著者

三尾 稔 Minoru Mio

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.4, pp.603-662, 2002-03-29

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この論文では,インド西部メーワール地方にあるスーフィー聖者のヒンドゥーの弟子たちを葬った2つの墓廟への信仰に関する民族誌的調査に基づき,同地方の生活宗教的な宗教実践の動態の把握を試みた。 コミュナリズムが政治的言説として支配的となりつつある南アジアにおいては,日常生活に根差した宗教実践もコミュナルな言説と無関係ではなくなり,宗教空間や信仰に関おる行為を特定の宗教イデオロギーと関連づけ,それらのアイデンティティーを純化しようとする動きが顕著になっている。 この論文が対象とする墓廟に眠る2人の宗教者は,高カーストのヒンドゥーでありつつ,スーフィズムの聖者を師とするという,コミュナルなアイデンティティーの分断線の狭間を生き抜いた。その墓廟はコミュナリズムが高揚する1980年代末から90年代にかけて造営されたが,その空間の構成やそこでの宗教的実践はスーフィズム的要素とヒンドゥー的要素が巧みに融合された形となっている。 論文では墓廟に眠る聖者やその弟子たちが,コミェナルな言説と交渉しながら,自分たちの宗教的実践をいかに維持してきたかを,墓廟の意味空間の分析や弟子たちとのインタビューによって把握する。その結果,ヒンドゥーとイスラームの境界にあって独自の宗教的実践を強固な意志で維持しつつコミュナリズムが要請する近代的主体への自己の回収をも回避するという,メーワール地方の聖者廟信仰の特質が明らかとなる。

著者

Yulong Jia 賈 玉龍

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.141-198, 2022-11-11

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従来の人類学的中国研究では,「宗族(組織)」論と「関係(ネットワーク)」論が漢族社会論の 2 つのパラダイムとして注目されてきた。しかしこれらの研究は,儀礼的・非日常的な場面に注目するあまり,日常生活での人的集合を看過する傾向がある。そこで,本論文では個々人の村民の日常的な活動に注目し,隣人関係が生産と閑暇の場面でどのようにつながる/つながらないのかを明らかにした。具体的には,農繁期の作業現場と農閑期の「玩(wan)」(遊び)の場面をめぐる民族誌的資料を提示し,隣人間の日常的な「集まり」は不特定の相手との時間と空間の偶発的な重なりによって成立するものであることを明らかにした。そして現地語の「碰(peng)」(試しに当たる)がそのような「集まり」を生成する原理と見なせることを指摘し,この概念に着目することで新たな漢族社会論を発見できる可能性があると展望した。

著者

Daisuke Murakami 村上 大輔

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.485-548, 2019-01-25

著者

関口 由彦 Yoshihiko Sekiguchi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.467-494, 2005-02-23

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本稿は,近代日本の「他者像」としての「アイヌ」像を検討し,アイヌ民族(とくにアイヌ言論人)自らがそれをどのように「自画像」として主体的に受容したかを明らかにする。そのことを通して,1920~30年代を中心とするアイヌの人々の言論活動が,支配者側が用いた「同化」概念を「流用」しながら,「滅び行く人種」言説に抗するものに他ならなかったことを主張する。支配者側の「同化」概念に対して,アイヌ言論人は二種類の「流用」をもってして対抗した。それは,支酉己者側の「同化」概念の「流用」に際しての主体性の発揮の仕方において区別され得るものであった。違星北斗は,「野蛮」/「文明」という価値づけ(序列)と結びつかない「血」に基づいて,「和人」と区別された「アイヌ」という「種的同一性」を設定し,それが上位カテゴリーとしての「日本人」に内包されることを「同化」として捉えた。他方で,平村幸雄は,「アイヌ」であることと「和人」であることが両立し得るとするアイデンティティ認識に基づいた「和人化」としての「同化」を主張した。かくして,二種類の「流用」を行うことで,アイヌ言論人は支配者側の「滅び行く人種」言説に対抗し,アイヌとしてのアイデンティティを保持する道を切り拓いたのであった。

著者

Yukako Yoshida 吉田 ゆか子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.311-348, 2021-09-30

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本研究は,音楽の越境という現象を,新たなモノ(主に楽器)との出会いとしてとらえなおすものである。本稿では,日本におけるバリ・ガムラン音楽の演奏グループの上演や活動において,バリから運ばれてきた楽器が,さまざまに作用する姿を描き出した。ガムランはバリの信仰とも結びつきながら地域共同体のなかで育まれてきた音楽であり,楽器も現地の物理的社会的条件に適合的に作られている。そのため,それが日本に運ばれてきたとき,人々の生活や環境と齟齬をきたす。日本の演奏者たちは,周囲のモノの配置を工夫したり,新たな人間関係を築いたり,演奏内容を変化させたりしながら,楽器とそれを取り囲む日本の社会的物理的環境を調整し,なんとか楽器と折り合ってゆく。こうして楽器は,バリの人-モノのネットワークから部分的に切り離され,日本で新たな人やモノとの関係に入ってゆくのである。しかしながら本研究からは,バリ製の楽器が,モノらしいユニークなやり方でバリと日本を繋いでいるという面も明らかになる。

著者

Tetsuo Nishio 西尾 哲夫

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.593-668, 2022-03-15

著者

聶 莉莉 Nie Lili

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.61-94, 1994-08-25

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This article aims to describe and analyze the influence of Confucianismon Chinese peasant society. This analysis is based on field workin Haicheng Prefecture, Liaoning Province from August 1987 toSeptember 1988.The influence of Confucianism upon peasant society came throughvarious routes, such as:1) the influence of the intelligentsia.2) education.3) widely read pamphlets.4) folk entertainment.5) the law of the lineage.By these routes, the ethics of Confucianism deeply permeated the peasantsociety, influencing ideas and the form of social relations.On the other hand, Confucianism is, after all, a theory of Confucianscholars, and could not be realized completely in actual society.There are some gaps between the theory of Confucianism and its practicein peasant society. Confucianism maintains that morals have universality,but in peasant society morals are always closely related to specific people.Xiao (filial piety) is one of the most important moral concepts inConfucianism, and includes vang (support) , zang (funeral) , ji (holdingceremonies for the ancestors) , and a strong attachment to one'sparents. But in fact, the obligation of a son to look after his parents isalways related to the inheritance of property from the parents. He (harmony)is taken very seriously in Confucianism, and as a result, peasantsalso regard he as the most ideal moral state. But in the traditional extendedfamily, quarrels between married brothers and each nuclear familyoccur repeatedly.Because of such gaps, there is a dual character in peasant society.That is, although peasants claim to follow Confucian morals, in realitythey think of their own interests. In dealing with others, they make theirrequests in the language of Confucian ideals, but to themselves theyusually stress their own interests with various pretexts.

著者

山下 晋司 Shinji Yamashita

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.1, pp.1-33, 1992-07-31

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In 1908 the royal family of Klungkung, the oldest and the lastkingdom of Bali, by then part of Dutch East India, committed theto tourism. It aims to make a contribution to the historical anthropologyof the Island as well as to the anthropology of tourism.The main part of the paper consists of four sections. The first sectiondescribes the birth of Bali as the "tourist paradise" in the 1920s tothe 1930s. In this setting, the roles played in the old theatre state of Bali,such as those of sponsors (kings) , director (priests) and actors/audience(peasants) had to change drastically. Now the "theatre" acted as hoststo tourists within the colonial state. The second section pays special attentionto the role of artists, scholars and anthropologists—WalterSpies, a German artist and musician, and Margaret Mead, the Americananthropologist, among others—who stayed in Bali in the 1930s, and whohelped creat the Western perception of Bali as the exotic, oriental "lastparadise." Related to this, the third section examines the re-creation oftraditional Balinese art—dance in particular—under the influence of thetourist, a Balinese version of the "invention of tradition" to quote EricHobsbawm. The final section analyses the present situation in which the"tourist paradise" has been transformed further into the "national parkof beautiful Indonesia" as part of Indonesia's nation building process.Both tourism and nationalism necessarily empasise the beauty of the Indonesiannation, and particularly that of Bali as its foremost tourist attraction.By examining the Balinese cultural dynamics in relation to tourism,I am analysing the Balinese version of what James Clifford has called the"modern art -culture system." Following Clifford, I mean by the "artculturesystem" the way in which the West adopts, transforms and consumesnon-Western cultural elements. In the twentieth century, objectsfrom "primitive" societies have been re-evaluated both as "works ofarts" by artists (and also, importantly, by tourists) , and as "scientificcultural materials" by anthropolgists. In this system artists, tourists andanthropologists play complementary and in some ways, similar, roles,each in establishing the "authenticity" of cultures.It is within this modern art-culture system that the Balinese tourismis embedded. In other words, as is the case with museums whichClifford analyses, it is this modern system which the anthropology oftourism must really analyse. In this sense the anthropology of tourismmust be the anthropology of modernity and/or of post-modernity. TheBalinese case considered here is just one example which demonstratesthis thesis.puputan, mass suicide, by marching helplessly and almost in a state oftrance against the invading Dutch colonial army. It was literally thedeath of negara, the theatre state of nineteenth-century Bali, analysed byClifford Geertz. After the old state died out, however, Bali wasdiscovered by Western pioneer tourists and was reborn again as "the lastparadise" under the Dutch colonial regime.By the 1930s Balinese tourism was well developed, to the extent thatin 1931 Miguel Covarrubias, a Mexican artist and traveller and the writerof the now classic Island of Bali wrote of the Island: "we were disappointed;the tourist rush was in full swing." After a break during theWorld War II and following the Indonesian Independence Revolutionperiod, tourism in Bali reappeared again in the late 1960s as part of thedevelopment policy of the government of the independent Republic of Indonesia.It goes without saying that the Island has now gained worldwidefame as an international tourist site. The number of tourists in1991 is reported as amounting to over 600,000.This paper describes the historical transformation of Bali from thenineteenth-century "theatre state" to the twentieth-century "touristparadise," and examines the dynamism of Balinese culture with reference

著者

佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.261-309, 1991-12-28

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The purpose of this paper is to examine two concepts, which wereput forward by M. G. Levin and N. N. Cheboksarov in 1950s, in the caseof the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin. One is the concept of"economic-cultural types" and the other is that of "historicalethnographicregions". These concepts were born in Soviet ethnology inthe studies of economic and cultural diversity among the peoples of thesame level of socio-economic development.Definition of the concepts by Levin and Cheboksarov is asfollows: the economic-cultural type is to be understood as historicallyformed complexes characteristic of a given economy and culture, typicalfor the peoples living under certain natural geographic conditions, ata certain level of socio-economic development; the historicalethnographicregions are the territories where a definite cultural entitywas formed as a result of continued relations among the people inhabitingthem, of their influences on one another, and of a similarity intheir historical destiny [LEVIN 1972: 3, 5].Levin and Cheboksarov grouped the peoples of northern Siberia intofive by the concept of economic-cultural types: 1. hunter-fishermenin taiga (Siberian forest), 2. sea mammal hunters in the arctic shore andBering sea, 3. fishermen on large rivers, 4. hunter-reindeer-breeders intaiga, and 5. reindeer nomads in tundra. According to them, an examinationof the major economic-cultural types of northern Siberia andthe [Soviet] far East reveals that: 1) the same economic-cultural type maydevelop among different peoples, in different, even remote, regions butonly under conditions of the same level of development of productiveforces and of a similar geographic environment; 2) different types in aparticular territory have definite historical continuity [succession]—under certain historical conditions one type develops intoanother, for instance some hunter-fishermen of the forest zone changedtheir economic-cultual type to "hunter-reindeer-breeders" by introducingrenideer-breeding; 3) the cultural traits characteristic of each type formin the first place through the orientation of the economy to certaingeographic conditions [LEVIN 1972: 5].They also grouped the same peoples by the concept of historicalethnographicregions: 1. Yamaro-Taimyr region, 2. Western Siberianregion, 3. Sayan-Altayan region, 4. Eastern Siberian region, 5. Kamchatka-Chukchi region, 6. Amur-Sakhalin region.Although these two concepts make it possible to classify the peoplesof Siberia and the Soviet Far East by cultural similarity and diversity,one can find some defects which must be corrected by examination ofconcrete cases.For instance, as it stands, the concept of the economic-cultural typescannot explain the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin whohave complex economic systems. Such a defect was caused by the factthat Levin and Cheboksarov did not systematically examine the productiveactivities of the peoples of Siberia and the Soviet Far East.They mentioned only five activities: fishing, forest hunting, sea mammalhunting, forest rendeer breeding, and tundra rendeer breeding; but itis obvious that there are four other activities, i. e. tundra reindeer hunting,nomadism in steppe and forest-steppe zone, cultivating withdomesticated animals, and plant collecting. Each activity has not onlyeconomic meaning but has its own cultural phenomena and activities.In this paper I have made a typology of these productive activities andtheir respective cultures and called it "fundamental types of productiveactivity and culture". There are nine types in Siberia and the Soviet FarEast, because each of the above mentioned activities has its own culturalset and can be considered a distinct type.Economic systems of the peoples of Siberia and the Soviet Far Eastconsist of combinations of these nine types, which are determined byecological and cultural conditions. The economic -cultural type, whichclearly show the relation between the economic system and culture, canbe defined as a combination of some of the fundamental types of productiveactivity and culture.From such a point of view, the "economic-cultural types" of thepeoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin can be grouped as follows: a) combinationof fishing, forest hunting, cultivationg with domesticatedanimals, and plant collecting (Nanais of Amur, Sungari and Ussuri); b)combination of fishing, forest hunting, sea mammal hunting, and plantcollecting (Ul'chi, Nivkhi, Orochi, Ainu, and Negidals), c) combinationof fishing, forest hunting, sea mammal hunting, forest rendeer breeding,and plant collecting (Uilta and Evenki), d) forest hunting, fishing, plantcolledting (Udehes, a part of Nanais and Negidals, and Uilta and Evenkiwithout rendeer).An examination of these corrected "economic-cultural types"reveals that: 1) each type is fundamentally determined by the ecologicalsystem of the region; 2) it is often determined also by cultural andhistorical conditions, e. g., cultural interactions, development of productiveforce and technology, etc.; 3) the same economic-cultural type rarelyappears in regions geographically distant from each other (in contrast to"fundamental types of the productive activity and culture" which arecommon to regions distant from each other); 4) it is possible for a regionto change or step up from one type to another. Such a case is typicallycaused by the adoption of new productive activities or the technologicaldevelopment of present activities.In the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin somecultural elements concerning their productive activities or economicsystems, e. g. foods, fishing and hunting tools, utensils, and so on, arecommon to this area. This is because the people has formed a trade areasince the 17th century in this region and they trade or exchange their productsto provide each other with indespensable things of their daily life.Such a fact could be one of the factors which made this area one of thehistorical-ethnographic regions.As to the concept of the historical-ethnographic regions, there is acriticism that each region has been identified by the author's impression[大林 1990a: 51]. In fact, Levin and Cheboksarov did not show anytheoretical basis to distinguish the above mentioned six regions of theSiberian peoples. They proposed this concept in order to classify thepeople by the cultural elements and historical factors which are commonamong the people of the region but which have nothing to do withecological and economic systems. However, Levin and Cheboksarov didnot indicate such elements and factors in their works at all.In the case of the peoples of Lower Amur and Sakhalin it is true thatthere are many cultural elements and characteristics which are commonand unique to this region, and that therefore this area can be treated as agenuine historical-ethnographic region. However these elements andcharacteristics must be concretely shown.Cluster analysis is an effective way of classifying the cultures of theSiberian peoples, because it can quantitatively show the similarity anddiversity of cultures. Such analysis reveals distributions of the same orsimilar elements and one can clearly find the border of the region.Though it is difficult to show all the common elements and their distributionsin this brief paper, we can guess that there are three types of commonelements in Lower Amur and Sakhalin; 1) elements of fundamentalcultural stratum, 2) common elements of various ethnic origins (e. g.Tungus, Nivkhi, or Ainu origin), and 3) elements of Chinese, Manchu,Korean, or Japanese origin.It is also necessary to review the political and economic history ofthe given areas. The border of the historical-ethnographic region isoften decided by political borders or economic areas.In the case of Lower Amur and Sakhalin, the rule of the Qing dynasty(17th century—middle of 19th century) was decisive in creating a typicalhistorical-ethnographic region. The Nerchinsk treaty (1689) obstructedthe invasion of the Russians to this region, and the dynasty prohibitedthe immigration of other peoples of the empire to northeastern Manchuriain order to monopolize the fur trade in this area. It was only afew administrators and merchants who could visit there and have contactand trade with the people of this region.Such a policy encouraged the trade activity of the people of LowerAmur and Sakhalin to fourish. They traded not only with each otherbut also with the Chinese, Manchu, and Japanese traders at the entrancesof this region. The native traders exchanged ,products of eacharea and provided the people with various things from China, Manchuria,and Japan. Their activity mixed many different cultures, anddistributed them all over the region. It is inevitable that the politicalborder coincided with that of the historical-ethnographic region in thecase of Lower Amur and Sskhalin.In conclusion, we point out as follows: 1) by adopting the conceptof fundamental types of productive activity and culture, it becomes possibleto make a typology of economic systems and cultures of the peopleswith complex economic systems, and it becomes easier to examine theecological and historical factors which determined the characteristics ofeach type; 2) the historical and ethnic background of the historicalethnographicregion can be clearly shown in the case of Lower Amur andSakhalin. Cluster analysis and reexamination of regional history help usto identify an area which has common history and cultural elements, notinfluenced by ecological factors.

著者

福岡 まどか Madoka Fukuoka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.571-596, 2004-03-08

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この論考では,インドネシア,ジャワ島のワヤンにおけるマハーバーラタの叙事詩「世界」について考察する。通常,ワヤンの物語は,ヒンドゥー叙事詩であるラーマーヤナとマハーバーラタに由来するとされる。しかし,上演の中では,書かれたテクストに見られるような,叙事詩のひとすじの筋立てが示されることはない。一晩の上演の中で演じられるのは,叙事詩に由来する特定の演目lakon である。叙事詩の「世界」は,これらのひとつひとつの演目を集積することによって形成される。この論考では,ワヤンの上演においてマハーバーラタの「世界」が形成されるメカニズムについて理解するために,演目の様式的構造と,演目によって提示される登場人物の伝記的情報という要素に焦点をあてて,複数の演目の関連について考察する。

著者

西尾 哲夫 中道 静香 Tetsuo Nishio Shizuka Nakamichi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.3, pp.509-526, 2002-03-15

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This paper is a bibliographical survey of linguistic studies of theArabic language in Japan. The following bibliography includes thestudies concerning the usual linguistic domains, such as phonetics ,phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and studies on the Arabicwriting system (including calligraphy), as well as those concerningArabic traditional grammar, and the linguistic aspects of Arab societyand Islamic culture, and also Arabic teaching materials. This survey ispart of the research result of Survey of Arabic Studies Database(Research representative: Tetsuo Nishio), which was funded by a scientificresearch grant from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, andCulture in Japan (Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research: Grant No.09551008).

著者

田中 雅一 Masakazu Tanaka

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.445-516, 1989-01-27

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The aim of this article is to understand a Hindu villagefestival in terms of cosmological meanings and politicalfunctions. In the "Introduction" anthropological works on Hinduvillage festivals are reviewed first, and then a Kali goddess villagefestival, held at a Hindu fishing village on the western coast ofSri Lanka, is described and its rituals are interpreted. Finallythree themes are considered in order to understand the villagefestival as a whole. These themes are, first, the construction ofspatial categories such as the sea, village and forest; second, thecosmological opposition between Kali and evil spirits; and, last,the political domination of the village net-owners.The recent development of anthropological studies ofHindu village festivals is characterized by a shift from a structuralfunctionalistapproach to symbolic analysis. In the formerapproach social functions of the festival are emphasized and"village solidarity" is considered to be realized through theparticipation of the villagers in the festival, whereas in the latterthe cosmological dimension of the village festival is investigatedand more attention is paid to symbols such as sound, color,images, and the like. It is said that the village festival providesa rare occasion on which a village is renewed through the intrusionof the sacred. However, both approaches tend to ignore themulti-dimensional character of the festival, especially its politicalfunctions, and explain it in terms of either group-solidarity orsymbolism. It is argued that with some modifications Turner'sconcepts of "structure" and "anti-structure" are useful to theunderstanding of the political functions.The Kali goddess festival is held at her temple for ten days inthe month of avani (September-October). This is the time whenthe goddess originally appeared in the village, which had beensuffering from an epidemic, and saved the villagers. As it wasKali herself who had caused the epidemic, when she was properlyworshipped and given due respect, the fatal disease was controlled.On the first day, a medium, who is possessed by Kali duringthe festival, makes three ritual pots, one karakam and two kumpampots.The karakam-pot is used for a village procession, while thekumpam-pots are placed in the sanctum sanctorum of the Kalitemple. On the third, fifth and seventh day of the festival themedium goes into a trance in the sanctum sanctorum, places thekarakam-pot on his head, and starts going around the village withhis followers. Along the way villagers throw water to cool themedium's body. In exchange they receive margosa leaves andhang them on the fence around their houses. Hanging margosaleaves on the fence indicates that a household member is sufferingfrom small-pox, whose pustule is, it is believed, visual evidence ofpossession by a small-pox goddess. Therefore, the karakam-potprocession is interpreted as the intrusion of an epidemic. Thefestival re-acts the original event in which Kali first appeared tothe villagers and saved them from the epidemic. Kali representedas the karakam-pot is a goddess of epidemic. Accordinglythe village is described as "a community of suffering" (Turner).On the tenth day a goat is sacrificed in front of the Kaligoddess temple. With this sacrifice Kali is propitiated and herviolent and feverish character is transformed into a calm andbenevolent one. Then the ritual pots made on the first day areall thrown into the sea.Finally, Kali's brass-image is heavily decorated and is takenout from the temple for a village procession. Unlike the karakamprocession,it shows no reference to an epidemic disease. Rather,it symbolizes a joyful and triumphant occasion after the epidemiccum-divine has disappeared. When the brass-image comes backto the temple, puja (worship) is performed and pracada (sacralizedofferings) are distributed to festival patrons. They are villagenet-owners and some wealthy men.From a structural-functionalist point of view the villagefestival enforces "village solidarity" by representing it as a communityof suffering at the beginning and as a community oftriumph over the epidemic at the end. During the festival thevillage is clearly demarcated by a series of processions.Symbolically, the village festival shows the transformation ofKali from a violent, epidemic-causing goddess into a benevolent,grace-conferring one. The villagers make every effort to cooldown the goddess and propitiate her. Accordingly the villageis renewed, as are the villagers.From a political point of view the festival legitimizes andconstructs the politico-economic domination of a wealthy sectorof the fishing village, especially the net-owners. The villagersare divided into two classes; net-owners and their employees.All the fishermen contribute to the village festival as villagepatrons, but it is only the net-owners (and wealthy persons) whoare allowed to make additional contributions and, in exchangefor these, they have exclusive rights in receiving prasada at the endof the festival. In a sense they only support the non-ecstatic(structural) phase characterized by the brass-image of Kali,and not the ecstatic (anti-structural) phase, which is to be deniedat the end of the festival. They take over the collective effortof the villagers to transform Kali, and seem to say that, withouttheir financial support, neither the village festival nor thetransformation of the goddess would ever be possible. Thus itis through their contributions that the village is saved from theepidemic.

著者

杉本 良男 Yoshio Sugimoto

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.285-351, 2012-02-27

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小論は,スリランカの仏教改革者でかつ闘う民族主義者としてのアナガーリカ・ダルマパーラの流転の生涯,およびそれ以後のシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムの展開に関する人類学的系譜学的研究である。小論ではダルマパーラの改革理念のもつ曖昧性や不協和にこだわり,あらたに再編されたシンハラ仏教を,近代西欧的,キリスト教的モデルを否定しながらその影響を強くうけたものとして,その理想と現実との食い違いを明らかにする。こうした改革仏教はオベーセーカラによって2 つの意味を持つ「プロテスタント仏教」と名づけられた。ひとつには英国植民地支配に「プロテスト」するためのシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムと深く関わっている。ふたつには,マックス・ウェーバーのいう在家信者を主体とするプロテスタント的な現世内禁欲主義を仏教に応用しようとしたものである。しかしながら,ダルマパーラの急進的なナショナリスト的改革はいったん頓挫し,1950 年代半ばのバーダーラナーヤカ政権の「シンハラ唯一」政策などによって実質化されることになった。そのさい仏陀一仏信仰を旨とするプロテスタント的仏教は,宗教的に儀礼主義と偶像崇拝を排除し,また政治的にはタミル・ヒンドゥー教徒などの少数派を排除する論理を提供した。もともとナショナリズムと親和的なプロテスタンティズムの論理が貫徹したシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムはそれまであいまいであった民族間,宗教間の対立を実体化し深刻化する結果を招いた。ダルマパーラの改革仏教はそうした紛争の一因を提供した意味においても評価されなければならない。

著者

Norio Niwa 丹羽 典生

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.349-368, 2021-09-30

著者

Orbelyan Gevorg ゲヴォルグ オルベイアン

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.195-208, 2017

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This paper presents discussion of a special temporary exhibition inMinpaku, Japan held during September 29–October 11, 2016. The exhibition,"The Story of Khachkar: Armenian Cross Stones," introduces and explainscultural and spiritual aspects of Armenia and Christianity to Japanese people.The process of planning and creating the museum exhibition are described.This exhibition offers visitors an opportunity to gain objective knowledgeabout the Caucasus region, specifically Armenia. Its several museumobjects and stories are displayed in a specific spatial arrangement to facilitatelearning. The description of the exhibition compares new and conventionalapproaches and analyzes principles underlying specific characteristicsof Christian culture through the exhibition.After consideration of the role of special exhibitions in museums, a discussionis presented of how museum exhibitions communicate with visitorsto deliver information simply, transmitting general knowledge to museumvisitors without using advanced technology of media communications.本稿は、2016年9月29日から10月11日まで国立民族学博物館(みんぱく)において開催されたイベント企画「ハチュカル―アルメニアの十字架石碑をめぐる物語」についての議論である。本展示は、アルメニアとキリスト教の文化的・精神的側面を日本の人々に紹介し、説明を与えるものであった。ここでは展示を企画し、作り上げた過程についても記述する。 本展示は、コーカサス地方、特にアルメニアについて客観的な知識を来館者が得る機会を提供した。複数の博物館資料や物語が、学ぶことを助けるように考えて空間的に配置された。展示に関する議論では、新しい方法と従来の方法が比較され、展示を通してキリスト教文化の諸特徴を強調する考え方が分析される。 博物館における特別展示の役割についての考察の後で、最先端のテクノロジーを使うことなく来館者に一般知識を伝え、単純な方法で情報を提供するには博物館展示が来館者とコミュニケーションをいかにとるべきかという議論を行う。

著者

竹沢 尚一郎 Shoichiro Takezawa

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-55, 2005-09-30

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19 世紀なかばのフランスでは,ブロカに率いられた人類学派が発展し,学界を超えて強い社会的影響をもった。それは,人間の頭蓋や身体各部位を計測し,一連の数字にまで還元することで,人びとを絶対的な人種の境界のあいだに分割することをめざした人種主義的性格の強い人類学であった。この人類学が当時のフランスで広く成功した理由は,産業革命が進行し,教会の権威が失墜した19 世紀なかばのフランスで,新しい自己認識と世界理解を求める個が大量に出現したことに求められる。こうした要求に対し,ブロカ派人類学は数字にまで還元/単純化された世界観と,白人を頂点におくナルシスティックな自己像/国民像の提出によって応えたのであった。 1871 年にはじまるフランス第三共和制において,この人類学は,共和派代議士,新興ブルジョワジー,海軍軍人などと結びつくことで,共和主義的帝国主義と呼ぶことのできる新しい制度をつくり出した。この帝国主義は,法と同意によって維持される国民国家の原則に立つ本国と,法と同意の適用を除外された植民地とのあいだの不平等を前提とするものであったが,ブロカ派人類学は植民地の有色人種を劣等人種とみなす理論的枠組みを提供することで,この制度の不可欠の要素となっていた。 1890 年以降,新しい社会学を築きつつあったデュルケームは,ユダヤ人排斥の人種主義を批判し,人種主義と関連しがちな進化論的方法の社会研究への導入を批判した。かれが構築した社会の概念は,社会に独自の実在性と法則性を与えるものであり,当時の支配的潮流としての人種主義とは無縁なところに社会研究・文化研究の領域をつくりだした。しかし,ナショナリスティックに構築されたがゆえに社会の統合を重視するその社会学は,社会と人びとを境界づけ,序列化するものとしての人種主義を乗りこえる言説をつくりだすことはできなかった。 人種,国民国家,民族,文化,共同体,性などの諸境界が,人びとの意識のなかに生み出している諸形象の力学を明らかにし,その布置を描きなおしていく可能性を,文化/社会人類学のなかに認めていきたい。

著者

鈴木 七美 Nanami Suzuki

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.79-101, 2016

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本稿は,アメリカ合衆国において,高齢認知症者の孤立感の緩和と「エイジング・イン・プレイス」に向けて開発されてきた「メモリーケア」について検討したものである。この実践は,「ブリッジ Bridge」(繋ぐ者)と呼ばれるボランティアが,「バディ Buddy」(仲間)と呼ばれる高齢認知症者と対面の交流を続けることによってなされる。2005 年以降,メモリーケアは,非営利組織メモリーブリッジと中等・高等学校の連携により,カリキュラムの一環として続けられ,2006 年から2010 年に,シカゴ・メモリーブリッジ・イニシアチブのもとで,7,500 人以上の中等・高等学校の生徒と認知症高齢者が,少なくとも三か月以上一対一で交流してきた。こうした場で,バディは,ブリッジの指導者・教師と位置づけられている。メモリーケアは,100 以上のホスピスにおいても,スタッフやボランティアと認知症者が交流する方途を探ってきた。本稿は,2013 年から高齢化率の高いフロリダ州の継続ケア退職者コミュニティと連携し始められた実践をとりあげ,現地調査(2015 年11 月17 日~ 12 月3 日)に基づいて,ブリッジたちの経験を検討し「メモリーケア」の意味に考察を加えた。This article explores the development of so-called "memory care" in theUnited States, which aims to diminish the emotional isolation of older adultswith dementia and promote their aging-in-place by connecting them to otherpeople. The practice has been carried out in certain cases via face-to-facemeetings of volunteers known as "Bridges" (persons who connect) and olderadults with dementia known as "Buddies" (fellows).Since 2005, exchanges for memory care have been practiced undera curriculum conducted in collaboration between a nonprofit organization(NPO) called Memory Bridge and secondary schools (i.e., junior and seniorhigh schools). From 2006 to 2010, the Chicago Memory Bridge Initiative(CMBI) connected over 7,500 secondary students with older adults sufferingfrom dementia through one-to-one relationships that lasted a minimum ofthree months. The Buddies were positioned as the guides and teachers of theBridges in meetings devoted to memory care. Memory Bridge also trainedover one hundred hospice staff members and volunteers how to associate withpeople with dementia in emotionally nourishing ways.The article investigates the experiences of the Bridges and considers themeaning of memory care by focusing on the practice, conducted since 2013,at a Continuing Care Retirement Community (CCRC) in Florida—where theaging rate is higher than the U.S. average—based on exploratory fieldworkresearch conducted in November and December 2015.

著者

鈴木 英明 鈴木 英明

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.4, pp.591-623, 2020

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海域史研究の現状を踏まえると,その課題とはいかに陸域対海域という二項対立的な理解を乗り越え,新たな分節化を回避した具体的な海域世界像を提示できるのかという点にある。これを踏まえて,本稿では,19 世紀を対象にインド洋西海域世界を季節性に着目して設定することを試みた。とりわけ人を含む事物の移動に着目すると,港町における交易の季節を見出すことができる。この交易の季節の発生メカニズムを検討すると,長距離航海の事情だけによって定まっていたのではなく,農耕,採集,牧畜といった陸上,海上での生業と陸上移動,長距離交易といった様々な活動の季節性が噛み合うことで生じた現象であることが明白となる。これこそが,本稿でいうインド洋西海域世界なのである。一般的にはインド洋海域世界が崩壊したとされる19 世紀においてもこうした現象は確認でき,また,ザンジバル島における北米商人の活動から検討したように,彼らの行動もまた,こうした季節性の連動のなかの一要素として存在していたのである。

著者

杉本 良男 杉本 良男

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.445-534, 2020

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小論は,スリランカ(セイロン)の仏教改革者アナガーリカ・ダルマパーラにおける神智主義の影響に関する人類学的系譜学的研究である。ダルマパーラは4 度日本を訪れ,仏教界の統合を訴えるとともに,明治維新以降の目覚ましい経済・技術発展にとりわけ大きな関心を抱き,その成果をセイロンに持ち帰ろうとした。実際,帰国後セイロンで職業学校などを創設して,母国の経済・技術発展に貢献しようとした。そこには,同じく伝統主義者としてふるまったマハートマ・ガンディーと同様に,根本的に近代主義者としての性格が見えている。ところで,一連のダルマパーラの活動の手助けをしたのは,神智協会のメンバーであったこと,さらには生涯を通じて神智主義,神智協会の影響が決定的に重要であったことは,これまでそれほど深くは論じられてこなかった。しかし,ケンパーが言うようにダルマパーラにおける神智主義が世上考えられているよりはるかにその影響が決定的であったことは否定すべくもない。さらに,神智協会が母体となってセイロンに創設された仏教神智協会は,ダルマパーラの大菩提会とは仇敵のような立場ではあったが,ともに仏教ナショナリズムを強硬に主張した点では共通していた。仏教神智協会には,S.W.R.D. バンダーラナーヤカ,ダッドリー・セーナーナーヤカ,J.R. ジャヤワルダナなど,長く独立セイロン,スリランカを支えた指導者が集まっていた。その後の過激派集団JVP への影響も含めて,神智主義の普遍宗教理念が,逆に生み出したさまざまな分断線は,現在まで混乱を招いている。同じように,インド・パキスタン分離を避けられなかったマハートマ・ガンディーとともに,神智主義,秘教思想を媒介にしたその「普遍主義」の功罪について,その責めを問うというよりは,たとえそれが意図せざる帰結ではあっても,その背景,関係性,経緯などを解きほぐす系譜学的研究に委ねて,問い直されるべき立場にある。This anthropological, genealogical study examines Sinhala Buddhistnationalism in Sri Lanka after the influence of Anagarika Dharmapala(1864–1933), an internationally reputed, Buddhist reformist and Sinhalanationalist of Ceylon. During his life, which was devoted entirely to the propagationof Buddhism and militant Sinhala-Arya Buddhist nationalism, he visitedJapan four times, 1889, 1893, 1902, and 1913. The connection betweenJapan and Dharmapala was established through the Theosophical Society,founded in 1875 in New York, later shifted to Madras in 1879. As Dr.Stephen Kemper rightly pointed out, Dharmapala was much more deeplyinfluenced by theosophy than scholarly accounts have averred. His familywas devoutly Buddhist and Theosophist. At the age of 16, Dharmapala firstmet co-founders of the Theosophical Society, "Madame" Blavatsky and'Colonel' Olcott, in Colombo in 1880. He joined the Society in 1884, and leftfor Madras to assist the work of Blavatsky and Olcott. However, tensionsarose in his relationship with the Society, particularly with Olcott, mainlybecause of his progressive identification with the Buddhist cause after foundationof the Maha Bodhi Society in 1891.Although Dharmapala had great sympathy for Japan, he did not latermake much headway in Japan. The main reason underpinning the failure ofDharmapala's project for a unified Buddhist mission in Japan based on thecooperation of all the Buddhist sects was the Mahayana–Theravada schismand severe sectarian conflicts. As a modernist, he was concerned aboutJapanese economic and technological development after the Meiji Revolutionas well as Buddhist revivalist and reformist. Dharmapala founded theHewavitarana Industrial Centre as the first industrial training school in thecountry. His idea was a fusion of modern technology and economic developmentwith traditional Theravada Buddhist values. Both AnagarikaDharmapala and Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948) were from merchant backgroundfamilies of South Asia under British colonial rule. As elite nationalists,they held paradoxical beliefs about British and Western modernism withtraditional religious universalism based on traditional Hindu and Buddhistideas.

著者

名和 克郎 Katsuo Nawa

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.87-115, 2006-09-29

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This article provides an informal and tentative status report on British‘social’ anthropology today, largely based on my very casual ‘participantobservation’ of the Department of Social Anthropology at the University ofCambridge from 2002 to 2003 as a visiting scholar. After brief introductoryremarks on the history of British social anthropology (as against Americancultural anthropology) and the department, I point out two conspicuous traitsof the department I observed. First, it is polycentric in that each of the threeprofessors seems to indicate a different direction concerning the future of thedepartment and social anthropology in general: recording, documentation andancestor worship; transdisciplinary theoretical sophistication based on the British‘social’ anthropological tradition; and a regionally oriented advanced studyunit composed of anthropologists and scholars of related disciplines. Second,the recent systematisation of the curriculum (possibly due to the ‘audit culture’)and the internationalisation of the department seem to have lessened itsparticularity as a centre of ‘British’ ‘social’ anthropology. Even the long-establishedtradition of ‘Senior Seminars’ seems to have been almost imperceptiblyeroding. If the British tradition of social anthropology is destined to melt intothe larger field of anthropology (the World, European, Anglophone, or otherwise),it might be ancestor worship on the world wide web which serves mostto uphold the venerable tradition of Cambridge social anthropology qua ‘social’anthropology.