著者

大林 太良 パプロート ハンス ヨアヒム リュディガー

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.218-236, 1965

著者

松前 健

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.71-74, 1964-08-31 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

山口 彌一郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.5, pp.613-653, 1939

著者

鈴木 満男

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.167-185, 1972

著者

棚橋 訓

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.112-113, 1983

著者

真島 一郎

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.4, pp.406-432, 1991

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本稿の目的は,西アフリカ,象牙海岸共和国のダン族に於ける仮面表象を通して,秘密結社の政治体制を支えるその「力」観念の特質を探っていくことにある。ギニア湾西部のいわゆる《ポロ結社文化》の諸社会に比べ,ダンの社会では,権力の行使が秘密結社に集中している。ただ,結社権威の観念的な拠り所となる「力」は,実は妖術と同一の概念あり,重大な規範侵犯への制裁も妖術制裁の形をとっている。とりわけ,森由来の精霊である仮面は秘密結社と密接に連係し,結社と同じ「力」に訴えることで,制裁への恐怖に裏付けられた規範維持に寄与している。だが結社のイデオロギーは,邪悪な妖術と同じ本質を持つ「力」を自らの手で完全に正当化することができない。そこに,ダンの仮面表象に於いては例外的な,「面なき仮面」の生きる余地が生じてくる。秘密結社という支配集団は,「誰でもない」その声に託して,権力への自己言及の道を開こうとするのである。

著者

佐野 賢治

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.235-258, 1976

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The eel is an interesting creature from the standpoint of biology, that is, its migration, its geographical distribution, its transformation of sex and so on. And because of its mysterious life, many legends and beliefs concerning the eel also have been originated and transmitted all over the world since ancient times. What interests the author is the ethnographic information that some ethnic groups don,t eat eels at all in Formosa, Micronesia, the Philippines and so on, with relation to totem ,animal and ancestor worship. Although we can hear a lot of folklore concerning eels in Japan, a non-eel-diet taboo is almost always told with Buddhist Kokuzo-Belief. The folk-explanation is that an eel is the messenger or the favorite food of Kokuzo-Budhisattva (akasa-garbha) and therefore should not eat it. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of an interrelationship between eels and Kokuzo-Budhisatta and to analyse several aspects of a non-eel-diet taboo in the historical ,context. Japanese folktales around the eel are classified according to the following items : (a) An eel as the messenger of a Kami (god) or of Buddha. The deities usually represented being that of Suijin (a water deity) , Mishimamyojin (三島明神) , Konpiragongen (金比羅宮) or Kokuzo-Bodhisattva. (b) An eel which transforms itself into a man, usually a monk. This eel usually represents the guardian spirit of a pond or river. (c) A one-eyed eel. These always possess magical powers. (d) An unusual or mutated eel and its activities. (i. e. a red, yellow or white eel an eel having large ears.) (e) The origin of a place name after an eel ; i. e., eel-mound, eel-wamp, eel-abyss, eel-paddy, etc. An overview of these folk tales leads to the following concept : People in early times thought the eel was a water deity itself, or the messenger of a water deity who was the guardian spirit of a pond, marsh, river, deep or lake. The eel inspired apprehension among these primitive folk due to its strange appearance and activities. Also in Japan, there is some evidence which indicates that the eel may be a mythical ancestor. The belief that spiritual creatures in water bodies may change into a one-eyed eel, which indicates the tenement of a god, is an idea promulgated by the late Kunio Yanagita. In another legend, the eel appears in a deluge in which the eel is transformed into a monk who warns the populace of approaching disaster and consequently saves them from catastro-phe. Kokuzo-Bodhisattva beliefs have included the mitigation or avoidance of disaster since the Nara Period. One particular Kokuzo sutra, which prevailed widely among temples practicing Kokuzo beliefs in Japan, portrays Kokuzo-Bodhisattva as an itinerant priest who displays his ability to avert disaster more effectively than any other Bodhisattva. Shingon Sect priests (当山派修験) , as proponents of this Kokuzo belief, have connected this belief with that of the eel and its appearance during innundation. The aforementioned information is the product of research data obtained from Tokurenji Temple (徳蓮寺) in Mie Prefecture. Tokurenji Temple belongs to the Shingon Sect and has tradition that the itinerant Kobodaishi (a founder of the Shingon Sect) stayed at this temple at some point in its early history. Many "Ema" (small wooden tablets with an optative phrase and a suitable picture) are dedicated to this temple and most of them are pictures drawn with a catfish and an eel. we can guess that the catfish was added at a later date because of the synonimity of its name and the name of a skin disease "namazu" and the folk-connection of the catfish to the cure of the disease.

著者

金 良柱 中村 孚美

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.3, pp.323-330, 1989-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

島 五郎 木村 邦彦

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.3-4, pp.280-283, 1952 (Released:2018-03-27)

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アイヌ指紋各型の出現頻度は(1)総数に就いては尺側蹄状状が多く, 渦状紋が少なく, (2)隻手に就いては, 他の多くの人種と異なって, 左手より右手に尺側蹄状紋が多く, 渦状紋が少ない。この特徴は他人種に類例の稀なアイヌ指紋の特異点である。撓側蹄状紋も左手に比して右手に特に少なく現われる。以上の如き特異点を有するアイヌと和人-(1)総数に対する頻度はアイヌに比して尺側蹄状紋が少なく, 渦状紋が多く, (2)隻手に就いては男性では右手に尺側蹄状紋が少なく, 渦状紋多く, 女性では尺側蹄状紋と渦状紋が左右の手に略相半ばして現われ, 明らかにアイヌと異った特徴を有する和人-との第一代雜種の指紋は(1)総数に就いての頻度はなお強くアイヌ的特徴を有っているが, (2)隻手に現われる指紋各型の頻度には和人的特徴が強く見られるようである。(昭.26.11.8記)

著者

牛島 巖

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.58-59, 1968-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

嶋田 義仁

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.270-293, 1985

著者

武田 久吉 北村 公佐

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.356-382, 1937

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.170, 1948 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

嶋田 義仁

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.3, pp.270-293, 1985-12-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

鈴木 正崇

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.72-101, 1982-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

石川 栄吉

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.121, 1985-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.69-71, 1964 (Released:2018-03-27)

著者

小松 和彦

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.130-158, 1974

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Manokusa Taro (A Lazy Boy) is one of the most famous tales in Otogi-Zoshi, a collection of short popular tales formed through Muromachi Era and early Edo Era. For an analysis of the tale, the following procedures are taken in this paper . First, its sequential structure obtained through morphological analysis is presented. Second, its component elements are extracted and re-arranged into various schemes of binary oppositions. Third, the relations between the sequential structure and the schemes of binary oppositions are considered on the assumption that the whole text forms a system of paragrammatical network. Many features of analytical interest have emerged as a result of these procedures, but in this paper only two problems are taken up. The first is concerned with the validity of the strongly supported theory that the tale should be included in the category of Honji tales. The second is an old problem as to why the protagonist Taro changes his character or role so often in accordance with different situations ; lazy beggar→faithful servant→reckless bandit→good poet→handsome nobleman→deity of love. The morphologcal structure common to Honji tales is generally as follows ; protagonist of noble or sacred origin degrades himself by some misfortunes and after a long wandering in exile filled with much suffering somehow re-establishes himself in his former status. Tales of this type usually account for the origins of certain Buddhism and/or Shinto deities. Adopting Bremond's morphological models, it is possible to say that Honji tales consist morhologically of "processus de degradation" and of "processus d'amelioration". In the tale in question, however, Taro is a lazy beggar apparently humble origin in the beginning, his noble descent being disclosed only at the end of the story. Thus we find in it only the "processus d'amelioration". For this reason, it is not appropriate to regard it as a Hanji tale. It could even be argued that the tale is a parody of Honji tales, a subject not discussed in this paper.

著者

杉本 良男

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.39-62, 1978

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This paper is an attempt to present a structural analysis of the religious system of the Sinhalese of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). Anthropological study of the religion and society in South Asia has made great progress since SRINIVAS'S classic "Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India" first published (1952). SRINIVAS pointed out two major problems in his monograph. On the one hand, he introduces the concept of 'spread' in Hinduism (All-India, Peninsular, Regional and Local). He emphasized the relation between all-Indian and Local Hinduism, or the sanskritic and the non-sanskritic Hinduism. The idea of this separation has been developed by some investigators, e. g. REDIFIELD(Great Tradition/Little Tradition), MARRIOTT (Universalization/Parochialization), and MANDELBAUM (Transcendental/Pragmatic) , in the studies of peasent society. On the other hand, SRINIVAS demonstrates how the religious notions of good-sacred (pure) and bad-sacred (impure) determine Hindu caste hierarchy and caste behaviours. The 'pure-impure concept' (or 'pollution concept') correlating religion with social structure has been assumed to be the basis of the Indian caste system. Especially, HARPER demonstrates how there is a broad reflex of three-class-caste system (high-middle-low) in three grades (gods, deities, spirits) and of ritual status (pure, pure/impure, impure) . HARPER'S idea is a knot of SRINIVAS'S two problems. First, I examine the utility of the hypotheses of SRINIVAS and HARPER critically, and then outline the total religious system of the Sinhalese through the structural analysis of rituals. The doctorine of Theravada Buddhism and primitive religion has been fused in Sri Lanka since 3c B. C., but people's religious behaviour now is that of a single religious tradition that is Sinhalese Buddhism, which is closely linked with the great tradition (Theravada Buddhism) . Sihhalese Buddhism includes various levels of Supernatural beings. This 'Pantheon' is neither Theravada Buddhist nor a magical animist one, but a 'Sinhalese Buddhist Pantheon'. The 'Pantheon' is hierarchically structured as follows. (1) The Buddha : the repository of power and divine authority, (2) Gods (deviyas) : Guardian deities and local gods who have power and divine authority over a certain area, and subordinate to the Buddha as a super deity, (8) Demons (yakas) : demons, dead relatives, goblins, and ghosts who are completely malevolent, punitive, and causing fear in men's hearts. Besides these Supernatural beings, there are some mediators who mediate between men and the supernatural beings. (1) The Buddhist monks (bbikkhu) : Mediators between men and the Buddha who is an other worldly being, (2) The astrologers (sastra kariyas) : Mediators between this world and the other world. Buddhism is connected with other-worldly oriented things (lokottara), while Magical-animism (god worship and demon worship) is connected with things of this world (laukika). Both systems are not contradictory but complementary. So, Buddhist monks may visit an exorcist to obtain cures in the case of irrational illness. This self-contradiction can be solved by the clear distinction between lokottara and laukika. The binary opposition between Buddhism and Magical-animism may be seen in the opposition between Buddhism and god worship as well. The Buddhist temple (vihara) and the shrines for the gods (devale) are often housed under one roof or at the same site. There are regular rituals in the vihara (Buddha pujava) and the devale (devapujava).

著者

廣畑 輔雄

出版者

日本文化人類学会

雑誌

民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.32-49, 1986