし技術的な知識とは,具体的な行為の中で,材料と製作用具を工程に沿って操作するための実践的知識なのである。また結果として生み出される人工物は,「青写真的」デザインが単に物質に鋳型のように上乗せされてできるものではない。 製作者は組織化された身振りによって素材の性質と絶えず対話を行い,偶発的な問題に対応しながら,ある一定の範囲で目指す構造や形態にたどり着くのである。製作工程では種々の決裁(decision-making)ないし意志決定が行われるが,それにはほとんど無意識の体の反応から,意識的あるいは組織的な行動に至るまで多層的に階層化した構造が見られる。またその意志決定の階梯は人工物を作る素材や目指す製品の形態や構造によって異なってくることが予想される。 本稿で取り上げるソロモン諸島の貝ビーズ製作は,貝を削って行うビーズの製作という減算的過程と,ビーズを組み上げるという加算的あるいは構成的な過程の結合で成り立つ。人々は習得した身体技法を通して作業を行ってゆくが,今日,製作の各工程において,材料の貝殻や中間段階の貝ビーズの調達に複雑な流通経路が形成されている。人々はこのような経路を使って,さまざまな計画的ないし偶発的な需要に対して臨機応変な対応をしている。 このように,無意識的なあるいは条件付けられた身振りから,材料調達に関する組織的な発案に至るまで,総体的に見ることで初めて技術の動態が理解できる。技術とは社会的に蓄積された知識であり,製作者の技能の習得から,材料調達の仕組みに至るまで,一定の行動パターンを生み出す一種の制度と考えることが有効であろう。 操作連鎖論的モデルは人工物の製作工程研究にきわめて有効な方法であるが,狭義の「工程の記述」に矮小化せずに,上記のような制度的な側面を含めるべく拡張し,再構築すべきであろう。

著者

Kazunobu Ikeya Nobuhiro Kishigami Shiro Sasaki Mikako Toda 池谷 和信 岸上 伸啓 佐々木 史郎 戸田 美佳子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.3, pp.321-372, 2018-02-28

著者

Chie Kamino 神野 知恵

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.443-483, 2019-01-25

著者

Wakana Okuda 奥田 若菜

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.317-332, 2019-01-25

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Language policy is a governmental intervention that assigns languages arelative status. One language can thus be given priority over others by anauthoritarian state, and this distinction reflects the political and social situationof the society. In this article, the author discusses the process ofestablishing the legitimacy of Portuguese as an official language in Timor-Leste and illustrates two pillars of the discourse upon which this legitimacyhas been built. The first pillar is the invocation of history and leaders’speeches about Portuguese during the struggle for Timor-Leste’s independence,and the second is the argued necessity for Timor-Leste to join theinternational community for greater development. Resting on these two pillars,Portuguese has begun to function as the national language in Timor-Leste.

著者

大塚 和義 Kazuyoshi Ohtsuka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.4, pp.778-822, 1977-01-14

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Prior to the 20th century the Ainu caught large fish and seaanimals by means of toggle-headed harpoons known as kite.The 120 examples referred to in this paper represent the majorityof kite known to be extant. The author has classified these intotypes according to their distribution, shape and function.Type A-found only along the coast of Iburi. Its rear barbsare large and wing-shaped, with flat ends. Used mainly forcatching swordfish.Type B-found in most Ainu regions, this type can further beclassed into five subtypes (B1–B5). Its rear barbs are pointed.Used for catching sunfish, dolphin, and probably all kinds of seaanimals (seals, fur seal, sea lions, whales, etc.).Type C-found on the Japan Sea side of Oshima peninsulaand along the straits of Tsugaru. Similar in shape to Type B,it is rhombic in cross-section with a longitudinal ridge line.Targets of use unknown.Type D-found only on the coast of the Gulf of Uchiura.The back cavity is shallow and the top of the rear barb is Vshaped.The tip is bent slightly so that aconite poison can beplaced in the neck groove. Used for catching whales.Type E-found along the Gulf of Uchiura. It has a holeperforated at right angles to the face of the harpoon.In addition to these 120 from modern times, numerous otherAinu harpoons have been retrieved from archaeological sites.These can be given the following chronological arrangement:Types A and B2 may, be considered to be the most recentsince they have not been found in prehistoric ruins. I assumethat they came into existence around the beginning of the 19thcentury. Type C can be traced to the end of the 18th century,and Type D presumably derives from the same period.Harpoons of Type B (except B2) were found inside the bodyof a whale caught offshore from Keichi in 1725. So it can beargued that they date at the latest to the early 18th century.Furthermore, harpoons of a type similar to Type B occur inarchaeological sites in Hokkaido, where they date to around the17th century. I have tentatively classed these Hokkaidospecimens as Type F.Type F appears to have been developed as a cross betweentwo types of harpoons. One was the so-called Ketsunyu-rit&mori,a harpoon known as early as 7000 years ago in Hokkaido. Theother was a type of harpoon that came in from the north aroundthe time of the 12th century. With Type F we have the firstform of the Ainu kite.

著者

岸上 伸啓 Nobuhiro Kishigami

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.399-470, 2011-02-25

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文化人類学者は,さまざまな時代や地域,文化における人類とクジラの諸関係を研究してきた。捕鯨の文化人類学は,基礎的な調査と応用的な調査からなるが,研究者がいかに現代世界と関わりを持っているかを表明することができるフォーラム(場)である。また,研究者は現代の捕鯨を研究することによってグローバル化する世界システムのいくつかの様相を解明し,理解することができる。本稿において筆者は捕鯨についての主要な文化人類学研究およびそれらに関連する調査動向や特徴,諸問題について紹介し,検討を加える。近年では,各地の先住民生存捕鯨や地域捕鯨を例外とすれば,捕鯨に関する文化人類学的研究はあまり行われていない。先住民生存捕鯨研究や地域捕鯨研究では日本人による調査が多数行われているが,基礎的な研究が多い。一方,欧米人による先住民生存捕鯨研究は実践志向の研究が多い。文化人類学が大きく貢献できる研究課題として,(1)人類とクジラの多様な関係の地域的,歴史的な比較,(2)「先住民生存捕鯨」概念の再検討,(3)反捕鯨NGO と捕鯨推進NGO の研究,(4)反捕鯨運動の根底にある社会倫理と動物福祉,およびクジラ観に関する研究,(5)マスメディアのクジラ観やイルカ観への社会的な諸影響,(6)ホエール・ウォッチング観光の研究,(7)鯨類資源の持続可能な利用と管理に関する応用研究,(8)クジラや捕鯨者,環境NGO,政府,国際捕鯨委員会のような諸アクターによって構成される複雑なネットワークシステムに関するポリティカル・エコロジー研究などを提案する。これらの研究によって,文化人類学は学問的にも実践的にも捕鯨研究に貢献できると主張する。

著者

田辺 明生 Akio Tanabe

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.329-358, 2009-02-27

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This article discusses the relationships between Subaltern Studies andSouth Asian anthropology. After surveying the mutual influences between thetwo, the article argues the following: 1) the field of historical anthropologythat pays attention to the history and structure of workings of power, subjectformationand the role of agency, has the potentiality of fruitfully combininganthropological knowledge and inspirations from Subaltern Studies; 2) thereis a need to pay attention to the role of cultural re-imagination by the subalternsin the contemporary process of political group formation; 3) in additionto understanding the social structure and/or moments of change representedby revolts, it is necessary to consider the dynamics of social “becoming”, thatis, the process of transformation of social relationships and patterns throughevery day events. Lastly, the article argues that care should be taken to notethe change in the semantics of the term ‘subaltern’ under the present day globalization.Attempts to locate the presence of the ‘subaltern’ in the present situationcan function to identify a group as a holder of particular resources—e.g. genetic resources or medicinal knowledge—instead of shedding light onalternative viewpoints. This would only work to enrol the subalterns in globalcapitalism instead of appreciating and respecting their way of life. We need tobe extremely careful about studying the subaltern under such conditions.

著者

須藤 健一 スドウ ケンイチ Ken’ichi Sudo Sauchomal Sabino

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.4, pp.639-766, 1982-03-30

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The texts of the three folktales presented here form part of thelong story of Panziwnap (Great Navigator) and his family on SatawalIsland, a small coral island in Micronesia. Although the GreatNavigator theme is widespread in the Caroline Islands (e.g., onUlithi Atoll [LESSA1 961], Lamotrek Atoll [KRAMER1 937], PuluwatAtoll [ELBERT1 971], and Pulap Atoll [KRAMER1 9 35] ), its motifvaries from island to island. This article presents the folktale ofPantiwnap and his family as a text, and then clarifies the "Navigator'sWay" by examining the motif suggested in these tales. Fieldworkon which this paper is based was conducted on Satawal fromJune to September, 1978 and from May, 1979 to March, 1980.Our informant was the late Isidore Namonur, a renowned Satawalesecanoe builder and navigator.In summary, the texts of the three folktales are as follows:TEXT 1: Pangwnap lived on Uman Island with his sons,Rongonap, Rongolik, Yatiniman, and Pause. When Rongonap andRongohk trapped fish, Rongohk's trap caught more than Rongonap's.When they were felling breadfruit trees to make canoes, Rongohk'swork was completed without trouble whereas Rongonap's tree didnot fall, since, unlike Rongohk, he failed to make an offering to thetree's spirit. Rongonap became angry with his father because hethought that the father had taught more knowledge to Rongohkthan he taught him. And he killed his brother, Yatiniman, whowas expert in making weather forecasts in the morning.This murder prompted Panavnap to use the name of some ofRongonap's actions in the killing as terms for parts of the canoe thatthey were making. He told Rongonap that the canoe float would becalled "taam" (lit. "raising"), implying Rongonap's raising of thestick with which he hit his brother. The sail would be called "yggw"(lit. "neck"), signifying Yatiniman's neck to which Rongonap tied arope when he dragged him into the sea. In all the names of seventeencanoes parts were derived from Yatiniman's murder.TEXT 2: Pangwnap lived on Uman with his sons Rongonapand Rongohk. One day Rongonap decided to sail to Wuung's island.On the way he met and chased away Pangwnap's nieces. He failedto prepare spear to harvest taro and coconut and therefore could notobtain any. Knowing little about Wuung's island, he did notinstruct his crew to remove their hats and coats when they nearedthe island. Further, he disobeyed his father's teaching by notpresenting a gift to the islanders who came to welcome him. Onthe island, Rongonap and his crew bathed in a clear pond, whichmade them sleepy. At night, he disobeyed Wuung's request to tellstory, and instead Rongonap and his crew fell asleep. They werethen eaten by Wuung.Sailing in search of his brother, Rongoiik met Pangwnap's niecesand gave them food. He could obtain taro and coconut because hehad brought along a spear. He instructed his men to remove theirhats and coats when they neared the island, and he obeyed hisfather's teaching by giving food to the people who welcomed him.Of the two ponds, he chose the dirty one for his men to bathe in,and this pond had the power to repel sleep. In advance, Rongohkhad woven a net which was used to catch the fish sent to destroyhis canoe. At night he put pieces of copra on the eyes of his menand recounted stories to Wuung until dawn broke. He set fire toWuung's house when Wuung fell asleep and departed the islandafter collecting his brother's and his crew's bones. Wuung's peopletried to destroy the canoe but failed. Wuung was also killed in theattempt and Rongohk, Rongonap and the crews returned safely toUman.TEXT3:Pαnuwnap lived in Uman with his sons Rongonap and Rongorik.Coming back from their sister's island, Rongonap lied to his father, contending that the inhabitants of that island had ill-treated him, so Pαnuwnap went to make war on the islanders. He scolded his son severely after learning from his daugherthat Rongonap had told a lie. Rongonap and Rongorik were further in-structed bytheir father to give food to Yanunuwayi, their younger brother, while on a voyage.Rongorik complied but Rongonap gave only empty coconuts and food wrappers.He payed for his mis-behavior when his canoe was destroyed by a typhoon during a latervoyage. He drifted alone in the sea and was rescued by Yaneinawayi,who took him to his own sand islet. Rongonap became hungryand Yanitnetwitygia ve him empty coconuts and food wrappers, justas Rongonap had done to Yaneznezwayi.Yantinziwayci aused him to suffer more by making him staylonger on the islet after he was overcome by homesickness. FinallyYanfinizwaytio ok Rongonapb ack to his home in Uman.Examination of the three folktales reveals the following mainpoints as fundamental to the etiquette of canoe builders and navigators:(1) Supernatural beings play an important role in the processof canoe-making. Before felling a breadfruit tree to build a canoe,the builder must make an offering to the spirit of the tree;(2) Navigators must learn and obey many rules. They mustreceive properly people encountered while on a voyage; they mustobserve the customs of other islands, such as removing hats andcoats when approaching it; and they must tell stories about the tripto their hosts when requested to do so; and(3) While on a voyage, navigators are obliged to offer food tothe Spirit of Navigation before they themselves eat. Failure to doso would inevitably lead to difficulties during the voyage.

著者

友枝 啓泰 トモエダ ヒロヤス Hiroyasu Tomoeda

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.240-300, 1980-03-30

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In the southern part of the Central Andes there are numerousversions of a popular fox-tale, in which the fox hero travels to theheavens and crashes to the ground on his return. Some versionsend with the origin of cultivated plants which spill from the stomachof the gluttonous hero who devoured them at a celestial banquet.Dispersion after disjunction (high/low) is an invariant featurewhich characterizes story-formation (combination and functioningof tale elements) of all the versions. And this pattern recurs inthe cortamonte,o ne of the popular carnival activities in the northernpart of the Central Andes. In this activity numerous participantsin the festival fell a tall tree erected in an open square (disjunction)and rush to possess the objects with which it was decorated(dispersion).Although information on the magico-religious motive or symbolicmeaning of the Andean cortamonteis lacking, its formation is quasiidenticalwith the story of some upper Amazonian (montana) myths,which relate that humans obtained various cultivated plants fromthe fruits of an original tree which they had felled. Andeanfox-tales and the Amazonian myths thus coincide in their messageand pattern.The Amazonian myths treat not only cultivated plants but alsohuman mortality, which originates as if it were forced on those who"Chiwaco the Liar," a transformation of the fox-tale.In these versions the thrush hero, acting as spiteful mediatorbetween the celestial God and terrestial humans, is the source ofvarious aspects of human life, such as agriculture, herding, orcooking and eating. Here, man's mortality is treated indirectlyor in a reduce of form because human beings are forced to laborhard to obtain foodstuffs and their teeth, which wear-out, representman's mortality.When man participates actively in the origin process of cultivatedplants, as in the Amazonian cases, he experiences deathsimultaneously. Participating passively in the same process only asthe recipient of messages from the God, as in the chiwaco-tale,lessens his mortal experiences to a degree of labor and pains, whichgives a certain negative value to the plants derived. When he doesnot participate in the process, as in the fox-tale, only the dispersiveaspect of the origin process remains constant and seems to bestressed.Our final observation on an Andean children's play, sachatiray(cutting tree), validates these arguments.felled the miraculous tree. In the Central Andes the message ofthis simultaneous origin of cultivated plants and man's mortality istransmitted in a more attenuated form by another popular tale,

著者

庄司 博史 ショウジ ヒロシ Hiroshi Shoji

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.847-910, 1991-03-18

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This paper aims to analyze the efforts of the Samis to revivetheir language as a modern medium of communication, and, inconnection with this, to throw light upon the role of languagerehabilitation in the Sami ethnopolitical movement.The Sami people, numbering from 50,000 to 70,000 accordingto different sources, are the oldest known indigenous inhabitantsin Northern Scandinavia and the Kola peninsula. Butexcept in some northernmost administrative communes, they nowconstitute only a small portion of the total inhabitants, even intheir own traditional territory, which is partitioned and controlledby four countries, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and theSoviet Union. In sections 2-4 of this paper, the unfavourableconditions of the present Sami language are outlined from variouspoints of view : as a lower-ranked spoken language in multilingualcommunities, as a standard written language, and as anobject and medium of education.The next section attempts to sum up the problems of theSami language under three major factors: its socio-functional stateas a minority language, the linguistic competence of the Samisin their mother tongue, and its normative crisis. By the lastterm I mean (1) the lack of available linguistic norms in the commonwritten language, (2) the lack of means of protecting thelanguage from direct exposure to foreign influence, and (3) aninability to match the language to the demands of presentdaySami society.The next two sections, 6 and 7, summarize the developmentof the Sami ethnopolitical movement in three phases: the periodof growth from the beginning of this century, the revival of themovement after World War II, and the period of remarkable progressfrom the 1970s onward. Attention is paid here also to thechange of conditions surrounding the Samis, i.e. the attitudes ofthe authorities toward them and general notions about the inherentrights of indigenous minority peoples. In this connectionwe discuss the present tendency of the Samis to seek a newethnical identity by emphasizing their cultural uniqueness onthe one hand, and on the other by identifying themselves withindigenous minority peoples. The latter tendency seems to beparticularly significant to the movement, because an increasingnumber of countries and political organizations have, during thelast two decades, recognized the preferential rights of indigenousminorities to territorial claims and other natural resources.In the light of Sami ethnopolitical development, sections8 and 9 characterize various attempts to establish the Sami languageas a full-fledged working language for the Samis. Followingthe generally accepted schema of language planning,Sami language rehabilitation activities are described along twolines: linguistic policy and extralinguistic policy. In the case ofthe Sami language or, more precisely, Northern Sami, the mostcentral issues in linguistic policy were the establishment of normsfor a common orthography for Northern Sami, which has hadseveral systems, and lexical elaboration, i.e. the standardizationand modernization of the lexical stock.Extralinguistic policy, the ultimate aim of which is to raisethe status of the language in society, is directed to three majorpoints. These are: (1) the acquisition of a legal guarantee tothe official status of the Sami language in various situations, includingeducation; (2) the expansion of the domain of useof the language, particularly by ensuring its position in massmedia; and (3) the encouragement of the people to revaluatetheir own language as an irreplaceable medium of their ethnicvalues. It is not difficult to associate the ideology of the lastpoint with that of the recent tendency in the ethnopoliticalmovement mentioned above, i.e. the emphasis of cultural uniqueness.It is to be noted, however, that their demand for the rightto the mother tongue, especially in education, is not accountedfor only in terms of this "uniqueness." It appears that increasingstress is being put on a kind of universal axiom concerningboth the importance of the mother tongue in elementary education and the injurious effects of failure in normal language acquisition.This theory, which has been repeatedly resorted toin various connections (e.g. in demands for the improvementof Sami language education and in parents' meetings) seems extremelyeffective, because little is left for either the political authoritiesor individuals to argue against when presented withthese scientifically attested human rights.The achievement of these activities, at least in the normestablishmentand social-legal settings of the Sami language,has been notable since the early 1970s and, in particular, fromthe late 1970s, when a common orthography for Northern Samiwas finally created. In reality, however, concrete achievementin language rehabilitation e.g. an increase in language use or animprovement in the language competence of the speakers, hasnot been seen yet.The last two sections, 10 and 11, discuss the role of the Samilanguage rehabilitation movement in Sami ethnopolitics. Theaim to revive their mother tongue has been accounted for asbeing similar to the recovery of their ethnic right to their nativelands. It is also to be noted that the language movement itselfhas played an important role in the entire ethnopolitical movementas a unifying force for the national assembly of the Samis.The unique value of the language in relation to the Sami environmentand traditions, coupled with their cooperation to achievethis collective common goal of revitalizing their language inpresent-day Sami society, has without doubt contributed to therecent ethnopolitical processes of the Sami peoples.

著者

杉本 良男 Yoshio Sugimoto

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.3, pp.305-417, 2007-03-23

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小稿は,南アジアに広く受けいれられている聖トマス伝説について,1)現在の状況の概要,2)聖トマス伝説の形成と展開およびその歴史的背景,3)ヒンドゥー・ナショナリズムとの関係のなかでの現代的意義,とりわけ2004 年末のスマトラ沖大地震・インド洋大津波をめぐる奇蹟譚の解釈をめぐるさまざまな論争と問題点,について人類学的に考察しようとするものである。問題の根本は,インド・キリスト教史の出発点としてつねに引き合いに出される聖トマスによる開教伝説の信憑性をめぐる論争そのものの政治的な意味にある。南インドには,聖トマスの遺骨をまつるサントメ大聖堂をはじめトマスが隠棲していた洞窟などが聖地として人びとの信仰を集めている。その根拠とされるのは新約聖書外典の『聖トマス行伝』であり,これを信ずるシリア教会系のトマス・クリスチャン(シリアン・クリスチャン)がケーララ州に400 万の人口を数えている。聖トマス伝説はポルトガル時代にカトリック化され,また聖トマスが最後ヒンドゥー教徒の手で殉教した,とも伝えられる。これが,さきの地震・津波災害のおりには,反キリスト教キャンペーンのターゲットにもなっていた。2 千年のときを経て聖トマスはいまも政治的,宗教的な文脈のなかで生きているのである。

著者

吉田 ゆか子 ヨシダ ユカコ Yoshida Yukako

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.1-36, 2016

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バリ島南部のパヨガン・アグン寺院に伝わる天女の舞トペン・レゴンは,ご神体の天女の面をかぶって少女が舞うもので,その歴史や神聖性のために特別な価値を置かれてきた。この演目が1980 年代に芸術祭に招待された際,寺院側は神聖な仮面の神聖さが損なわれる事を恐れ,レプリカを作成してこちらで代用した。本研究が注目するのは,このレプリカのその後である。 レプリカや模造品も,生み出されたあと,人々との関係のなかに入ってゆく。現在このレプリカは,特定の寺院祭儀礼でも用いられる。この仮面を,「代用品の仮面」と考える者も,オリジナルの「子ども」と位置づける者も,オリジナルと混同する者もいる。曖昧かつ両義的に意味づけられるこのレプリカの仮面は,天女の舞の上演に特別な魅力を付与してもいる。本論では,このレプリカの仮面が,オリジナルの仮面とは別のやり方で,天女という神格の一部を「創っている」ということも論じる。Topeng legong is a ritual dance in which masks representing celestialsare worn by little girls. This highly sacred dance has received special attentionbecause of its sacred nature, history, authenticity, and beauty.Currently, there are two sets of masks used in topeng legong. One setconsists of centuries-old masks believed to possess magical powers for protection;the other set comprises replicas. The replica masks were made whentopeng legong dancers were invited to perform in an art festival in 1988.Ketewel locals were afraid that their sacred masks might be "defiled" ifbrought to a secular context or place, so they decided to create replicas assubstitutes.At first glance, people seem to differentiate sufficiently between secularperformances and religious rites by using non-sacred masks. However, theactual situation is more complicated. Some regard the replicas as "children"of the original ones, and show respect for them. Some cannot distinguishthe replicas from the originals. The meaning and role of the replicas are thusambiguous and inconsistent.In this study, I argue that because of that ambiguous status, the replicamasks have generated unique and interesting effects on the development oftopeng legong and its original masks.