著者

佐藤 潤司

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, pp.77-96, 2018-07-31 (Released:2018-10-13)

参考文献数

14

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This paper discusses the danger that the BPO, which should be obliged toact as a bulwark against public authorities intervening in program production,may threaten the freedom of broadcasting and intimidate broadcasters. The aim of this paper is to investigate several cases in which TV stationssubmitted their reports in order to officially express objections to BPO’s decisionsand to clarify the problems of these decisions and issues that the BPOshould resolve. Through the examination of four cases that fit the above conditions, someproblematic decisions were revealed which the BRC, one of the BPO committees,had made. These include one case in which the BRC pointed out ethicalproblems in TV programs based on a misunderstanding of the facts and mistakeninterpretations by the BRC, and another case in which they concludedthat human rights were violated based on information that had not been broadcasted. The BRC should have an obligation to examine factual information, conductverification, clarify the standards of judgment, share their understanding ofbroadcasting ethics with TV stations, in order to make equal and fair judgmentsto regain the trust of broadcasters.The BPO should take these BRC-related problems seriously and become atrue guardian of the freedom of broadcasting, defending the media from theauthorities that intend to intervene in the broadcasting industry.

著者

溝尻 真也

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, pp.87-105, 2007-07-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

36

被引用文献数

1

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Japanese FM radio is now considered as a music media which is distinct from other broadcast media such as AM radio. However, FM radio was originally planned as an educational media. Many political and cultural factors influenced the process of the formation of FM radio as a music media. During this process, sound, not music, was an essential factor. This article discusses the functions given to FM radio with a historical description on how the main role of FM radio changed from educational broadcasting, during the end of the 1950s when its experimental broadcasting started, to music broadcasting in the early 1970s when its formal broadcasting began.

著者

岡井 崇之

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.25-40, 2004-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

46

著者

山口 いつ子

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.146-159,208-20, 1993-12-28 (Released:2017-10-06)

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The"Marketplace of Ideas"theory, articulated and explicated by Justice Holmes and Justice Brandeis of the Supreme Court in the early 20th century, has played a crucial role in the development of the free speech theory in America. The essential scheme of this theory, called the"Holmes/Brandeis tradition", serves as a basic framework for free speech thought even at the present time. However, this theory has some problematic tendencies: an underestimation of speech harm(harm done by speach) and belief in a rigid division of speech and conduct. Indeed, these tendencies are the products of the factual situation unique to that time, but they came to be called into question, as the scope of the protection under the First Amendment was expanded to include"peripheral"speech, which in the Holmes/Brandeis view used to be outside this protection. Against these tendencies, a new trend of criticism arose in the last decade. The critics in the 1980's advocated the need to trim the margin of free speech protection, claiming that speech does harm to the weak such as women and racial minorities, and the free speech system works to perpetuate the current disparity of power in the private sphere. To ameliorate the status quo, they call for speech regulation as a corrective measure. Inspired by this criticism, there came a series of movements to"reconstruct"the"Marketplace of Ideas"theory around 1990. The basic feature of them, exemplified in the works of Bollinger, Sunstein and Strauss, lies in the search for possibility that there might be some middle course, superior to either the"Holmes/Brandeis"approach or the approach of the critics of the 1980's. They squarely care about the speech harm and reconceptualize free speech by attenuating the sharp line drawn between speech and conduct. This enterprise is still in the embryonic stage and one needs to follow the further development for an evaluation. But at least for now, the"reconstruction"can be seen as a worthy one, carving out a new way in free speech thinking.

著者

吉見 俊哉

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.80-99, 1993-03-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

成原 慧

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.249-267, 2012-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

21

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This paper discusses "speech regulation by proxy," in which governments enlist private actors as proxy censors, and the transformation of such regulation. In this paper, the author examines problems with regard to contemporary speech regulation by proxy and the control method of the new regulatory system, by comparing speech regulation by proxy in the 1950-60s and contemporary speech regulation by proxy on the Internet in the United States. Firstly, the author considers Seth Kreimer's article Censorship by Proxy and clarifies the implications in and limits of his discussion. Then, the author presents the differences in the circumstances, structures, and effect on free speech between speech regulation by proxy in the 1950-60s and contemporary speech regulation by proxy on the Internet, and considers new problems related thereto and doctrines that can meet these problems. This paper shows contemporary speech regulation by proxy on the Internet functions as prior restraint on speech, overly restricting the flow of information without transparency in certain circumstances.

著者

野上 元

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, pp.192-193, 2015-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

呉 江城

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, pp.113-131, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-10-24)

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This article focuses on the question of how the ’Xiaozi culture’ created in China in the early 2000s and regarded as the media culture of the new urban middle class achieved differentiation from other stratified cultures. ’Xiaozi culture’ was characterized by apathy towards politics, a fervor for consumption, worship of global culture and cultural omnivorousness in which highbrow culture and popular culture coexisted. How these characteristics contributed to the differentiation of ’Xiaozi culture’ is investigated from the perspective of the cultural capital of media workers from elite universities of 1980s. Focusing on the middle-class magazines and newspapers that are at the center of the production system of the ’Xiaozi culture’, this analysis employs Shanghai Weekly, the most representative ’Xiaozi’ magazine (newspaper), as a case study. First, the editorial and management policies of Shanghai Weekly were clarified through a biographical analysis of the editor-in-chief and deputy editor-in-chief, Chen Baoping and Xu Husheng. Then, a comparison with other stratified cultures was performed in terms of front-page design, column placement and content production location information, in order to analyze the function of cultural capital in specific media practices. The results show that the editorial team of Shanghai Weekly consciously differentiated ’Xiaozi culture’ from ’official newspaper culture’ and ’masses culture’ by employing three strategies: (1) excluding politics and emphasizing consumerism, (2) focusing on Western culture within global culture (Western culture orientation), and (3) emphasizing the niche nature of the cultural market (limited acceptance orientation). It was also confirmed that the cultural capital of elite university students contributed to generating such strategies.

著者

ゲーバー アイバー

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.37-50, 2002-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

喜多 満里花

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.181-199, 2020-07-31 (Released:2020-09-26)

参考文献数

29

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Popular cultural content is transnational, as it is produced across nationalborders. However, it is used as a tool to represent national image and identityfor branding, which is contradictory. Therefore, two issues will become thesubject of discussion: signifying the processes of policy makers and theeffects of these discourses on people’s national identity. This study examinesthese issues through document analysis of Korean government publicationsconcerning Korean popular music( K-Pop). The study shows that K-Pop signifies two different things in thesedocuments.Documents written in English say that it is “hybrid and transnationalmusic” for external branding, whereas those in Korean claim that it has“original content, inheriting Korea-ness from traditional culture” for internalbranding.In addition, the government’s view of national identity and culturalnationalism shown in internal branding is not considered by the Koreanpeople in their reactions to discourse about the Korean wave or change ofgovernance. This rejection of this reconstructed national identity differs fromthe circumstances shown in previous studies.

著者

山口 誠

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, pp.51-66, 2005-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

14

著者

水島 宏明

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, pp.161-162, 2018-07-31 (Released:2018-10-13)

著者

巫 坤達

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, pp.197-215, 2010-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

22

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The purpose of this study is to consider about journalism from AntonioGramsci’s Prison Notebooks. There were some issues that Gramsci’s writingswere applied in sociology of the mass media, however, a part of which were arguedwithin fragmentary viewpoints. Therefore, I have not only examined howjournalism was directly depicted, but discussed it with the other main themesin Prison Notebooks ― “intellectuals”, “party”, “Americanism and Fordism”and “philosophy of praxis”. In conclusion, I give three criticisms ― parties aspress; everyone be a journalist; war of information ― on the further studies.

著者

伊藤 守

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, pp.148-149, 2008-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

松田 士朗

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.145-146, 2008-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

于 海春

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.241-260, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-03-29)

参考文献数

22

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This study explores the journalism award system and award-giving practices at both national and provincial levels in China. Since the 1990s, an established award system has existed in China, through which the Chinese Communist Party and government have tended to define “good quality news” to control journalists and news production. The central argument of this study, however, is that even under an authoritarian regime, differences in award-giving practices are evident at the provincial level. Due to their diverse political economies, provincial governments have various interpretations of “good quality news” and thus attitudes toward media control. Following an empirical content analysis comparing article winners of the national and three provincial―Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangdong―journalism awards between 1997 and 2017, two conclusions were reached. First, the findings reveal that although the official award system is designed as a top-down structure, there are remarkable differences in the content of award-winning articles at the provincial (horizontal) level; thus, a variance in media control between national and provincial government is demonstrated in authoritarian China. Second, drastic changes can be seen in the award-giving practice of Guangdong and Beijing since Xi Jinping became China’s president in 2013: between 2013 and 2017, significantly fewer award-winning articles exhibit watchdog journalism. It is evident, therefore, that the Chinese Communist Party and government exercise less tolerance toward criticism of their power in the media under Xi Jinping.

著者

藤森 研

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.241-242, 2019-07-31 (Released:2019-10-25)

著者

北出 真紀恵

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.134-145, 2002-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

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This paper aims to examine the role expectations of female radio personalities and the gender structuring of radio personalities. Radio has come to be situated as a local medium aiming at mass personal communication, and its broadcasters are called "radio personalities." Through interviews with former radio producers and female radio personalities, I conclude that female radio personalities are expected to perform specifically feminine roles. Acting as the metaphorical wives of their partners, they speak as representatives of those involved in daily and/or household matters. For this reason, radio cannot yet be called gender-free.

著者

曲 揚

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, pp.123-141, 2017-07-31 (Released:2017-11-07)

参考文献数

45

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This paper discusses the political propaganda activities of Japan againstChina during the Second Sino-Japanese War by analyzing Dentsu Inc.’s Chinesemagazine from 1938 to 1944. After the investigation and arrangement of the publication activities ofDentsu Inc. during the Second Sino-Japanese War, this paper uncovers anotherside of Dentsu Inc. that differs from its well-known identity as an advertisingcompany. On this basis, this paper analyzes the content of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinesemagazine in combination with its historical context. The content of the magazinetransformed from its original coverage of trade, economic reviews, andcomprehensive monthly reviews into that of a literary magazine. Its developmentappears to show its transformation from a trade information magazineunrelated to Japan’s national policy into a weapon for opinions and ideologicalwarfare. However, this magazine was designed with a definite propagandaobject and purpose since its first publication. The characteristics of the magazineinclude:( 1) duality of superficial Sino-Japan cooperation and domination byJapanese;(2) magazine content in unilateral transmission from Japan (dominator)to China( dominatee);( 3) when Japan lost the battle during the SecondSino-Japanese War, the magazine converted its content from rational analysisand review into perceptual spirit theory, tried to fight against Europe andAmerica appealing to oriental cultural spirit, and resorted to using emotionincitingcultural and literary works as its main propaganda means. The development and content change of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese magazinereflect how Japan explored political propaganda activities against China duringthe Second Sino-Japanese War. In other words, Dentsu Inc.’s magazine, afterseveral episodes of edition revision and final publication suspension, could not promotethe heartfelt exchange between China and Japan, and ended up in failure.

著者

辻 大介

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, pp.3-13, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-09-11)

参考文献数

27

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In the United States increasing ideological polarization between the Republicans and the Democrats has deteriorated into a deep partisan divide among the public, exemplified by the Trump phenomenon since the 2016 presidential election. It has been noted that the Internet intensifies and entrenches such polarization of political attitudes through encouraging selective exposure of information based on individual preferences and predispositions.In Japan, although the situation is not as drastic as in the United States, the left-right partisan conflict in the mass public has become more salient under the Abe government than before, particularly on the Internet. This study examined the effects of Internet use to polarize Japanese political attitudes, distinguishing the two-stage processes suggested by the “minimal effects” theory.Analyses of nation-wide survey data randomly collected in 2019 revealed that people with high political interest and efficacy were more likely to seek ʻhard news’ concerning political and social affairs on the Internet, while those who were less politically sophisticated tended to focus more on ʻsoft news’, such as entertainment. The results indicated that the high-choice information environment brought about by the Internet increased the gap between the political actives and the apathies. Second, using a generalized ordered probit regression model as an alternative to a problematic methodology employed in previous studies, this study demonstrated that hours of using the Internet for personal interests had significantly a polarizing effect on the approval/disapproval toward the Abe administration, which was likely affection-based rather than ideology-based. This paper discussed the implications of these findings for civic engagement in democracy.