著者

永野 隆行

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2001, no.128, pp.211-222, 2001-10-22 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

20

著者

鈴木 一敏

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_1-16, 2012-03-25 (Released:2012-06-15)

参考文献数

40

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Threatening to retaliate is a common means of influence in trade conflicts. In most cases, retaliation is carried out either through the suspension of tariff concessions or through additional tariffs. The target of retaliations can be industries that were uninvolved in the original conflict. This article examines the use and effectiveness of such “cross-industry” threats.With a cross-industry threat, the compositions of domestic games tend to become more complicated with respect to both the threat's sender and target, as compared with intra-industry cases. Unrelated industries tend to have different industrial associations, fall under different bureaucratic jurisdictions, and be represented by different politicians. Thus, we can expect the decision-making process involving cross-industry threats to be more complicated and politically difficult than in intra-industry cases.However, the extensive literature on threat effectiveness has paid insufficient attention to whether retaliation threats are cross-industry or intra-industry. To compensate for this limitation, I examine cases involving U.S. unilateral trade actions and WTO dispute settlements, which yield several findings.First, the use of cross-industry threats by the United States has increased dramatically in 1980s.Second, a close examination of U.S. section 301 cases reveals that cross-industry threats are clearly more effective than intra-industry ones. The selection of targets (cross-or intra-industry) also exhibits a clear tendency. Cross-industry threats are used almost exclusively in attempts to open foreign markets (through the removal or modification of high tariffs, quantitative restrictions, patent protections, industrial standards, tax systems, etc.), and not in the cases of export subsidies, in which the purpose of the U.S. is to protect its own industries from import penetration.The increase in the use of cross-industry retaliation, this study argues, is caused by the changing nature of the negotiation process. After the 1980s, the principle source of trade conflicts shifted from foreign export penetrations (e.g., textile, steel, and auto) to foreign non-tariff barriers such as government regulation, copyright protection, market structure, and domestic institutions. The domestic group supporting trade barriers are not limited to the export industry, and therefore, are not always subject to trade retaliation. Since this renders threats of intra-industry retaliation ineffective, cross-industry threats are now used more frequently.This trend is not limited to the United States. Records from WTO dispute settlement cases demonstrate that most trade retaliations are now targeted at industries that are unrelated to the original conflict.Underlying this change is a dynamic process of liberalization and international harmonization. Trade liberalization begins with competitive industries, and uncompetitive industries tend to be left behind. Similarly, domestic systems of nontradable goods sectors are last to be harmonized. Therefore, as internationalization continues, supporters of alleged trade barriers are less likely to engage in export businesses, thereby decreasing their likelihood of becoming a target of direct trade retaliation.

著者

鈴木 基史

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.155, pp.155_1-17, 2009-03-20 (Released:2011-07-10)

参考文献数

55

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The Westphalian norms of state sovereignty, sovereign equality, and noninterfbrence are under great pressure for change. To improve the normativity of the international system, significant empowerment has taken place within international human rights law, humanitarian law, and liberal economic law, each of which seeks to remedy moral and distributive injustice associated with the Westphalian system. However, the transformation to a post-Westphalian liberal norm system is incomplete at best: many states still give priority to state sovereignty over human rights, cultural relativism over universalism, and protectionism over liberalism to justify their nationalistic behavior. As a consequence, the current system remains confusingly complex and pluralistic, containing both Westphalian and post-Westphalian elements.In general, norm change is explainable by three principles of human behavior: the logic of appropriateness holds that norm change emerges along with change of social facts defined intersubjectively by states' political elites; the logic of consequences focuses on the coordinating function of norms in promoting states' joint interests; and the logic of coercion emphasizes the endogeneity of norms to international power structures. These principles constitute analytical cores of major international relations theories, including social constructivism, rational institutionalism, and political realism, respectively.Yet, scholars disagree on the current status of international norms and hold varying opinions on causes and consequences of norm change. Having outlined basic concepts and theoretical frameworks for analysis, this essay suggests that, unless carefully executed, analyses of norm change may suffer from methodological problems of underdetermination, selection bias, and fallacious attribution. Given the imperfect nature of theory and human society, researchers need to focus on the relative rather than absolute validity of competing theories, by finding the conditions under which theories are descriptively superior to their alternatives. The essay concludes by stressing the imperative to bridge theoretical divides to improve our understanding of contemporary global politics that has been undergoing major normative transformations.

著者

白鳥 潤一郎

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_17-33, 2012

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The aim of this article is to examine the role of Japanese diplomacy in bringing cooperative relationship among oil-consumers, and how it led to the establishment of the International Energy Agency (IEA) in November 1974 after the First Oil Crisis (FOC). The foundation of the IEA has an epoch-making significance in itself, as this institution provided a platform in which long-term policy cooperation among oil consumers could be designed and implemented. The IEA obligates signatory states to stockpile a designated certain amount of oil reserves, and it also specifies the Oil Emergency Sharing System in the agreement. This represents an effort for advanced countries seeking cooperation while the postwar international economic order was undergoing to serious changes.<br>Most works on Japanese diplomacy dealing with the FOC period have tended to focus on Japan's stance toward the Middle East. They generally emphasize highlight the anxiety within the government to secure a stable supply of oil as the principal reason for Japan eventually swinging toward pro-Arab policy. However, such narratives do not provide us with a whole picture, since the FOC was not only brought by Arab oil embargo. If we were to fully grasp the underlying cause of Japan's policy behavior in the FOC, we must first take into account a structural change in the international oil market since the late 1960s resulting from the strengthening of oil-producers. In the same vein, it is equally crucial to analyze how the oil consumers in general responded to the oil producers united under the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).<br>After the FOC, cooperation among oil consumer states intensified with Washington Energy Conference in February 1974, and Japan was an active participant during the process. In fact, the Japanese government was the first to announce its intention to participate in the conference. It also actively took part in Energy Coordination Group (ECG) following the Washington Energy Conference, and facilitated ECG in playing a moderating role between Great Britain and West Germany.<br>Japan actively participated in these institutional frameworks since the policymakers shared two perceptions. The first is the recognition that the oil consumers, in order to decrease their vulnerability in oil supply, must unite. The second perception is that it is important for Japan to support the maintenance of a liberal international economic order which would ensure the stable flow of oil supplies. Seen from this context, the Japanese participation in the establishment of the IEA from the first stage is a drastic deviation from past diplomatic practice of passively joining already-existing international organizations. Although Japan's role in G7 for facilitating international cooperation among advanced countries is better known, it is significant to notice that Japan's early participation in establishing cooperative framework in the aftermath of the FOC is the true turning point.

著者

白鳥 潤一郎

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_17-33, 2012

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The aim of this article is to examine the role of Japanese diplomacy in bringing cooperative relationship among oil-consumers, and how it led to the establishment of the International Energy Agency (IEA) in November 1974 after the First Oil Crisis (FOC). The foundation of the IEA has an epoch-making significance in itself, as this institution provided a platform in which long-term policy cooperation among oil consumers could be designed and implemented. The IEA obligates signatory states to stockpile a designated certain amount of oil reserves, and it also specifies the Oil Emergency Sharing System in the agreement. This represents an effort for advanced countries seeking cooperation while the postwar international economic order was undergoing to serious changes.<br>Most works on Japanese diplomacy dealing with the FOC period have tended to focus on Japan's stance toward the Middle East. They generally emphasize highlight the anxiety within the government to secure a stable supply of oil as the principal reason for Japan eventually swinging toward pro-Arab policy. However, such narratives do not provide us with a whole picture, since the FOC was not only brought by Arab oil embargo. If we were to fully grasp the underlying cause of Japan's policy behavior in the FOC, we must first take into account a structural change in the international oil market since the late 1960s resulting from the strengthening of oil-producers. In the same vein, it is equally crucial to analyze how the oil consumers in general responded to the oil producers united under the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).<br>After the FOC, cooperation among oil consumer states intensified with Washington Energy Conference in February 1974, and Japan was an active participant during the process. In fact, the Japanese government was the first to announce its intention to participate in the conference. It also actively took part in Energy Coordination Group (ECG) following the Washington Energy Conference, and facilitated ECG in playing a moderating role between Great Britain and West Germany.<br>Japan actively participated in these institutional frameworks since the policymakers shared two perceptions. The first is the recognition that the oil consumers, in order to decrease their vulnerability in oil supply, must unite. The second perception is that it is important for Japan to support the maintenance of a liberal international economic order which would ensure the stable flow of oil supplies. Seen from this context, the Japanese participation in the establishment of the IEA from the first stage is a drastic deviation from past diplomatic practice of passively joining already-existing international organizations. Although Japan's role in G7 for facilitating international cooperation among advanced countries is better known, it is significant to notice that Japan's early participation in establishing cooperative framework in the aftermath of the FOC is the true turning point.

著者

管 英輝

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, pp.107-125, 1986