著者

足立 理

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.378-394, 1997

被引用文献数

3

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Many previous locational surveys of library and other public facilities have been based on the use of location-allocation models, often utilizing the p-median solution. Unfortunately, such studies commonly lack a detailed comparison of actual patterns of location with the theoretical optimum thus derived. This note compares the actual visitor areas of public libraries in Hirakata City, Osaka, with the optimal areas obtained by the p-median solution and examines potential sites for new library location. A secondary aim is to consider the appropriateness of egg-shaped visitor areas within a city environment, as originally proposed by Kurihara et al. (1975).Section two of this note describes the development of municipal libraries, followed in sections three and four with a presentation of the optimal pattern for visitor areas and a comparison of this pattern with actual visitor areas. The results indicate that some areas (meshes) are still without adequate library provision, but that this shortfall could be overcome with the provision of two new branch libraries (fig. 5). Since no alteration in location of current services seems necessary, discussion on the hierarchy of library provision is deemed inappropriate. The results also indicate that the hypothesis of egg-shaped visitor areas does not apply in this case.More realistic results could be achieved by the following: consideration of the different attributes of library visitors; consideration of different modes of transport used to get to libraries;and collection of truly objective measures of populations and distances.

著者

成田 孝三

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.1-4, 2000

著者

船越 昭生

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.115-127, 1971

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The purpose of the present paper is to investigate what influences Matteo Ricci's world maps had in the culture of Korea, which was the closest to China among the countries in the Chinese cultural sphere.In the Li-Cho period of Korea, there were some fanciful world maps in Shan-Hai-Ching style, called T'yon-Ha To or T'yon-Ha Ch'one-To. On the other hand, early in the 15th century they also had world maps, which describes the entire world already, known to the Chinese of the day with a supplement of a detailed map of Korea (They even show their in acquaintances wich Islamic geographical knowledges.).The Li-Cho dispached envoys to China every year, who imported new things from China in a comparatively short time. It is probable that Matteo Ricci's world map in Chinese translation reached Korea already in the next year of its publication. Futhermore, we have in Korea the sole existent copy of the Lian-I Hsuan-Lan Tu, which was published by Li Ying-Shih in the next year following the publication of the best edition of Ricci's Kun-Yü Wan-Kuo Chúan-Tu and has almost the same geographical content with the latter, the main difference among them being their divisions into parts. It was a group of positivistic scholars (Si-Hak P'yo) aiming even at social reformations who accepted not only Ricci's world maps but also other things introduced by Western missionaries. Although those scholars had made extensive study of their own country, Korea, their scope for the world was naturally limited.The acceptance of Richi's maps, however, made it possible for them to extend their geographical knowledge beyond the already-known world, namely, as far as Europe, Africa and the new continents. There is evidence to show that they even knew the holiocentric theory by the latter half of the 18th century. They compiled an encyclopedia and incorporated into it their positivistic scholarship, including the geographical knowledge of the world. Although the Chinese world maps, based on such European knowledge as mentioned above, gave a new impulse to the rise of the modern Korean thought, it could not attain its full development because of the immaturity of historical and social conditions. As another reason for this unsuccessful development we might take account of the limitations of the positivistic scholars who could not go beyond confucianism. Thus, the acceptance of Ricci's world maps on Korea, unlike the case with Japan, ended without their wider diffusion and the maps passed in disuse, following the same course as in China after the middle of the Ching dynasty. just like the T'yon-Ha To in the Li-Cho period, Ricci's world maps were accepted in Korea, as one of the cultural overflows from China, and so they shared the same fate as in its mother-land, China.

著者

マクモラン・ クリス

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.5, pp.519-531, 2005

被引用文献数

2

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最近, 日本の非大都市圏の地方, とりわけ, 温泉地を訪れる観光客が急激的に増えてきた。「各地方へのアクセスの改善」,「自動車の増加」,「大都市からの逃避」, この三つのポイントに基づき, 本論文では日本の「新しい形の個人旅行者」と小規模な温泉との関係について分析する。小規模な温泉では観光目的の「町おこし」として理想的なムラを作る傾向が強まり, 20年前の大規模な温泉に比べ, 人気が高まってきた。この論文では, 熊本県黒川温泉を例に, 最近の日本における観光の流行と「町おこし」が抱える様々な問題点を指摘する。

著者

山下 亜紀郎

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理学会大会 研究発表要旨 2008年 人文地理学会大会

巻号頁・発行日

pp.405, 2008 (Released:2008-12-25)

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2006年7月集中豪雨被害に見舞われた長野県岡谷市を対象に、公助(行政の防災施策)、共助(自主防災会を中心とした自治区レベルでの防災)、自助(世帯または個人レベルでの防災意識)の3つの側面から地域防災についての実態を調査し、総合的な地域防災力について検討した。

著者

阿部 康久

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.23-48, 1999

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the occupational structure of Chinese workers during the 1920s in Tokyo Prefecture, paying particular attention to the nature of the labor market and to the impact of local community kinship on residential patterns. The data which the author uses were obtained from the Foreign Affairs Section of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The results of the paper can be summarized as follows: First, the author notes that most Chinese workers were employed in the construction and labouring sectors. While the occupational structure of traditional Chinese society has been explained in terms of chain migration, the present paper approaches this issue from a political economic view of the labor market. Thus, the author identifies the interrelations between the occupational structure of the Chinese and their labor market. At that time, heavy and chemical industrialization had occurred, infrastructure had developed and the wage levels of Japanese workers within the economy had been rising. Secondly, as a result, Chinese residential patterns were influenced by the localization of their labor market. Indeed, many Chinese workers were segregated in the Sumida and Ara basins. In these areas, manufacturing plants were concentrating, and a great deal of energy resources and raw materials were being imported. Therefore, low-waged labor generated the greatest proportion of their employment. Consequently, these workers lived closer to those plants and Chinese communities were formed in these districts. Thirdly, there were many Chinese communities other than in the Sumida and Arakawa districts. These were composed of construction workers working outside of Tokyo Prefecture and itinerant traders, for they had to live close to such persons as contractors, employers of itinerant traders, friends and so on. Fourthly, these concentrations of Chinese residents were reinforced by some ecological factors. For example, the occupational form of itinerant traders was based on the relationships between employers and vendors and affected their residential patterns. Thus, different groups of itinerant traders from Shandong, Zhejiang and Hokkien Provinces organized their own communities in Tokyo Prefecture. On the other hand, cooks and barbers tended to rely on kinship in the local Chinese community. However, some cooks and barbers worked for Japanese owners probably to obtain better working conditions. Indeed, there were approximately 500 Japanese owners of Chinese restaurants in Tokyo Prefecture and they provided the Chinese with considerable job opportunities. In addition, these factors resulted in a further dispersal of Chinese cooks. Lastly, the author examines how Japanese Government employment controls affected residential differentiation. During the early 1920s, it is noted that there were loopholes in the law, antipathy toward Chinese people within the Government, and a lack of integrated regulations related to their activities among Prefectures. Therefore, it can be said that employment regulations were fragmented at that time and that these in turn came to influence the occupational and residential patterns of Chinese people in Tokyo Prefecture from the late 1920s.