著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.309-344, 456-455, 1990-03-20

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This study attempts to examine early relations between Bayezid the Thunderbolt and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign (1392-96) by means of considering several situations in Anatolia and Syria, and then analyzing a letter written by Timur to Bayezid. In studying this subject, the author use Bazm u Razm, an Anatolian source, which is little-known in Japan, as well as Ottoman and Timurid sources. The Bazm u Razm proves that Timur's intention for his Five-Years' Campaign was not only to recover the sovereignty of Il-khanid in Iran, but also to rule eastern Anatolia, namely, the former territory of Seljuqid of Rum, which submitted to Il-khanid. With this in mind Timur succeeded in ruling the whole of Iran, but fell into a difficult situation in Anatolia and Syria on account of the resistance of Barquq, the Sultan of the Mamluk Empire, Qadi Burhan al-Din Ahmad, the ruler of Sivas and Toqtamish, the Khan of the Golden Horde. It was in order to deal with such a situation that Timur wrote a letter to Bayezid in March, 1395 that proposed the establishment of friendly relations between the two. Therefore the conventional opinion should be corrected that Timur wrote to Bayezid in order to protect his back in carrying out an expedition to China after the Five-Years' Campaign. And he did not change his attitude toward Bayezid in the Seven-Years' Campaign (1399-1404), either. That is to say, Timur continually tried to seek the friendship of Bayezid and avoid struggling with him. On the other hand, Bayezid was extending his influence over Anatolia, but from the middle of 1393 he began to turn his attention to the situation on the Balkan peninsula, which had developed rapidly by the maneuvers of Venetia and Hungary, and in the beginning of 1394, he moved to Balkan. Under the circumstances Timur appeared in eastern Anatolia. And when Barquq and Burhan al-Din formed an alliance against him, Bayezid also joined it, refusing Timur's offer and strengthening relations with the anti-Timur nations. It is clear, therefore, that Bayezid intended to be hostile to Timur, and moreover, continued taking such an attitude in the Seven-Years' Campaign. But he also concentrated on strengthening his sovereignty over Balkan without taking measures against Timur during his approach, in contrast to Barquq and Burhan al-Din. This leads us to think that Bayezid adopted an intentional policy for Anatolia and Balkan. As for this supposition, however, we must carry out a further examination. In conclusion, we can say that the first relations established between Bayezid and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign, lasted much longer after that.

著者

山田 邦明

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.3, pp.310-341, 412-413, 1987-03-20

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Conventional research on Kamakura-Fu (鎌倉府), which ruled the ten eastern provinces of the Kanto region during the Muromachi period, has tended to concentrate more on its relationship with the Muromachi Bakufu in Kyoto and less on what kind of power structure supported it and how this government controlled the various classes in the Kanto area. The present paper starts out to consider Kamakura-Fu's power structure and its control over the Kanto Plain, especially the power base of the Kamakura Kubo (鎌倉公方). Then, the author switches attention to the Hoko-shu (奉公衆) itself, which formed the military and political base of the Kamakura Kubo's ruling power ; and together with identifying that group of attendants from existing documents, he summarizes the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence and its organizational process. Concerning the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence, from the historical source entitled Kamakura Nenchu Gyoji (鎌倉年中行事), describing yearly events and ceremonies in that administrative town, we find three statuses within the Hoko-shu, namely 1)the Hyojo-shu (評定衆), 2)the Hikitsuke-shu (引付衆) and 3)other members. We see clear status discrimination toward those "other members" excluded from (or positioned below) statuses 1) and 2). Also, as the Hoko-shu formed a rotation system for guarding the Kubo's palace (gosho 御所), there were also members located (or living) in the provinces. The author was able to identify from the available sources 74 members of the Kamakura-Fu Hoko-shu. Their names and conditions of membership may be summarized as follows : A)The Ashikaga clan families including the Kira (吉良), Shibukawa (渋川), Isshiki (一色), Imagawa (今川), Kako (加子) and Hatakeyama (畠山). B)The original Ashikaga family vassals including the Uesugi (上杉), Ko (高), Kido (木戸), Noda (野田), Teraoka (寺岡), Kajiwara (梶原), Ebina (海老名), Shidara (設楽) and Yanada (簗田). C)Traditional Kamakura based bureaucrats including the Nikaido (二階堂), Nagai (長井), and Machino (町野). All of the families included in A, B and C served the Kamakura Kubo from the inception of Kamakura-Fu ; and during the era of Kubo Motouji (1349-67), the B group of Ashikaga vassals formed the dominant power group of the Hoko-shu. However, beginning from the era of Kubo Ujimitsu (1367-98) the Kamakura Kubo more and more included in the Hoko-shu many provincial bigmen (kokujin 国人) throughout the Kanto Plain. And so, when Mitsukane became Kubo (1398-1409), the number of Hoko-shu members had greatly increased, and their main source of power had shifted to a new group (D) made up of these same Kanto Plain kokujin. These included the likes of the Ohmori (大森) of Suruga, the Honma (本間) and Miura (三浦) of Sagami, the Edo (江戸) of Musashi, the Satomi (里見), Yamana (山名), Nawa (那波) and Takayama (高山) of Kozuke, the Sano (佐野) of Shimotsuke, the Shishido (宍戸), Tsukuba (筑波) and Oda (小田) of Hitachi and the Unagami (海上), Indo (印東) and Ryugasaki (龍崎) of Shimousa. During Mitsukane's reign such families as the Shishido and Unagami even appear in the elite corps of Kubo palace functionaries (gosho bugyo 御所奉行). As a result of their personal hold over these Kanto Plain kokujin, the Kamakura Kubos were able to expand quite successfully their own direct military bases.

著者

小田中 直樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.9, pp.1686-1706, 2000-09-20

著者

竹内 康浩

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.1, pp.三五-五三, 2006-01-20

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Suigongxu is a bronze vessel that has appeared in the research literature as of late and which many scholars believe dates back to the middle of the Western Zhou period. The vessel contains a long inscription of about 100 characters, the content of which has been rendered as unique. In particular, two aspects of the inscription stand out. One is the appearance of a mythological character Yu禹; the other, the use of the term tianxia天下(the world). Neither terms have appeared in the available source materials on the period to date and therefore have been lauded as new insights into Western Zhou thought and culture. However, we do not know the circumstances surrounding the archeological discovery of the vessel, and both its construct and inscription differ greatly from what has been identified to date as "Western Zhou" style bronzeware and prose. Based on such doubts, the author of the present article discusses the content of the vessel's inscription and comes to the conclusion that great caution should be taken in assuming that at face value the vessel will shed new light on the period in question. What has to be debated first is whether it is a genuine Western Zhou period bronze artifact or not.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.6, pp.1007-1033, 1097-1096, 1978-06-20

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This is a study of the role Sadun of the house of Artsruni and his son Khutlu-Bugha played in the expansion of the Il-Khanid rule over the Georgian Kingdom in the 13th century. Sadun was a great grandson of Amir K'urd (Abulasan), the governor of Tbilisi during Queen Tamar's reign in Georgia. In 1258 (or 1259), he won a wrestling match in the presence of Hulegu Khan and received the honorable status of t'arkhan. He joined Hulegu's Syrian campaign, which began in the autumn of 1259 and was placed in the vanguard. He distinguished himseif during the conquest of Sasun and the seizure of the citadel of Allepo. For these services, Sadun was awarded with an official commendation from Hulegu and was granted the district of Sasun. Sadun was originally a vassal of Avag Zak'arean, a Georgian King's prince (eristavi, or ishkhan in Armenian), and a seignior of Haghbat and Mahkanaberd. Around the time of the above promotions, he was an at'abak of Avag's heiress Khoshak but later, he became her chamberlain or khejub to guard and assist her. Under Hulegu, Sadun was never given any official titles of the Bagratid Kingdom. However, after the enthronement of Abaqa as the Il-Khan, Sadun received the titles of atabegi (or regent) and amir-spasarali (or commander in chief), and gained administrative power over the Batratid Kingdom. He was entrusted by the Kings with the power to control the royal domains of T'elavi, Belakani and Kars. In addition, he purchased the district of Dmanisi from King Dimitri II. Together, Sadun's estates made up the fourth political unit in Georgian Armenia in addition to the three units belonging to the branch families of the Zak'areans. we can assume that he was able to acquire wealth because he was a t'arkhan, After Sadun's death in 1282, one of his two titles, the amir-spasarali was given to his son Khutlu-Bugha, but the other, the atabegi was given to his rival Tarsayichi of the house of Orbelean. In 1289, Khutlu-Bugha recommended that Il-Khan Arghun kill King Dimitri (who had been arrested for being implicated in the plot of Bugha) and put Vakhtangi, the son of King Daviti IV on the throne. His plan succeeded. Under Vakhtangi, Khutlu-Bugha became both the atabegi and the amir-spasarali and secured political power over the Georgian Kingdom. In 1292, however, both Arghun and Vakhtangi died. As soon as Daviti, the son of Dimitri, ascended to the throne, Khutlu-Bugha was put to death by the order of the new khan Geikhatu. With his death, the power of the Artsrunis was eradicated from the entire Bagratid territory. The rise of Sadun Artsruni is a good example illustrating the pattern of socio-political control the Il-Khans had over the native dynasties. The Il-Khans' system of appointments as kings, vassals or arriere-vassals, of those who were faithful and useful to them, had worked effectively. They ruled over the Bagratid territory through the kingship, which was never handed outside the royal family of Bagratid and through the offices of the atabegi and the amir-spasarali. These latter were not confined to any one family, but were easily given to those, like Sadun, who were useful to the Il-Khans.

著者

大井 知範

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.2, pp.177-209, 2015-02-20

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This paper attempts to elicit the reality of the Hapsburg Empire's global seafaring prowess despite its reputation as a mainly continental power, in light of historical findings that an Imperial warship had been stationed in the seas of East Asia approximately 100 years ago. Research regarding Western navies stationed overseas has in the past focused largely on their use as a means of military competition or imperialistic ambitions toward the non-Western world. However, here the author points to another purpose with which warships were deployed overseas; namely, to serve as media for promoting international relations within the daily routine of peacetime conditions. After outlining the deployment system of warships outside of the region of Europe, and the reasons, circumstances and substance of the Hapsburg Empire's stationing of a warship in East Asian waters, the author turns to the specific duties of the ship, in particular, how it performed the very important duty of any Western navy in protecting its country's citizen and commercial interests in the region. However, since the Hapsburg Empire had no overseas interests or citizens to protect in East Asia, it was impossible for the Austro-Hungarians to set up a system of direct protection like that of the other major powers, due mainly to its unique position in having only a single warship to accommodate such needs. The author then addresses the subject of goodwill exchange, which he considers to be the most important daily routine of the Hapsburg warship, and looks there for the ultimate reason for stationing it in East Asian waters. Finally, he focuses on the military band on board the ship, in order to clarify the fact that the Hapsburg Empire was concerned in identifying with maritime coastal society in East Asia through the medium of music. The Hapsburg Empire thus intended to adapt to the imperial order as a major power in East Asia by carefully cultivating various daily peacetime routines.

著者

長井 純市

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.12, pp.1881-1894, 1966-1965, 1986-12-20

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The Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, promulgated in October of 1941, stemmed from an urgent Imperial decree that called for the censorship of the mail, with particular attention to foreign mail. Behind the enactment of this Law lay the necessity of protecting many military secrets related to the prolonged war between Japan and China. The main impetus for the Law seems to have come from the Ministry of War, although the Military Police and the Ministries of the Navy, Home Affairs and Communications also seem to have been highly supportive of it. Prior to the passage of this Law, these Ministries and the Military Police had been conducting illegal censorship of the mails for the express purpose of protecting military secrets or collecting foreign intelligence. After the enactment of the Law, Postal Inspectors or Assistant Postal Inspectors were deployed to the major post offices handling foreign mail, such as those at Tokyo, Yokohama, Osaka, Kobe and Shimonoseki. Their activities were centralized and overseen by the Ministry of Communications. Among these inspectors were some who held positions in the Military Police or the Special Thought Control Police. Needless to say, the volume of foreign mail exceeded the capacity of their work ; but about 10% of the foreign mail was effectively put before the censor's eyes. Of those persons who were prosecuted, there included not only those who exposed military secrets, but also those who expressed feelings of war weariness or made political criticisms. The use of the Law was not limited only to the protection of military secrets but also extended to war-time research efforts into the Japanese people's private attitudes and feelings. Such reports were actually drawn up by the Ministries of Communications and Home Affairs on the basis on their postal censorship activities. Considering the political meaning of the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law, it is impossible to say that the "freedom of the people" as described in the Meiji Constitution was completely overlooked. That is, those bureaucrats who were engaged in the exercise of the Law were compelled to take extreme caution for fear of the people's criticism, despite the fact that several other leading powers such at Great Britain already had similar postal censorship institutions in operation. With Japan's defeat at the end of the War, the Extraordinary Postal Regulatory Law was immediately abolished ; but under Douglas MacArthur it re-emerged under a different form during the Occupation period.

著者

白川 静

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.9, pp.1428-1434, 1981-09-20

著者

坂野 鉄也

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.2, pp.147-180, 2010-02-20

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The purpose of this paper is to explain the reason why in the sixteenth century Paraguay the Spaniards or their descendants quarrelled between themselves in court, sometimes for five or six years, about the rights over yanaconas, who served them while living in their residences or farms; it is not aim to discuss the inter-Spanish relations but to search for the cause of trying to get a few of yanaconas in exchange for many efforts and expense. This discussion proposes to rethink the relationship between the Spaniards, the colonizer, and the Indios, the colonized, and to make clear the image of the Paraguayan colonial society as it appeared in the middle of sixteenth century. The results of the analysis based on judicial documents, reserved but not yet put in order in the Archivo Nacional de Asuncion, Paraguay, are as follows. 1) The yanaconas were situated under a specific legal system differentiated from that of the colonial institution, encomienda system. 2) The real image of the yanaconas is not similar to that described in previous studies, in which historians and anthropologists have supposed that they were indios who lived near Asuncion, the first and capital colonial city of the Paraguayan region, or the captured indios who resisted to Spaniards or the Spanish colonization. 3) In colonial Paraguay under the condition of a partially functioning encomienda system, the yanaconas filled the role of connection between the Spaniards and the conquered or unconquered indios by receiving visits of their relatives, a common practice in their native society. This resulted in the Spaniards or their descendants competing to get or not lose yanaconas.

著者

三鬼 清一郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.11, pp.1930-1932, 1999-11-20

著者

渡邉 宏明

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.10, pp.1775-1810, 2014-10-20

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It was during Japan's second pro-Constitution movement that the Seiyuhonto Party was formed and began to open the path leading to the formation of the Minseito Party. However, due to a scarcity of source materials related to the Seiyuhonto and its chairman, it has been difficult to trace the most conservative element of the Seiyukai Party, in terms of the changes that took place in the Seiyuhonto within the process of its merger with the Kenseikai Party. The present article focuses on the relationship that was established between the National Association of Towns and Villages (NATV) and the Seiyuhonto during 1920-21 in an attempt to reexamine politics at the end of the Taisho era. The author begins with a description of two political processes facing the fifteenth session of the the National Diet; namely, enacting the Universal Manhood Suffrage Act and increasing the National Treasury's share of funding for compulsory education, in order to show the cooperation that was established between the Seiyuhonto and the NATV in implementing regional policy, which was followed by a joint effort to apply pressure on the Tripartite pro-Constitution Cabinet, in particular the Cabinet's Seiyukai faction. For the Seiyukai prior to the enactment of universal suffrage, cooperation on the part of the NATV was crucial in terms of both the party's platform and political influence. Next, the author outlines the political process in the fifty-first session of the Diet surrounding the abolishment of county (gun 郡) administrative offices, within which the Seiyuhonto, forced to keep universal suffrage in view, decided to join together with the Kenseikai to implement increased Treasury funding for education, thus opposing the shutdown of gun offices, which was supported by the NATV. There is no doubt that the prestige of the Seiyuhonto at this point in time was at its height, especially among the business community; however, its role as spokesperson for the NATV had definitely declined. The changes that occurred in the Seiyuhonto as the result of these three political processes characterized the transition from spokesperson for the NATV, which governed Japan regionally, to a party of the masses in anticipation of general elections. However, the tokonami Takejiro faction of the Seiyuhonto, which was formed as a new electoral base, being organizationally similar to the Wakatsuki Reijiro faction of the Kenseikai, lacked any uniqueness as a political party at the time. Consequently, as tokonami's dream of the revitalizing the "Great Seiyukai" became more and more remote, the formation of the Minseito became more of a possibility on the political scene of the last years of Taisho.

著者

大津 透

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.12, pp.p1831-1880, 1986-12

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Because of a shortage of the materials, former studies of the financial administration before the Kai-yuan (開元) period do not elucidate how the administrative departments actually worked. The legislative documents of the period excavated in the Turfan basin in 1972 are thought to be possibly part of the Ordinance of the Department of Public Revenue (度支式). In a former monograph, the writer took up the fragments with 'ampero' marks on of the Ohtani Documents (which the Ohtani Expeditionary Party excavated in Turfan and brought back to Japan in the early twentieth century), and restored them to their original form, which was found to be the main part of the above-said legislative documents. In this monograph the writer studies the documents left in Japan and China, to show that they refer to the national budget during the Yi-feng (儀鳳) period and to throw a light on that budget system, the actual operation of the financial administration and the annual schedule concerning the budget under the Code-Statute (律令) regime of the Tang Dynasty. The documents show the facts that 1)the Department of Public Revenue (度支) reported the national budget for the next year 674 to the throne (in this case, the prince) in the zou-chao (奏抄) form on the 28th day of the tenth month of 673 (儀鳳3) and the throne assigned it ; 2)the Department of Treasury (金部) sent an imperial directive (旨符) to enforce the budget to Xi prefecture (西州), the prefecture received the imperial directive and carried it into effect ; and 3)though the directive was sent to Xi prefecture, it seems to involve the whole national budget applied all through the Tang's territory. The documents not only include the detailed orders concerning conversions of the kind of yong-diao (庸調) tax, official purchases, transportation of the tax, the expense of its transportation and the other various expenditures, but also refer to the permanently applicable regulations about the tax register (計帳), the account-list (勾帳), the delivery date of the goods of tax to the capital or other places and so on. That is to say, they include all kinds of orders concerning financial administration. Important is the procedure that the Emperor examine and assign all the orders every year. By that procedure the Emperor Supervised the financial administration under the Tang Dynasty. The writer makes clear the annual schedule concerning the budget system in the documents. First, every prefecture presents its tax register (計帳) to the Board of Finance (戸部) in the fifth month, and the Board calculates the number of the taxable individuals, on which the budget should be made for the next year. Secondly, every prefecture balances its account at the end of a year, and presents the account-list (勾帳) to the Department of Judical Control (比部) for audit, and the balance is carried over to the revenue of the next year. Thirdly, several departments report their annual expenditures and balances to the Department of Public Revenue in the first decade of the eighth month. According to these reports, the Department of Public Revenue draws up the budget for the next year and reports it to the throne in the zou-chao form by the end of the tenth month. In the beginning of the next year the Department of Treasury sends the imperial directive to enforce the budget to every prefecture. Every prefecture collects the goods for the yong-diao (庸調) tax in the eighth month and transports them to the capital or other designated places in the ninth month. This system of annual budgeting became more and more laborious and clumsy and was abolished in the year 736 (開元24). A new system started, based on 'permanently applicable directives' (長行旨条) consisting of five chapters. The major part of the budget became fixed. In the year 780 (建中元) the liang-shui (両税) tax system was established and the financial administration was fundamentally changed on the policy of 'regulating income by measuring expenditure' (来

著者

細川 武稔

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2083-2106, 2198-2199, 1998-12-20

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In order to better clarify medieval society, its warrior class and what the shogunate was, it is necessary to consider religion. The aim of the present paper is to shed light upon the character of the Muromachi shogunate by examining the residences, temples and shrines of the Ashikaga family. The first shogun, Ashikaga Takauji first lived in Rokuhara (an eastern suburb of Kyoto), then he and his younger brother Tadayoshi built residences in the center of Kyoto, and established a new shogunate there. Tojiji temple was attached to Tadayoshi's residence the Sanjobomon-tei. Aftr his death, Takauji and the second shogun Yoshiakira decided that Tojiji temple would be the patron temple of the Ashikaga family. Takauji and Yoshiakira lived near Tojiji temple, and Gosho-Hachimangu shrine was built at Tadayoshi's Sanjobomon-tei as the guardian of the shogun's residence. Therefore, the whole Sanjobomon area belonged to the Ashikaga family. The third shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, built his residence, called the Muromachi-dono, in a northern suburb of Kyoto. He also built Shokokuji temple near Muromachi-dono, as the area became much larger than that at Sanjobomon. Yoshimitsu moved the functions of the Ashikaga family temple nearer to him, sponsoring, for example, the Hokkehakko memorial service for the former shogun, at Shokokuji temple instead of Tojiji temple. After building his residence in Kitayama to the north of Muromachi-dono, he sponsored the Hokkehakko in Kitayama. From the reign of the fourth shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimochi, the two temples of the Ashikaga family coexisted. Regardless of where the shogun lived, Hokkehakko was performed at Tojiji temple, while smaller temples of each shogun were built on the grounds of Shokokuji temple. This indicates that the Muromachi shogunate at that time came to assume a double character, one attributable to Takauji's government, the other to Yoshimitsu's.

著者

加藤 祐介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.11, pp.1901-1922, 2012-11-20

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This article analyses the relationship between the Minsei party's policy advocating a return to the gold standard and the activities of the party's rank and file, focusing in particular on a political leadership faced with balancing two different demands imposed on it: 1) achieving its policy objective and 2) generating the political strength to keep it in power. By adopting this perspective, the author aims to coherently explain the political situation of the time, by dividing the policy-making process into the four phases of policy formation, development, modification, and ultimate abandonment, centering his attention on the "modification" stage and the role of political leadership in it. There were Minsei party members who were sympathetic to requests from their provincial branches to advocate budgetary measures for expanding public utility projects. However, the Hamaguchi Osachi cabinet's objective was to implement a strict policy of retrenchment centered around cutting or postponing public works projects, resulting in tension arising between the government and its own party's machine. It was Minister of Home Affairs Adachi Kenzo who tried to reconcile the two sides, by increasing the budget for unemployment relief projects ("exceptional" public works) by reclassifying a portion of the "normal" public works projects that had been cut as relief efforts. This is what the author means by the "modification" stage of the policymaking process. Adachi by no means unconditionally acceded to the demands of his party's rank and file, but rather stayed in line with the government's principle of cutting and postponing "normal" public works projects, which was the key measure to the success of retrenchment. In his attempt to balance government principles with the political demands of his party, Adachi resorted to the idea of a return to the gold standard in the two-fold mandate of 1) achieving policy objectives (retrenchment) while at the same 2) preserving his party's strength and loyalty (through more public works projects). In the end, due to Great Britain's international renunciation of the gold standard and the chaotic stalemate over passing the domestic budget for fiscal year 1932, Adachi removed himself as a leading figure in the government, resulting in the failure of his attempt.

著者

国分 航士

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.4, pp.479-505, 2010-04-20

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Article 30 of the Meiji Constitution pertaining to petitions filed by imperial subjects specified that "rules" for concrete procedures were to be established; and the Parliament Act (Gi'inho 議院法) concerning petitions to the congress, and the Petitions Act (Seiganrei 請願令) pertaining to petitions filed with the Emperor and administrative bureaus were promulgated as a result. This article examines the process of promulgating the Petitions Act by discussing why the act was passed in 1917. in addition, the article discusses the new link that was established between the Emperor and his subjects (or rather, the nation) through the enactment of the petition system through an examination of the conditions before, during and after the enactment of the Constitution. Because the act of petitioning the Emperor was prohibited prior to the Constitution's enactment, focus was placed more on appeals to administrative bureaus at that time. However, in the process of enacting the Constitution and studying European practices, petitioning the Emperor came to be interpreted as being important as petitioning the legislature and administrative bureaus. After the Constitution was enacted, petitioning the Emperor became the subject of a debate between Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文) and Ito Miyoji (伊東巳代治) within the process of preparing an imperial household system. The argument concerned how petitioning should be understood in terms of the "will of the people": Would it be a means of "procuring the will of the people" or "probing the will of the people?" Furthermore, heated debates arose on how the Emperor and the legislature should be positioned within the framework of the Constitution. For example, what would be the interrelationship between petitioning the two (i.e., expressing the "will of the people") and perceptions concerning the relationship between the monarch and his subjects. The promulgation of the Petitions Act was also interpreted as a measure responding to a changing society and as a law protecting the rights of imperial subjects. Consequently, the Petitions Act, which attempted to systematically lay out the petition process, was a piece of legislation that "probed the will of the people" and, as a matter, was the first law of its kind to do so under the Constitution. Furthermore, the Act represented a new linkage between the Emperor and the nation, through the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, who was put in charge of handling petitions filed with the Emperor.

著者

大月 康弘

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.9, pp.1673-1682, 1998-09-20

著者

千葉 正史

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.1, pp.65-92, 153-152, 1999-01-20

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The pupose of this paper is look at the events surrounding the Yihetuan 義和団 Incident in the light of the communications revolution touched off by the invention of the telegraph during the late Qing period and consider the overall political transformation brought about by this technological breakthrough. During the Yihetuan Incident, communication between the capital and the provinces became very difficult due to the destruction of the telegraph lines around Beijing by the Yihetuan. The speedy transmission of information had taken on utmost importance: for example, in the conclusion of a mutual defense agreement between the southern provinces and foreigh countries, there was fear of contradictions arising from the central government already having declared war on them. This possible conflict of interest was easily dissolved by telegraph messages sent from Baoding 保定 via Shangi 山西. Just after this event, the Yihetuan began to tear down telegraph lines in Shangxi, thus pushing the Qing empire to verge of destruction. During the occupation of Beijing by the allied forces of the eight world powers, the telegraph network was put under their control. Under this state of affairs, the lack of telegraph facilities for communication concerning peace ne-

著者

森 涼子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.4, pp.520-545, 2011-04-20

著者

照内 崇仁

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.1, 2010-01-20

著者

黒川 康

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.8, pp.1480-1481, 1995-08-20