著者

西村 朝日太郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.223-259, 1979

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While researching the aquatic cultures along the coast of the Ariake Sea, the author's attention was drawn to two cultural traits in the realm of overt fishermen's culture. One is the mud sled, widely distributed along the muddy tidal zones throughout the world. The other is the stone tidal weir, built along reef coasts with conspicuous tidal ranges. The former is a leading cultural trait which represents the muddy tidal flat culture, and the latter, the reef culture. The latter in particular is quite archaic and presumably originated in the pre-sapiens phase of human history as pointed out by J. Desmond CLARK, although this is denied by R. A. DART. This paper deals with the stone tidal weirs and their relics found along the coast of Miyako Island and the adjacent Irabu Island. In 1957 the author set out to investigate a vast range of gigantic construction on the reef flat along the coast of Karimata in Miyako Island. The range comprised a fixed fishing gear known as a stone tidal weir. Stone tidal weirs at Karimata are mamma-shaped, while others, which are widely scattered in the area, including Iriomote, Kohama, Irabu. Ishigaki etc., vary in shape. Subsequent to several field researches on stone tidal weirs (called kaki or katsi etc. by the natives) in this region, the author sent several of his assistants there in 1972 with the aim of conducting an intensive investigation of the stone tidal weirs still in existence on those islands. This report brings out the results of our joint research, particularly on Miyako and Irabu Islands. A report will be presented later concerning the stone tidal weirs on Kohama Island. Stone tidal weirs, archaic primitive fixed fishing gear, have been under considerable oceanoographical influence due to their particular characteristics in location and function. The author describes in brief the oceanographic factors which have close relationships to stone tidal weirs. Along the northeatern coast of Miyako Island there were originally sixteen stone tidal weirs (photographically illustrated : fig. 5) but most of them were destroyed by the big typhoon named Sarah in 1959 and the subsequent Chilian tsunami (tidal waves caused by an earthquake) in 1960. As mentioned above, stone tidal weirs at Karimata, like those in other areas, are of ancient origin. A considerable number of poems referring to stone tidal weirs seem to be involved in "omorososhi", the oldest anthology of Okinawa. Genhichi SHIMABUKURO has pointed out several poems related to it, however, referring to the works of S. HOKAMA and K. TORIKOSHI, there is ample room for doubt. The author believes that an ancient poem handed down from one generation to another at Karimata, which is entitled "Upuja mabikirja nu fusa" is related to the stone tidal weir. This poem is found in the book "Alethology of Miyako Island" written by S. HOKAMA and K. SHINZATO. Stone tidal weirs of Okinawa can be classified into four types as far as the catching part is concerned, as indicated in figure 13. Type A is akin to a stone weir with its fishing method differentiated in principle from a stone tidal weir. This is the type which formerly existed in Henza Island. Type B is found at Karimata, and it consists of three parts : a) a 10w stone wall (kaki-nu-ti :) as long as 780m with mutu-gaki, b) a catching part (Bu-fuga) , and c) a flat stone-block seat (bi : si) set on both sides of the catching chamber. During ebbtide, water dashes into the catching chamber at the speed of 3/5 m/s on the water surface.

著者

綾部 恒雄

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.159-160, 1970-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

中生 勝美

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.47-65, 1997

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民族研究所は, 戦時中の短い期間に存続した。そこの研究員は, 戦後に活躍する民族学者が数多く在籍していた。しかし, 「戦争協力をした研究所」との批判があり, その実態は明らかにされていない。民族研究所は, 終戦とともに廃庁となったため, 残された資料は完全でない。そこで, 公文書と関係者の聞き取りから, 民族研究所の設立経緯と活動内容を調べ, ウィーンに留学していた岡正雄の民族研究所設立の構想, その人脈に加え, 日本の民族学者を組織していた古野清人の協力で, 民族研究所が設立された経緯を明らかにできた。民族研究所の設立目的は, 日本軍の占領地を現地調査することにより, 現地の異民族工作のための基礎資料を集めることであった。しかし実際には, 直接的な民族政策への参与はなく, 現地調査や文献研究により, 学術的に水準の高い研究が生まれた。特に, 岡正雄がウィーン学派への疑問から, イギリス的社会人類学へ問題関心を転換しており, フィールドワークによる異文化研究を, 民族研究所で実現したいと考えていた。戦後の日本民族学会をリードするメンバーは, 戦後になってヨーロッパやアメリカの人類学を受容したのではなく, 戦時中に設立された民族研究所の時代には, すでに海外の研究動向に目を配りつつ, 占領地や植民地のフィールドワークにより, 戦後に連続する研究を始めている。その一方で, 国策機関としての民族研究所が運営されたため, 研究所の蔵書の一部が, 占領地の略奪図書を中心に集められていたことなども明らかになった。中国には「飲水想源」(水を飲むとき, 源を想う)という諺がある。日本民族学のルーツを直視して, 負の遺産も含めた歴史を記憶する作業は, 民族学の現在を考える上で意義があるのではないだろうか。

著者

バランディエ ジョルジュ

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.129-134, 1962 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

松園 万亀雄

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.164-180, 1968-09-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

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The ideology of descent has a career of its own, largely independent of internal contradictions in recruitment and "a descent doctrine does not express group composition but imposes itself upon the composition." This is the point succinctly stated by Sahlins (1963, 1965), which also underlies the Barnes' following observation. "A genealogy in the pre-literate society is in general a charter, in Malinowski's sense, for a given configuration of contemporary social relations. Where there is a dogma of descent, and in particular a dogma of agnatic solidarity, the genealogy must reflect the contemporary situation or some desired modification of it, in terms of the dogma." (Barnes 1962). Our analysis of pastoral societies aims at providing a certain quantification of the above thesis. The study of pastoral societies seems to allow a more or less radical formulation along this line of argument because of the elastic nature of group composition and the vigorous tendency to rationalize it in terms of the agnatic doctrine. The substantial body of materials have been drawn from the Somali (Lewis 1961), the Samburu (Spencer 1965), and the Baggara Arabs (Cunnison 1966), all of which are defined by the authors as societies with the agnatic lineage system. A herding camp generally is the basic. unit comprising a spatially compact lineage segment. The demographic surveys, however, revealed that there is a fairly high incidence of camps containing affinally and non-agnatically related persons and coming-in strangers without any kinship relations whatsoever (20-3096 among the Somali and the Samburu as against agnatic members). Since marriage is prohibited within the 'primary lineage' in the Somali and within the 'clan' in the Samburu (as a corollary within camps as well) , affinal and congatic impurities in camps are those who or whose ascendants came to be attached to their wives' groups by uxorilocal mode of residence. In the course of time, however, these accessory members become incorporated into their host groups and accorded fullfledged membership to agnatic descent groups. There exist certain required formalities that mark the point of incorporation: the Somali are required to cooperate with wives' agnates in camel herdings and blood-money payments: the Samburu must observe the exogamous restrictions of the clan in regard to the host groups. The Humr, a 'tribe' among the Baggara Arabs, give preference to FBD marriage, thus marriages are very frequently practiced within the surra that is the smallest agnatic lineage segment and the basis of a single camp.

著者

和辻 哲郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.4, pp.285-289, 1950 (Released:2018-03-27)

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What makes the reviewer sceptical of the scientific value of The Chrysanthemum and the Sword consists not in the misunderstandings found in the data themselves which the author has used, but in the inadequate treatment of these data. The auther arrives at over-generalized conclusions on the basis of partial data, and very often makes judgements about the character of the Japanese people in general from such propaganda as the no-surrender principle or the superiority of spiritual to physical power, which were believed only by a small part of militarists for a definite time, or which these militarists made use of for their struggle within the country. Of course, there is another question, which Ruth Benedict has not fully taken into consideration, of why the Japanese people so meekly suc-cumbed to the dictatorship of a militarist clique. It is in this question that we should seek a key to the patterns of Japanese culture. The Japanese can perceive very clearly what elements in their culture are new and functional and what are antiquated and non-funtional, whereas to most foreigners these cultural elements appear to co-exist side by side with equal functional significance. Therefore it strikes the Japanese as queer that Benedict accepts certain nolonger-influential thoughts or customs of the past as characteristic of the present-day Japanese culture. For example, the reviewer's own experience for the past half-century contradicts both in social and family life what the author has called "the Japan's confidence in hierarchy".

著者

安田 尚道

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, 1973

著者

小林 高四郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1-2, pp.55-65, 1957-05-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

吉野 裕子

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.30-56, 1976

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Ancient Chinese philosophy had considered Chaos (混沌) as the one and only primal absolute force. Out of this Chaos rose the clear and clean Yang (陽) atomosphere to become Heaven, while the dark and murky Yin (陰) atomosphere sank to become Land. Since Heaven and Land are the off-springs of the same maternal substance, it was thought that they should always mingle with each other. As knowledge of astrology deepened and expanded, the non-moving North Star was located and confirmed in the northern sky. This star was then considered as the center of the universe and sanctified as Tai-Yi (太一) . Tai-Yi evolved into one unity with Chaos and became the Supreme Ultimate(太極) . The Big Dipper (北斗) , because of its regular movement around the North Star, was thought of as either Tai-Yi's minister or his vehicle, while also being worshipped as the agricultural god. But couldn't there have been a much simpler reason giving rise to the worship of the Big Dipper ? What makes the Big Dipper so prominent in the night sky is its special spoon-shaped appearance. The Chinese worship and pay tribute to their ancesters. Their ritual is centered around food. It could be that their thought followed the pattern that if they offered food to the heavenly big spoon, the Big Dipper, it would reach the ancestral God of the universe. Incidentally, there is another big spoon besides the Big Dipper in the sky. It is the South Dipper (南斗) in Sagittarius. The ancient Chinese considered this star as the 'Mausoleum' enshrining the ancestral soul. As already expounded, Chinese philosophy has conceived the theory that the sky and the earth were of the same origin. Thus the celestial image was symbolically employed for the imperial court infrastructure. The emperor was considered to be the son of the heavenly king, and the central imperial courtyard was modeled after Tai-Yi's palace. It is said that the northern section of the palace of the Han dynasty was modeled after the Big Dipper, while the southern section, after the South Dipper. The writer assumes that the symbolic embodiment on the earth of these three heavenly bodies were accepted in Japan and its imitation completed in the era of Emperor Temmu (ruled : 672-686) . Through the spoon of the northern and sonthern dippers, offerings finally reach the ancestral god, the North Star. With the North Star forming the nucleus, the angle formed by the North and South Dippers is 67°. This infrastructure is reflected in the construction of the festival hall and the venue of Ohname-sai (大嘗祭-the festival honoring the ancestral soul during the imperial enthronement) of the Ise Shrine as clearly shown in Fig. I through Fig. 5. The Kammiso Festivals (神衣祭-the ritual in which wearing apparels are offered to the ancestral god) of the Ise Shrine are observed twice a year in spring and autumn, but it is full of mystery. The South Dipper is visible from May through October, and the festivals are held when the star becomes visible and when it disappears. The latter is the occasion of the Kammiso Festival. Offerings to the ancestral god are only possible when the big spoon appears. The confirmation of the big spoon is the ritual of the Kammiso Festival which is followed immediately by the Kan-name Festival (神嘗祭) , the food offering ritual to the ancestral god. The Ise Shrine enshrines the imperial ancestral god, Amaterasu (天照), the Goddess of the Sun. Chinese philosophy, hand in hand with astrology, highly esteems the Nohth Star, Tai-Yi (太一) as the fundamental factor of the universe. The incarnation of Amaterasu and Tai-Yi has explained in the writer's previous reportwhich stated in sum as the unification of the Sun and stars.

著者

石井 美保

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.259-282, 1998

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奴隷貿易によって「新世界」へと離散した黒人たちは奴隷制時代から現代に至るまで, 多くの社会宗教運動を生みだしてきた。なかでも1930年カリブ海地域のジャマイカで誕生したラスタファリ運動は, パン・アフリカニズムの思潮を受け継ぐとともに都市貧困層の連帯を支える文化運動として世界的な発展を遂げている。本稿は, 東アフリカのタンザニアにおけるラスタファリ運動の展開について論ずる。地方出身の出稼ぎ民の流入とともに人口増加と民族混交の進むタンザニア都市において, ラスタファリ運動は若年貧困層を中心に新たな路上文化として発展している。また運動は民族を越えた共同体を形成し, NGO団体として農場建設運動を推進している。さらにこの運動はカリブ海地域や欧米からアフリカに移住してきた離散黒人とタンザニア人の双方によって担われ, 運動の継承と解釈をめぐって相互の交流と差異化が生まれている。本稿はタンザニアにおけるラスタファリ運動の展開を検討することにより, 都市貧困層の社会的実践のもつ多様な可能性を示し, また現代アフリカにおける市井のパン・アフリカニズムの実状と問題を検討する。

著者

清水 芳見

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.482-494, 2002-03-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

江守 五夫

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.71-73, 1980

著者

肥後 和男

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.108-115, 1949

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That the present Japanese have a physique resembling the Koreans more than the Ainu shows that their ancestors were nearer to the Koreans than to the Ezo (ancestors of the Ainu). The same may be argued with reference to language and mythology. Therefore, it seems reasonable to believe that the forefathers of the modern Japanese people may have come from the Korean area. However, the period of this movement is not clear. The Wei (Wa) of the ancient records of China were the ancestors of the Japanese. According to these records, they had already built many small states by the 1st century A. D. They practiced agriculture and had communications with China. The forefathers of the Imperial Family seem to have unified those small states under its rule toward the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century. Their point of origin is still unknown. The opinion of some scholars that they were of the same stock as the horse-riding tribes who established dynasties in Manchuria and Korea in the 3rd century has not been verified. If Chinese records can be trusted, the Yamato (Yeh-ma-tai) kingdom seems to have been already in existence about the end of the 1st century. The erection of great tomb mounds for the burial of the kings at the beginning of the 3rd century A. D. seems to have followed the unification of the small Wa states under the Yamato dynasty.

著者

金田一 京助

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.1-20, 1948 (Released:2018-03-27)

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It has been contended by physical anthropologists and prehistoric archaeologists that Ezo and Emishi, whose names appear in ancient Japanese history, were distinct from the Ainu. The author, basing his case on documentary and linguistic materials, particularly on place names of Ainu origin in northeastern Honshu, concludes that the Ezo and Emishi were one and the same group with the Ainu, and that they had moved down from the north to settle in northeastern Honshu.

著者

牧野 巽

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.3, pp.307-328, 1940-11-10 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

伊藤 眞

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.97-100, 2000 (Released:2018-05-29)

著者

木村 大治

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3, pp.424-430, 1997-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

河合 利光

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.275-298, 1981-12-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

鈴木 栄太郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.3, pp.A552-A558, 1963 (Released:2018-03-27)

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The Kei association in Korea is very similar in structure and function to the Ko (講) group in Japan. The same is true of the Pumashi in Korea and the Yui in Japan. The Kei and the Ko assosications offer efficient and reasonable ways for financial cooperation when it is needed by the community, while the Pumashi and the Yui are applied to solveve the problem of labor cooperation. All four groups are apparently based on the supposition that all human beings are equal. How and when does the Kei association work? According to the rules of the Kei, each member is required to contribute a certain amount of property whenever it is needed by the community to accomplish any communal work; every person who satisfies the requirement is in turn guaranted a perfectly equal right. Thus the Kei group is undoubtedly financial in character. Whatever other object it may have, an association which is organized to meet the financial needs of the community falls in to the category of the Kei groups. The Ko association in Japan solves communal financial problems in exactly the same way, although some cultural differences may exist between the two growps. This argument applies with the same cogency to the relationship between the Pumashi and the Yui associations. Both represent a method of labor cooperation although are some cultural differences. According to the rules of Pumashi, if A offers his labor to B, B is required to return the equivalent labor to A. This principle extends to matual help among more than three members of the Pumashi group; the value of the labor is calculated in accordance with the differences in sex and years of age of the laborer.

著者

国分 直一

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.441-452, 1963 (Released:2018-03-27)