著者

藤原 帰一

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.125, pp.147-161,L18, 2000

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Much has been made of the claim that democracies do not fight each other. This claim met more skeptical eyes outside the United States, if only because the argument shared an annoying similarity with another argument once shared by supporters of communist parties: communists do not fight each other. So much for wishful thinking and self-deceit.<br>Peace, after all, has been observed among autocracies as well as by democracies; that does not mean, however, that regime-types do not matter. Regime-types, with distinctive characters in their decision making process, may cast influence over political decisions in international relations, even when they fail to dictate black-and-white outcomes such as the absence of war. If both autocracies and democracies may sustain 'peace' at given points, then, how are they different?<br>This leads to the question of this paper: can we distinguish significant patterns of behavior between autocratic peace and democratic peace? In this paper, I make an attempt to answer this question by comparing two most salient examples of autocratic peace, the Congress of Vienna and ASEAN. The former is important because it provided a model of balance of power to the realist school, while actually sustained by the threat of domestic upheaval; the latter is interesting because, among regimes that were undemocratic to say the least, a certain status quo has been somehow maintained.<br>Differences between early 19th century Europe and late 20th century Southeast Asia should be only too apparent. The Congress of Vienna and ASEAN, however, do share some institutional characteristics. Both were formed under the specter of revolution, the revival of the French revolution and the spillover of the Chinese revolution respectively. It was the fear of domestic challenges to political power, rather than the simple fear of overseas aggression, that held both regimes intact.<br>Both were sustained by a group of regional elites who were under little influence from domestic interests or public opinions. In Vienna, it was the Kings and the Nobles of each country who were all part of an extended family due to centuries of inter-marriage: an international society was more real than civil societies in the days of Vienna. ASEAN leaders lacked such kin relationship, but were all bound by secular interests that stemmed from a common agenda, that is, a non-communist and authoritarian path to state-formation.<br>Both regimes aimed at policy coordination of secular interests, disregarding transcendent norms or beliefs. Vienna aimed for the Concert of Europe with little religious beliefs or legal institutions; ASEAN, composed of Islamic, Buddhist, and Catholic societies, worked on a harmony of secular interests devoid of religion or political ideology. And both regimes imposed minimum constraints on the policy pursuit of individual states, non-intervention as the golden rule.<br>In spite of the lack of institutional norms and sanctions, or any clear and present foe to ally against, both regimes successfully preserved peace in the region for over three decades. An impressive achievement, but challenges emanated from within.<br>The Congress of Vienna ended with the revolutions of 1848 and the flight of Metternich. ASEAN nations have gone through a wave of democratic revolutions that shattered authoritarian rule in the Philippines (1986), Thailand (1992), and Indonesia (1998). The paper claims that such domestic changes have put the more secular and elitist policy coordination of ASEAN in limbo at the moment, with ominous signs for the future.

著者

安田 淳

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.128, pp.231-235, 2001

著者

柳田 陽子

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1968, no.35, pp.91-110, 1968-03-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

92

著者

伊藤 剛

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.145, pp.141-154,L15, 2006

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This paper addresses the changing nature of power (or influence) in the study of Chinese politics and diplomacy, and seeks to clarify the extent to which theoretical approaches in academia can be useful for a fuller understanding of China.<br>The discussion has three parts. The first deals with the part of foreign policy, and argues that China's application of the "New Conception of Security" or "Peaceful Rise" has created more stable relationships not only with the United States but with neighboring countries. More specifically, in order to sustain economic development since the 1990's, the creation and the development of "soft power" has produced more benefits to China's interests.<br>The second part addresses China's domestic politics. Since the 1949 revolution, the Chinese Communist Party has maintained the "party state, " and even after the economic growth started in the early 1990's, the CCP, with its society so far pluralized, has sought to keep its power under control. The emergence of various societal groups, which leads to the application of "corporatism, " will be addressed.<br>The third part seeks to combine both arguments of foreign policy and domestic politics. It argues that, in the face of the rapidly changing politics and society within China that has also affected its foreign policy, various theoretical frameworks such as "second image" and "reversed second-image" could be useful. The Chinese government, trying to maintain its power not only over its society but also vis-à-vis other countries, has created more complicated means to maintain its authority and legitimacy.<br>The paper concludes by slightly touching on the brief history of Japan's study on Chinese studies. There, more positive methods and approaches toward the "real" Chinese politics and diplomacy should be examined.

著者

臼井 勝美

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.116, pp.181-183, 1997

著者

大島 美穂

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.110, pp.39-54,L7, 1995

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In this paper 1 consider the process and meanings by which the Nordic countries, in face of their identity crisis, inclined toward Baltic Sea cooperation as a new framework of regional cooperation.<br>After the Cold War, paradoxically the Nordic countries seemed to lose their superiority in Europe, because it became clear that their stability and unity, whose characteristics are a lower tension area with no nuclear weapons and no foreign troops, and a welfare society, was dependent on the fact that they kept their distance from East-West confrontation. In today's Europe, distance from Central Europe and the EU means away from the centre of Europe's new dynamism, and the Nordic countries changed into the periphery. In this threat to their existence the Nordic countries tried to seek another way of regional cooperation and committed themselves to Baltic Sea cooperation.<br>Apart from self-containment Nordic cooperation, Baltic Sea cooperation because of its location, is not only open to East-West relations, but also can contribute to smooth relations between "the developed West" and "the developing East".<br>Besides the emergence of sub-regional cooperation, such as Baltic Sea cooperation, has something to do with the changes of the qualitative and territorial meanings of security in Europe. The qualitative change is from the old security that meant only military affairs in a limited sense. This has lost meaning and instead means security in a broad sense, including refugee and minority problems, societal insecurity, and ecological problems. Thus security is related to the whole of society, so called human security. Baltic Sea cooperation based on Nordic multiple cooperation, that is in the social, legal, cultural and communication fields, can cope with security in a broad sense, and bring security to the region.<br>On the other hand, as the Treaty of Maastricht shows, the EU has moved into common diplomacy and security policies which nation-states previously monopolized, and the meanings of state and territory are being eroded by the EU. The rearrangements of the EU's role and each nation's role gives new significance to sub-regional cooperation. particulary Baltic Sea cooperation, between East and West.<br>In these senses, even though Baltic Sea cooperation is a very young and small attempt, it can be an important sub-regional approach to European security, as the nation-state system enters a new stage.

著者

山添 博史

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.139, pp.13-28,L6, 2004

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This paper will examine Russo-Japanese diplomacy in the late 18th and the mid 19th centuries in order to understand the Japanese view of international order before being assimilated into the western international order.<br>As the Russians were approaching Ezo, now the northern islands of Japan, the Japanese recognised that Russia might capture Ezo and insisted on protecting it, whether the method was by trade with Russia or naval defence. Russia was an object to be examined as a counterpart, not an inferior barbarian under hierarchy in 'the Chinese World Order.' Matsudaira Sadanobu, the chancellor in 1787-93, regarded foreign countries as equal to Japan, and maintained that idea in order to understand them as potential enemies against Japan. When Russian envoy Laxman arrived at Ezo in 1792, Sadanobu dealt with his demand for direct communication to Edo and commerce, according to "politeness and rules", at the same time leading him to Nagasaki, which could avoid a Russian intrigue against Japan, and preparing the defence. Sadanobu paid attention to the potential threat posed by Russia and other states, coping with that threat by satisfying them and rejecting them according to law, as a means both practical and moral. In the Japanese view of international order, hierarchy was not a basis in the sense that Japan ruled the surrounding order. Rather nations were equal and tended to expand without moral constraints. In Sadanobu's case, the common language was politeness and rules, and the Chinese order and Western order were also recognised as separate international systems in the same world. In this sense, the Japanese view of international order was already "modernised" in advance of intense interactions with the West, and also had developed as a unique one of the Japanese origin.<br>Reflecting the appearance of western ships and the Opium War, the Japanese recognised that the Western threat was strong enough to assimilate China and Japan. This threat intensified the emphasis on competitive aspects of the Japanese view of international order, thus splitting sharply arguments for trade and those for exclusion. Even in views of <i>Jo-i</i> exclusionists, the international order consisted not of hierarchy with Japan on the top, but of warring equal states. Kawaji Toshiakira, negotiating the border with the Russian envoy Putiatin in 1853, also regarded European states as equal enemies to be studied in order to oppose. In his view of international order, though the evil intentions of European states were emphasised in comparison with the views in the 18th century, the "modernised" aspects such as equality among nations and rational thinking without moral restraints were inherited.

著者

多湖 淳

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.132, pp.90-103,L10, 2003-02-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

56

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The monumental works by Inis Claude Jr. have led many scholars of International Relations to regard collective legitimization as one of the most important mechanism for the institutionalization of international relations. This paper explores the enhancement of international institutions by focusing on the US collective legitimization in the Dominican intervention (1965) and the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962).This paper argues that collective legitimization enhances institutionalization of international relations in two different ways: constraining the US decision about its military actions, and expanding the roles and functions of the formal international organizations. In the case of the Dominican intervention in 1965, due to opposition by other countries in the region, the US failed to continue deployment of its troops, especially the Army and Air Force, as it wished. The US also reluctantly accepted a Brazilian general for the commander of the Inter-American Peace Forces even though it wanted an American commander. In addition to these constraints, as a result of creation of Inter-American Peace Forces, the roles and functions of the OAS were expanded into peace-keeping operations and humanitarian military operations, neither of which was within the scope of the Charter of the OAS.A comparison of the Dominican Intervention in 1965 with the Cuban Missile Crisis shows there are two strategies of collective legitimization: assertive (offensive) legitimization and negative (defensive) legitimization. Assertive legitimization is a strategy whereby the United States tries to show the legality and justice of its military actions by gaining formal support from international institutions. Negative legitimization is a strategy whereby the United States tries to show the legality and justice of its military actions by denying the claim of an enemy or counterpart such as Cuba or the USSR. In the Dominican Intervention, the United States utilized assertive legitimization. The OAS, which legitimized the US position, was institutionalized considerably; but the UN, which was bypassed by the US, was not institutionalized. In the Cuban Missile Crisis, on the other hand, the United States chose negative legitimization. Neither the UN, nor the OAS was institutionalized. From these empirical analyses, this paper provides a new hypothesis that assertive legitimization by the United States enhances institutionalization of international relations more than negative legitimization.

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.74, pp.134-153,L13, 1983-08-31 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

19

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An information processing system to simulate the decision-making process of China's international conflict behavior is presented. This system, called CHINA-WATCHER, is designed to represent different models of Chinese cognitive process. Different models are specified in terms of the frame of reference (realist or revolutionary), the evaluation strategy (“dove”, “dawk”, or “hawk”), the support-side decision strategy (“dove” or “hawk”), and the involvement decision strategy (“dove” or “hawk”).No matter how different models are specified in terms of the above criteria, CHINA-WATCHER has key procedures applied in any model. Essentially, CHINA-WATCHER “understands” an inputted case (international conflict, crisis, etc.) and “decides” what China would do. To “understand” the current case, CHINA-WATCHER updates the “world amity-enmity map” showing who are China's friends and who are China's enemies. Then, it detemines the relations of the parties in the current case, i. e. whether the case is a confrontation between friends and enemies, a confrontation between friends and friends, etc.In addition, CHINA-WATCHER determines the contexts in which the current case is put. There are two contexts always to be determined no matter which model is specified; they are the narrative context and the precedential context. The narrative context is the preceding cases which constitute a longer, unfolding “stort, ” with the current case as its most recent episode. Setting the precedential context is the most important feature of the CHINA-WATCHER system. The essential, idea is to derive instructions for current action from an analysis of cases in memory that are similar to the current one in certain key respects. In other words, the decision-makers are assumed to understand the current case in part through the analogy of the past precedents.The second essential operation of CHINA-WATCHER is to decide what to do in the current case. CHINA-WATCHER decides (1) which side in the case to support and (2) to what extent China involves itself. The latter involvement decision consists of verbal involvement and physical involvement. The support-side decision is made essentially from the examination of the party configuration of the current case. The involvement decision is made through the analysis of the precedential context.As stated above, different models are specified in terms of the frame of reference, the evaluation strategy, the support-side decision strategy, and the involvement decision strategy. The frame of reference suggests the criteria of friends and enemies. to China and the criteria to determine the precedential context. The evaluation strategy is used to cope with uncertainty of friend-enemy evaluation. The support-side decision strategy is used to decide which side to support and the involvement decision strategy is used to decide the level of involvement based on the precedential context.We examine how CHINA-WATCHER with different models process information on each of the 385 cases of Chinese international conflict behavior from 1949 to 1978 and predict the decision to be taken by the PRC in each of them. It is found that the model with the revolutionary framework and the evaluation strategy of a “dove” performed better in the periods from 1949 to 1953, from 1957 to 1958, from 1968 to 1969, and from 1974 to 1976. Also found is that the model with the realist framework and the evaluation strategy of a “dawk” performed better in the periods from 1954 to 1956, from 1959 to 1967, from 1970 to 1973, and from 1977 to 1978. But it was found that the Chinese were consistent in the “hawkish” strategy for taking sides and in their “dovish” involvement decision strategy.

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1990, no.95, pp.16-29,L6, 1990-10-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

17

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Based on the ideas of cognitive balance developed mainly by F. Heider, R. P. Abelson and others, a framework to represent a relationship characterized by amity and enmity is presented; essential points of this framework include (1) your enemy's enemy is your friend, (2) if A has both friendly and hostile relations with B, A and B have “ambivalent” relations, and (3) if there are no “ambivalent” relationship within a system of actors, this system is “balanced”. This framework then is applied to a triangular relationship among three actors and eight possible types of trialgular relationships are derived.To derve possible directions of transition among these eight types, two assumptions and four transition rules are introduced. The assumptions are:(1) three actors differ in their influence; and (2) A weaker actor is more sensitive to imbalance in the system. The four rules are: (1) changes of relationship take place sequentially, i. e., one at a time; (2) actors change their relationships to make the system “balanced”; (3) in an unbalanced system, the relationship between the two weakest actors tends to change; and (4) among the four balanced systems, three can change to become unbalanced (for the precise rule, see the text.)With these four rules, possible directions of transitions among these eight types are derived; this derivation represents a theory to explain how a triangular relationship might possibly evolve (Table 9). To examine the validity of this theory, an analysis of the history of U. S. -U. S. S. R. -China triangular relationships in the postwar period is made (Table 10). Except for the deterioration of U. S. -U. S. S. R. relations in 1960 after the U-2 inicident, the isolation of the Soviet Union in the late 1970s, and the deterioration of Sino-American relations immediately after the Tiananmen Square incident in 1989, the theory explains the historical transitions in the triangle very well.

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.124, pp.1-10,L5, 2000-05-12 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

21

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International Relations Theory is in need of reconstruction. The end of the cold War is usually invoked to justify such need. But other factors are also relevant. First, the objects of IR studies are undergoing rapid changes: trends of globalization as well as those of anti-globalization, democratization and human rights protection, increasing activities of multinational organizations and NGOs, problems of “failed states” and persistance of civil wars, prospects of non-proliferation, traditional security as well as “human security, ” and so on. IR studies need theoretical frameworks to deal with such diverse phenomena. Second, academic debates conducted over the last two decades, mostly in North America, now appear to enter into a new, more productive phase of incorporating diverse ontological and epistemological approaches. The field could explore increasingly more diverse objects of study as discussed above with more open-mined viewpoints than in the 1980s when a narrow academic debates between “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” dominated the field. Third, theorybuilding activities in Japan is also in need of reconstruction mainly because theoretical gaps between Japanese IR studies and North American ones have been widened over the last two decades. While North American scholars were engulfed completely with the debates between neo-realism and neo-liberals and are now being challenged by the rise of constructivism, most theoretically inclined Japanese scholars paid relatively little attention to either trends of North American IR studies; their concerns were more to do with world systems dynamics and implications of decline of American hegemony. It is about time to narrow the gaps of academic concerns and start joint activities to reconstruct IR Theory. The following ten articles are all attempts to respond to such challenges.

著者

原 彬久

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.100, pp.199-219,L16, 1992-08-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

2

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The U. S. -Japan Security Treaty as well as The Treaty of Peace with Japan were concluded in 1951 in San Francisco. It is wrong to think that The U. S. -Japan security system began with. the conclusion of that treaty, because we can not identify the security system with the security treaty.The security system between the U. S. and Japan came into existence with the unconditional surrender of Japan and the occupation of Japan by the U. S. in 1945. We shall think of the U. S. -Japan security system as one started by the “substantial” coupling on the political and military level between both countries.In this essay there are three parts. First, we will examine the historical factors, particularly the Emperor system and the cold war, giving rise to the security system. Second, we will consider the nature of the treaty as a smaller part of the security system. Especially we will study the “one-sided burden” of the U. S. to Japan and the mechanism of Japanese compensation in the treaty. Third, we will forcus on American expectations of a “strong Japan” and American fear of Japanese neutralization under the security system.Following the collapse of the cold war, it is more necessary to examine closely the structure of the security system between the U. S. and Japan in the context of the cold war.

著者

原 彬久

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.115, pp.1-10,L5, 1997-05-17 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

6

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As the title shows, this volume is dedicated to the study of the US-Japan Security System with emphasis on both aspects of continuity and change. Although the system was a product of history it has also been a major driving force of history in the post-war period. It is in the mixture of continuity and change that the system has survived the challenge of history.In general, the system is often understood as a byproduct of the Cold War headed by the US and the then USSR. Indeed, the system cannot be discussed without reference to the Cold War. The US-Japan Mutual Security Treaty which serves as the core of the system was signed in September 1951 as a corner stone in the US strategy of deterrence against the USSR. Nevertheless, the system in reality is more complicated than just being a byproduct of the Cold War. It is in essence a political community—a relationship that exceeds the legal stipulations of the treaty. Otherwise the system would have collapsed with the end of the Cold War. The treaty originally signed by Shigeru Yoshida in 1951 and revised by Nobusuke Kishi in 1960 has brought sbout the system that functions far beyond the original terms. The latest “Redefinition, ” reflecting the reality of US-Japan power relationship is also a product of the system.This volume is an attempt to examine the US-Japan Security System with emphasis on its aspects of continuity and change from theoretical, historical and empirical perspectives. It contains two groups of articles. The first group consists of six articles—(that of Sakamoto, Uemura, Gabe, Hirayama, Kan, and Kojo), with emphasis on historical observations and analyses. The second group consists of four articles—(that of Iwata, Muroyama, Kamiya, and Tsuchiyama), with emphasis on theoretical arguments and with predictions for the future. Hopefully these two groups of articles will serve as the two main pillars in our understanding of various aspects of the US-Japan Security System.

著者

岡部 三郎

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.12, pp.53-67, 1960

著者

首藤 素子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.168-174, 1982

著者

中村 文子

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.152, pp.132-152,L15, 2008-03-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

36

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This paper attempts to develop a new model for analyzing the reasons behind trafficking in persons. Trafficking in persons in the form of sexual exploitation therefore is caused by differentials in power between sex, the rich and the poor, and citizen and non-citizen. From power differentials evolves discrimination, and discrimination is justified by power. Moreover, the paper suggests possibilities for constructing a social structure that is able to address the problem of discrimination.By analyzing the trafficking of victims' throughout the world, based on the information provided by the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC), we recognize specific geographic aspects of human trafficking. Mostly, victims come from developing countries such as those in Eastern Europe or Asia, and their final destinations are developed countries such as Japan, the USA, or Italy. By scrutinizing the conditions for human trafficking based on the modern world-system theory we learn that “core” areas exploit “semi-periphery” areas. This finding applied to the problem of trafficking in persons then means that the “core” exploits the “periphery” physically..However, modern world-system theory's explanation for the causes of this crime is insufficient. The existing deep discrimination between men and women or the rich, the poor, and citizen and non-citizen brings to light the relation of power between those who discriminate and those discriminated. In this sense, sex discrimination is caused by “nation states” politics, which is strongly patriarchal. Therefore, this politics forces women to be “peripheral”, i. e. to serve as assistants for men in society. Further, discrimination against foreigners is also strongly related with “nation states'” politics, which excludes “others”. Carrying this explanation further, we can argue that economic discrimination promotes people with power while discriminating “others”. The modern world-system structure ties agents' action, thus it is hard to solve the problem of discrimination. On the other hand, there are certain possibilities that agents' action can influence the structure of this world system.The victims of trafficking in persons are forced to the bottom of the hierarchy structured by power differentials with discrimination and thus to fate of being the slave, whose human dignity is ravished by sexual exploitation. Thus it is essential to remove the consciousness of discrimination, which justifies power differentials between sex, the rich and the poor, and citizen and non-citizen. It is here, where cooperation with international organizations and NGOs serves our purpose.Firstly, it is necessary to raise consciousness among those who ‘buy’ women, that their action is a “crime”. Secondly, it is important to enhance women's consciousness of being a victim. And finally, it is essential to bring the issue of trafficking in persons to the consciousness of the ordinary people, and encourage them to help the victims.

著者

川島 真

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.175, pp.175_100-175_114, 2014

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This article traces the historical contexts of international politics study from the 19th century to the present in China, and explores the background and possibilities of 'China model.' The China model has been argued in the academic circle in China after the latter half of the 1990s, in order to interpret Chinese foreign policy more clearly and efficiently under its own historical and cultural contexts.<br>It was the 19th century when China started to make contact with the international law and diplomacy. At first, Chinese officials recognized them as tools and device to negotiate with western countries. In the beginning of the 20th century, the Chinese government utilized concepts of modern international relations,such as sovereignty, independent and mutual principle of equality and mutual benefit, to protect and maintain its existence as a nation. Such behavior was succeeded by the PRC, such as the five principles for peace. However, the PRC kept a distance with western concepts of international politics, and began to import a series of Marxist theories and concepts it from the Soviet Union. After the Cultural Revolution, the PRC gradually resumed to receive western theories and concepts of international politics.<br>Thus, the PRC basically kept the <i>basso continuo</i> of Chinese diplomacy, such as importance of sovereignty,independent and mutual principle of equality and mutual benefit, but its main theories and concepts were from Marxist studies. After new western studies were gradually imported to China, the basic situation did not change very much. After the 1990s, the so-called rising of China, it needed to interpret and explain its policy to the world more efficiently. At that time, Chinese scholars realized that it was difficult to do so by utilizing Marxism and new western studies. Therefore, many started to explore new ways, and promoted the China model with historical and cultural contexts in China to interpret its own foreign policy. However, the arguments regarding this new model were losing its objective and their bearings.

著者

川島 真

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.175, pp.175_100-175_114, 2014

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This article traces the historical contexts of international politics study from the 19th century to the present in China, and explores the background and possibilities of 'China model.' The China model has been argued in the academic circle in China after the latter half of the 1990s, in order to interpret Chinese foreign policy more clearly and efficiently under its own historical and cultural contexts.<br>It was the 19th century when China started to make contact with the international law and diplomacy. At first, Chinese officials recognized them as tools and device to negotiate with western countries. In the beginning of the 20th century, the Chinese government utilized concepts of modern international relations,such as sovereignty, independent and mutual principle of equality and mutual benefit, to protect and maintain its existence as a nation. Such behavior was succeeded by the PRC, such as the five principles for peace. However, the PRC kept a distance with western concepts of international politics, and began to import a series of Marxist theories and concepts it from the Soviet Union. After the Cultural Revolution, the PRC gradually resumed to receive western theories and concepts of international politics.<br>Thus, the PRC basically kept the <i>basso continuo</i> of Chinese diplomacy, such as importance of sovereignty,independent and mutual principle of equality and mutual benefit, but its main theories and concepts were from Marxist studies. After new western studies were gradually imported to China, the basic situation did not change very much. After the 1990s, the so-called rising of China, it needed to interpret and explain its policy to the world more efficiently. At that time, Chinese scholars realized that it was difficult to do so by utilizing Marxism and new western studies. Therefore, many started to explore new ways, and promoted the China model with historical and cultural contexts in China to interpret its own foreign policy. However, the arguments regarding this new model were losing its objective and their bearings.

著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.116, pp.114-129,L12, 1997

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This article examines the role of ASEAN in the new order building process in the Asia-Pacific region within the context of U. S. overall policy toward the region after the end of the Cold War.<br>Today's Asia-Pacific region is in the middle of a protracted transitional period from the end of the Cold War to a new order which will eventually replace the Cold War order but has yet to take shape. The process is characterized by a dual structure of flux: a shifting balance of power among major powers, and the increasing capacity of ASEAN countries to influence the order building process at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Seen this way, ARF embodies a restructuring of relations between external powers and smaller ASEAN countries.<br>In this context, U. S. Asia-Pacific policy under the Clinton administration was presented as a comprehensive one, emphasizing bilateral alliances and U. S. forward deployed forces, on the one hand, and multilateral security cooperation at ARF, on the other. A catalyst of this comprehensive approach was a long-term concern about an emerging China, in which the importance of ASEAN has steadily grown.<br>ASEAN countries clearly recognize that they cannot affect the final result of the balance of power game among big powers. Nonetheless, as long as today's transitional process continues, ASEAN can play a role in engaging external powers in their initiatives at ARF. For ASEAN to succeed in this, some extent of institutionalization of the ARF process is inevitable. With ARF covering the entire Asia-Pacific region, the "ASEAN-way" of building a Southeast Asian community by informal gradualism now faces an important turning point.

著者

片岡 信之

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.93, pp.147-160,L16, 1990

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Sufficient attention has not paid to the reproduction of labor in the literature of the capitalist world-system. But recently we can see a growing recognition of the fact that the availability of appropriate labor power is of primary importance for the accumulation of capital in a particular region. For example, international labor migration as one of the various forms of 'the global labor supply system' has attracted the increasing interest of international economics students.<br>This paper, inspired by this trend, attempts to analyze what I call 'the mechanisms of externalizing the cost of labor reproduction' in the capitalist world-system. The relative cheapness of available labor, in addition to its quantity and quality, constitutes one of the essential requirements of an appropriate labor supply. Labor has been made cheap by imposing part of the reproduction cost upon the so-called 'non-capitalist' spheres.<br>On such mechanism is the 'functional dualism' between the capitalist sector and the rural subsistence economy in peripheral economies. The process of disintegration in the rural subsistence sector has been constrained, since this sector assumes the costs reproducing new generations of workers and absorbs those that have become redundant in the capitalist sector. This 'subsidy' paid by the subsistence sector is translated into the extremely low wages which characterize the peripheral economies.<br>Marxist feminism has emphasized the similar mechanism between the market and the home in center economies. Wage is only a monetary cost of reproduction and requires a lot of unpaid domestic work to accomplish a reproduction of labor meeting the hard demand of center economies. This non-monetary 'subsidy' overwhelmingly assumed by women helps lower the wage level relatively.<br>The present restructuring of the world economy called 'the new international division of labor' can be seen also as a restructuring of 'the mechanisms of externalizing the cost of labor reproduction.' The rural subsistence enclaves in the Third World are diminishing and the expanding informal sector in 'hyper-urbanized' cities functions as a substitute for the rural sectors. The penetration of transnational corporations caused and/or facilitated this transformation, indirectly through the cultural change of Third World societies, and directly through the employment of rural young women into TNCs' 'world market factories.'<br>Most women in these factories are fired around the age of 24. After that they tend to emigrate to developed countries where more and more cheap labor is needed because of the 'informalization' now under way in the process of industrial restructuring, or disappear into the informal sector of Third World cities.<br>Women have always disproportionately assumed the burden of externalized reproduction costs and the restructurings of these mechanisms have historically pivoted on women. This is true in the latest global restructuring which is at the same time a restructuring of the international political economy. Marxist feminism has much to offer concerning this.