1 0 0 0 OA 日琉語族論

著者
折口 信夫
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.2, pp.194-206, 1950-11-15 (Released:2018-03-27)

Among the world languages, that which is most akin to Japanese is Ryukyuan, both of which may be classified together as the Ryukyu-Japanese language group. The author seeks for the original common form of this group by comparing the order of word components found in archaic Japanese and Ryukyuan. The problem of the order of word-components suggests also a possibility of special relationships between South China, the South Sea Islands, Formosa, Ryukyu and Japan. The present paper will serve as a preliminary contribution to such a problem. Among Japanese words which have become classic or obsolete since the mediaeval age, there are many which have a reverse order of components as compared with ordinary modern Japanese, such as kataoka, shita kutsu, hashi-date, mo-gari, which means respectively "land beside (kata) a hill (oka), " "a piece of cloth attached under (shita) a bamboo blind (sudare), " "socks worn under (shita) shoes (kuisu), " "an upright (date<tate) ladder (hashi), " "a provisional (gari<kari) funeral hall (mo)." Among the place and personal names, we find evidence that a female was called "Hime so and so" and a male "Hiko so and so" instead of "so and fo Hime" and "so and so Hiko." From the Ryukyuan vocabulary, examples are given mainly concerning personal names, which were intimately connected with the religious life of the islands, and its focus on the female shaman. On the grounds of various religious phenomena as well as relation between posthumous and infantile names of kings and nobles, the author demonstrates that there are many words meaning "one beloved by gods" and that these, too, were originally used in the order reverse to that of present usage. His study on such honorific suffixes as kimi and anji, and such eulogistic words as kikoe and shirare, gives additional examples of reverse word-order. Analysis of words like nozaki (first-fruits), katami (keepsake) etc. shows the archaic customary and ideological background of such words, and possibilities for reconstruction of early Japanese culture are indicated. The author asserts that the two peoples whose languages constitute the Ryukyu-Japanese group have lived in an intimate ethnic relationship for a long time.
著者
床呂 郁哉
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:24240508)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.1-20, 1992-06-30 (Released:2018-03-27)

本稿はフィリピンのスールー諸島における海洋民社会についての歴史人類学的研究を目的としている。特に, この地域における歴史とエスニシティの動態を, 西欧側と現地側双方の多様な歴史表象や歴史の語りを通じて明らかにしてゆく。従来の民族誌において, スールー諸島の海洋民社会は, タウスグ族を頂点としバジャウ族を底辺とする民族間階層を成すものとして描かれてきた。本稿では, このようなエスニシティの編成が18世紀後半以降のスールー王国の王権の展開を通じて形成されてきたことを明らかにする。また次に, こうしたマクロな歴史過程は, 現地住民の多様な歴史の語りの中で表象されることを通じて, それを語る民族集団の意識やイデオロギーに応じて解釈され, 再定義されてゆく。こうしてエスニシティが歴史的に形成され, 歴史がそのエスニシティによって再編されてゆくという動態的過程がスールー社会において認められるのである。
著者
宇野 公一郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.2, pp.111-133, 1980

The conclusion of my previous paper was that the religious sects of the South should be studied in the depth and the length of Vietnamese history and culture. Here, I have tried to decipher the symbolic geography embedded in the myths and the traditions of the primordial kingdoms and to compare it with the symbolic geography of the western Mekong Delta. The first section is a structural study of the myths described in the first volume of the Earlier Annals (Naoki Ky) of the Comprehensive History of Great Viet (Dai Viet Su Ky Toan Thu) . Descriptions of the first ideal kingdom Van Lang were divided into three parts. The first is about the first king Hung who established the administration. The second is about the child hero who repelled the invader in the time of the sixth Hung king. The third is about the water and the mountain spirits who took charge of the animals and the products of their regions. The first king Hung was born from the union of mountain and water and of China and Vietnam. If a king impairs the cosmological harmony of mountain and water the international harmony will be broken, and vice-versa. The transitional period from one dynasty to the next is the flood (international and cosmological) . The last king of the mythico-historical independent Vietnam was An Duong, who exposed himself to the attack of a Chinese Trieiu Da (m.) by heavily depending on the Golden Turtle (w.). An Duong ran southward into Nghe An and, holding a rhinoceros horn which would give security against drowning, he entered into the east sea with the Golden Turtle. This means the myth had made him accept the mountain element and secured the primordial couple which would give birth to the Vietnamese independent king. The Sea is another mythical world. According to the tradition, An Duong entered into this world from Mo Da Son (Mt. Night) whose image of the night suggests that this mountain was the entrance to another world situated outside-south of Vietnam proper. The second section focuses on these themes. It is shown that the western Mekong region near Chau Doc and the Seven Mountains was divided into three parts. Around Chau Doc Mt. Sam and along the Bassac River was a peopled region and belongs to the present, and everyday life was secured by the goddess of Mt. Sam. Between this area and the Seven Mountains lies the swamp area which belongs to the transitional period from the present to the ideal future. The tradition connects the swamp with the dangerous crocodile which will cause a flood when the Time comes. At the same time the swamp area will be a battlefield of the nations (international flood) . The seven mountains is the Future. The ideal king will be born there. The next theme is the union of water and mountain. Sacred places which have the two elements are androgynous mothers. But at the beginning of the occupation by Historic China, An Duong went outside-south with the primordial union of the two elements. The principle of Mother went with him. The Seven Mountains is this kind of outside mother. It is said that the living Buddha ordered his disciples to plant five magical charms around the Seven Mountains, the mountains being the center. But the central Charm, situated at the foot of Mt. Cam and next to a well, was absent from the quadrilateral formed by the four other charms. The mountains themselves were also absent. The center-mother-future king were symbolically in Cambodia. This center-in-the-outside-south-mountain theme reappears in Nghe An. The shrine of An Duong faces the west and in the west there is Mt. Kim Nhan. The two are symmetrical, one near the sea-outside, the other near the mountain people.
著者
宇野 公一郎
出版者
日本文化人類学会
雑誌
民族學研究 (ISSN:00215023)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.333-354, 1979

The Vietnamese seem to have had a tendency to symbolize their king and kingdom as a mountain. Kings of the Former Le (980-1009) and the Ly (1010-1225) dynasties built bamboo Nam So'n(Mountain of the South, namely of Vietnam) on their birthdays to annually revitalize their kingdom as well as themselves. And some mountains assumed the protector of the kingship and the superviser of Sino-Vietnamese moral principles. The god of Mt. Dong Co (Thanh Hoa) joined the future Ly Thai Tong in his expedition into Champa. Thai Tong also could repress rebellious princes on the advice of this god. He and his mandarins swore loyalty and filial piety annually before the god's shrine. Mt. Dong Co, however, is not near Hanoi but is situated, as is suggested in the chronicle, in the rugged terrain of the southern fringe of the Red River delta, on the line of demarcation between the delta and the less consolidated southern provinces. The Ngu Hanh So'n(Mountains of Five Elements) or Montagnes de Marbre of Quang Nam. Central Vietnam, were believed to be the protectors of the Nguyen kingdom. And this agregate of rocks is not near the capital but is in the liminal region around Da Nang, a port frequented by Europeans. According to P. Poivre, it was believed that an enemy who could capture this Protector would become master of the kingdom. And in the middle of the eighteenth century, when Poivre came into contact with this belief, Vietnam seems to have been 'en proie. . . a une crise religieuse, a une veritable fievre prophetique' (L. Cadiere) . Bonzes claimed that Heaven's anger had begun to explode because people had abandoned the cult of traditional gods and the teachings of Confucius to worship the God of the Europeans whose aim was the usurpation of the kingdom. Though it is difficult to clarify the relationship between these prophecies and the belief in the Mountains Ngu Hanh, it is important to note that it was the emperor Minh Mang, a hard-liner against western influence, who revived the old beliefs fervently and prohibited Europeans from going on an excursion from Da Nang to the Protector-Mountain. My hypothesis is that during the long history of the Vietnamese southward movement there might have existed similar masses resistantes in the frontiers, that the Protector-Mountain belief might have contributed to the maintenance of the Sino-Vietnamese cultural tradition and to the Vietnamese indefatigable southward movement, and that such mountains might have sometimes become the symbolic nuclei of the Vietnamese 'nationalism' or nativism against foreign threats or invasions. The Protector-Mountain theme was fully elaborated by the Bti'u So'n Ky Hu'o'ng (Radiant Mountain Unearthly Fragrance) sect in the last frontier, western Mekong delta. This sect emerged from the peasants who were exposed, in the reign of Thieu Tri (1841-47) , to the loss of Cambodia, a Vietnamese protecorate under the emperors Gia Long and Minh Mang, and to the Siamese invasions. The Bu'u So'n Ky Hu'o'ng believed that the Ideal King would appear from the Seven Mountains (That So'n or Bay Nui) of Chau Doc province. Some sources suggest that the Ideal King might have been an idealization of the late, the strongest emperor Minh Mang. The eschatology seems to have been widely diffused among the southerners after the establishement of French colonialism and the Seven Mountains region afforded the most important base for southern activists.