著者

高井 昌吏

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, pp.17-33, 2016-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

27

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This study focuses on popular songs concerning "the war and women" in post-war Japan. In particular, three songs were examined: Akiko Kikuchi's "Hoshi no Nagare ni" and "Ganpeki no Haha" released in 1947 and 1954, respectively, and Yuriko Futaba's popular remake of "Ganpeki no Haha" released in 1972. These songs were analyzed in connection with the societal background in which they gained popularity, including the influence of mainstream values as well as concepts of women and mothers that were held at the time. The results of this analysis suggested that directly after the war ended, many Japanese women were despondent and pushed into prostitution because of an impoverished society. The song "Hoshi no Nagare ni" conveys the sorrows of prostitution, and this theme is directly connected to its success. The 1954 hit "Ganpeki no Haha" has strong connections to the suspicion that Japanese citizens felt toward the Self Defense Force, which was established in the same year, as well as to the massive protests in 1960 concerning the US-Japan Defense Treaty. In particular, the general public tended to be influenced by stories about "mothers' sadness," particularly in terms of mothers and children being separated by war. This had powerful correlations with peace-oriented public opinion and anti-rearmament attitudes of the time. However, Yuriko Futaba's mid-1970s remake of "Ganpeki no Haha" gained mass popularity for several reasons. The 1970s witnessed the appearance of the "kyouiku-mama" (literally "education mama") -a type of mother who stressed on education for her children above everything else. The "kyouiku-mama" was considered to be a social problem during the time, and the completely different type of mother presented in "Ganpeki no Haha" produced feelings of longing for an "ideal mother" archetype that was perceived to be lost from the society. Therefore, "Ganpeki no Haha" was highly praised by the general public.

著者

余 偉

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, pp.87-105, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-05-18)

参考文献数

21

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The attribution of responsibility is a daily sight in the mass media and oneof the roles expected of journalism. While reporting on responsibility is perceivedas a routine event, this paper considers the next issue: the plurality of“responsibility” in the mass media. If the attribution of responsibility is determinedby certain rules, then the same result should always be achieved. However,more than one “responsibility” may be presented for a particular agendathat is controversial. The paper focuses on the plurality of “responsibilities” and conducts a theoreticalresearch of epistemology and methodology. The paper begins withShanto Iyengar’s work on the attribution of responsibility and identifies theproblems with this research. Next, the paper discusses the attribution theorydeveloped by Fritz Haider in social psychology to which Iyengar referred.Finally, in order to shift the perspective away from attribution theory, thepaper argue for the need to interpret the plurality of “responsibility” in a socialconstructionism way. The paper will explore specific methodologies from thisposition; for example, rhetorical analysis and framing analysis. As a result, the attribution of responsibility in the mass media is not simplydetermined by existing social norms and legal systems, but rather is a definingmovement of responsibility that is constructed through various interactions. Inthe defining movement of responsibility, the process of justifying specific attributionsof responsibility is an important subject of research. In terms of influencingthe attitudes of the audience, both rhetorical and framing analyses needto be conducted at the same time.

著者

鍵本 優

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, pp.105-123, 2018-01-31 (Released:2018-05-10)

参考文献数

44

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Digital games occupy a big position in today’s media culture. The earlyJapanese culture of home digital games partly developed with content intendedto scare the player. The frightening experiences that are involved in playingsuch games have been often talked about by the players, even if the games werenot necessarily of the horror genre. However, conventional Japanese digitalgame studies cannot explain these social facts of the frightening experiencessufficiently. The purpose of this paper is to deal with the theoretical problem mentionedabove. By considering the frightening experiences in Japanese gamesconcretely, this paper submits a novel and effective theoretical and culturalinterpretation of the experience in digital games as media. It is a ‘fear not tofade away’ arising from gaming practices that this paper notices in particular. This paper is written with the following method and procedure. Firstly,this paper checks the framework of the conventional theory of experiences indigital games( Section 1). Secondly, the problem of this framework is examinedin detail by way of discussing the frightening experiences( Section 2). Then, inorder to manage this problem, this paper considers the concrete cases of playingAVGs(Adventure Games) and RPGs(Role Playing Games) in the Japanesegame culture (Section 3). Finally, conclusions are derived from the previousdiscussion and considerations( Section 4). The conclusions of this paper are as follows. Firstly, the media theory ofexperiences in digital games should pay attention to the player’s mental, bodilyand sensorial self-transfer to the media. Secondly, in Japanese society around1990, the cultural development of digital games with many narrative elements(in particular in AVGs and RPGs) necessarily produced the possibilities of“being shocked” experience.

著者

河津 孝宏

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.59-77, 2008-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

21

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This article aims to describe the viewing experiences that white-collar women living in Tokyo go through when watching the American TV series "Sex and the City". The ethnographic approach used in cultural studies in the 80's has been adopted to analyze the subject. The audiences extract a realism from the textual world, and adopt a viewing position that aligns with their own life stage. Furthermore, the experience of viewing is linked to their life history and reflexively updates their self-identity. This article presents an alternative approach which discusses TV viewing in terms of diachronic experience of audience.

著者

澤 康臣

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, pp.3-17, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-05-18)

参考文献数

26

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More and more interviews are conducted through video conferences as analternative to the ever falling number of press conferences in order to preventthe further spread of COVID-19. This paper mainly discusses interviews conductedwith journalism practitioners to analyze how their communication wereaffected by the pandemic in three aspects—namely, their communication withinterviewees, fellow journalists, and readers or the audience. The findings aresummarized as follows. First, reporters are hindered from conducting interviewsin person and depending on materials provided from intervieweesinstead. Second, unable to help each other at press conferences or in person,reporters are taken control of by interviewees. Third, scant coverage ofinfected people and bereaved families was noted, along with coverage that triggerson-line witch hunts targeting the infected, as well as a tendency amongofficials and medical experts disclosure and coverage based on effectiveness incurbing the pandemic, rather than the role of independent journalism.

著者

白崎 護

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, pp.21-44, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-10-24)

参考文献数

13

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Amid the sharp depreciation of the yen, soaring prices of energy, food, and other necessities brought about by the Ukraine crisis and sanctions against Russia, and an increase in the national burden rate, the people’s impoverishment has only just begun. In addition, conflicts over the North Sea fishery and Sakhalin II have made the public aware of the vulnerability of energy and food security. This recognition, coupled with an increase in the operating rate of thermal power plants that use fossil fuels in response to rising demand for electricity due in part to global warming, has rekindled the debate over the pros and cons of nuclear power generation. On the other hand, with regard to defense issues, China and Russia are increasing military and economic pressure on Japan in cooperation amid ongoing tensions with neighboring countries that have territorial and historical disputes. In particular, China’s threat to Taiwan and the Sakishima Islands is increasing while the West, which supports Ukraine, is reducing its ability to deal with China. Russia’s military focus on the Northern Territories in light of the melting of the Arctic Ocean due to climate change also poses a threat.    Perceptions of the utility of security, which are difficult to realize on a day-to-day basis, depend heavily on the media. Thus, perception of the cost of enhanced security also depends on the media. It follows that "Cognitive Warfare" depends on the verification of the media’s influence on the above two perceptions. Therefore, based on the campaign period system in which the media report on the election in accordance with the Public Offices Election Act and related regulations of their industries and companies, we examine the effects of media usage during the 2022 House of Councillors election period on the changes in voters’ political consciousness, especially with regard to security, before and after the election period.

著者

小林 聡明

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, pp.146-161, 2002-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

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The purpose of my paper is to analyze the development of Korean newspapers in Japan from 1945 to 1949. It focuses on the following two aspects. The first is the social context surrounding the birth, the second is the way in which these newspapers were affected and made change direction in such area as editorial policy of Korean newspapers in Japan, by a kind of "power". In this way, I clarify that Korean newspapers in Japan emerged in the all of the political groups integrated, and their editorial directions had been spreading diversely. However, the conflicts caused by the cold war and the changes in the publishing environment forced Korean newspapers to align with one or the other of the two Korean organizations. Thus, Korean newspapers in Japan lost their diversity and incorporated into the paradigm of binaries. The question now arises: What "power" compelled the Korean newspapers in Japan to split into two camps? A further direction of this study will be the analysis of the mechanism of power in the censorship system of GHQ/SCAP.

著者

木下 浩一

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, pp.173-192, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-10-24)

参考文献数

20

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Since Tuchman’s (1978) analysis of newsroom routines, related case studies have been accumulating in the United States for over 40 years. Many studies have employed ethnographic methods to examine how news workers gatekeep news. In recent years, Mari (2016) has attempted to describe a social history of the newsroom, furthering its contextual understanding.    This research tried to describe the social history of the "photographers" who belonged to major Japanese newspaper companies after World War II, using the Shinbunkenkyu as the source material and extracts the dominant factors and contexts in postwar Japan.    The following are the extracted factors and contexts.     1) The first factor is education: Higher education influenced the rise of the photographers’ status in Japanese newsrooms. Professional education in photography had a short-lived impact and was replaced by higher education as general education. In the United States, it was professional education in higher education that elevated the status of photographers, contrary to Japan’s case.     2) The second factor is technological advancements: In Japan in the 1990s, the spread of electronic cameras, the ease of sending photos electronically, and the systematization of newsrooms limited the rise of the photographers’ status in newsrooms. Whereas in the United States, this elevated their status. The difference between Japan and the United States arose from the combination of other technologies.     3) The third factor is labor unions: Japanese labor unions aimed for uniform treatment in newsrooms, and the unintended consequence was curbing the differentiation of news workers. In the United States, where weekly wages were set for each type of job, labor unions promoted the differentiation of news workers.    4) The fourth factor is specific coverage area and news sources: The lack of specific coverages areas and news sources has had significantly impacted their status in newsrooms.

著者

工藤 文

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, pp.193-214, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-10-24)

参考文献数

26

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This study aimed to examine the transformation of a private-owned newspaper into a Party newspaper, focusing on the ownership conversion of Xinminbao in the 1950s, in Shanghai.    Xinminbao was first published in Shanghai on May 1, 1946 and underwent ownership transformation into joint public and private management in 1953. Previous studies have suggested that public capital investments served as bailout measures for private newspapers owing to the socialization process in the 1950s. However, this study used a mixed approach to the case study based on the archives and content analysis for the news coverage of Xinminbao, concluding that public capital investment transformed the private-owned newspaper into the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) newspaper.    The case study used secondary sources and the archives of the Shanghai Databank. When Xinminbao came under joint public-private management, CCP invested public capital and appointed Party-related people to crucial positions on the editorial board. Subsequently, in 1957, CCP decided to establish a Party group, and on April 1, 1958, Xinminbao became publicly owned. The content analysis in this study used 3,911 articles that were published biennially from 1946 to 1966. News articles were classified into three categories: news source, location, and genre. Findings revealed that the percentage of articles in the domestic political genre distributed by Xinhua News Agency increased in 1950. Moreover, Xinhua’s articles accounted for a high percentage of the articles on the domestic economic and social genre from 1954. The results confirmed that CCP influenced the article content in Xinminbao by investing public capital in it. Therefore, this study concludes that the CCP established control over newspapers through joint public and private management. Finally, the continuity with respect to newspaper control in China at present is discussed.

著者

善家 賢 髙田 彩子 松永 智子 山腰 修三

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, pp.71-87, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-10-24)

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In this interview, we asked Masaru Zenke and Ayako Takada about new tendencies on war reporting. Mr. Zenke has worked as a chief producer and Ms. Takada as a director on documentary production and investigative reporting at NHK. They have been working on investigative reporting about the repression of civilians by military in post-coup Myanmar. And in the process of reporting, they have used a digital research method called OSINT (Open Source Intelligence). OSINT became known with the work of "Internet detective" Bellingcat. Although both Mr. Zenke and Ms. Takada see OSINT’s impact on war reporting as positive, they position OSINT as a complement to traditional journalistic practices. In this interview, we also asked them about news coverage of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine. While citizens are practicing OSINT in this war, the spread of disinformation and fake news has become a serious problem. They pointed that the possibilities for new digital media practices are expanding, but also recognized the difficulties of traditional war reporting have not been resolved. Through this interview, the various possibilities and difficulties that digital technologies bring to war reporting were revealed.

著者

森 類臣

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.277-279, 2012-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

大久保 遼

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, pp.157-174, 2022-08-10 (Released:2022-11-22)

参考文献数

40

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This article examines the media theory developed by Jussi Parikka under the influence of the new materialism during the 2010s and clarifies its potential in current media studies in Japan. Parikka’s media theory is widely discussed from the recent philosophical trends of the Anthropocene and post-humanity in addition to the new materialism perspective. In contrast, this article emphasizes Parikka’s re-evaluation of Kittlerian and post-Kittlerian German media theory (including cultural techniques) and his attempt to reconsider the issues of cultural studies and political economy confronting the recent transformation of the media. Similar to the former media theorists such as Marshall McLuhan or Friedrich Kittler, Parikka’s media theory enables us to reconsider the materiality of the media and expands the field of media studies by reframing the question "What is media?" and the concept of the "media" itself. However, as Parikka declares, not only is his focus on materiality and ecology theoretically important, but it is also significant for the critical and political analysis of the material aspects of digital media and culture, such as the circulation of digital devices and e-waste, and programming as labor. Although his discussion is wide-ranging, this article outlines Parikka’s materialist media theory and elaborates in two directions: (1) its expansion of the research fields of media ecology and (2) its detailed analysis of the cultural techniques of cognitive capitalism. Finally, I discuss the theory’s potential in the development of empirical media studies and media history in the Japanese context, based on its theoretical perspectives.

著者

塚原 真梨佳

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, pp.123-142, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-04-19)

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The purpose of this study is to reveal the construction process and dynamics of national war memorials through a media-historical analysis of the "Save The MIKASA". The battleship Mikasa was the flagship of the Imperial Japanese Navy during the Russo-Japanese War. "Save The MIKASA" was a preservation movement that took place between 1922 and 1926 and advocated the preservation of the Battleship Mikasa as a memorial ship. However, at the same time, anti-militarism and pacifism were on the rise in Japanese society in the wake of the Washington Conference on Disarmament. Why was it necessary to commemorate the history of one’s own country’s wars in such a time?    In this study focusing on the (1) Who started the Preservation Movement and with what intention? (2) How did the "Save The MIKASA" Develop into a National Movement? (3) How were the "Save The Mikasa" and the "Memorial ship Mikasa" given any significance? Furthermore, from these analyses, the social and historical meaning of the "Memorial Ship Mikasa" will be discussed. In this paper, I would like to take a media historical approach to the discussion based on article such as "JapanTimes&Mail" and "Tokyo Asahi Shinbun" published from 1922 to 1926.    In conclusion, it was clear that "Save The MIKASA" is a movement that was established by the dynamics of the conflict between the ruling class and the ruled class, and the conflict between radical thought and reactionary thought in social thought. In the 1920s, when memories of the Russo-Japanese War were fading, the Mikasa Preservation Movement revived a spiritualism that emphasized the history and traditions of one’s own country and heightened patriotism through the recalling of memories of the Russo-Japanese War. However, it had to be done with a logic that was consistent with the pacifist ideology of the time.

著者

棚田 梓 岡田 勇

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, pp.103-118, 2022-08-10 (Released:2022-11-22)

参考文献数

25

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To ascertain how editorial freedoms enshrined in the Broadcasting Act are interpreted and how actual broadcasting has developed, it is important to consider how the government has responded to the Diet’s interpretation of the Broadcasting Act, especially regarding how the rules on program editing are interpreted. This paper examines the changes in the government’s responses to the question of program editing rules, which has been an important point of contention for broadcasting freedom. Specifically, a chronological list of changes in the interpretation of the autonomy of broadcasters was compiled based on a comprehensive search of Diet proceedings from the enactment of the 1950 Broadcasting Act until 2020. This list was created by extracting 267 statements from 180 Diet sessions that matched keywords suggesting a connection with the government’s involvement in broadcasting and editorial freedom. The statements were ranked in five levels according to the level of involvement, thereby quantitatively demonstrating the increasing government involvement with each passing year. In this paper, the results are divided into four time periods, and the government’s responses in each period are evaluated. This approach is consistent with previous studies and is thought to facilitate the objective documentation of the changing nature of broadcasting.

著者

小川 明子

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, pp.92-110, 2009-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

23

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During the Russo-Japan War, newspaper companies located in the urban areas such as Osaka and Tokyo tried to broaden their distribution by investing large capital to install telecommunication facilities and visual technologies. Taking advantage of these new technologies, large newspaper attempted to attract people's attention by distributing the news promptly. This article examines how the local newspaper competed with these newspapers during the war. It shed light on "Shinchoho," a small local newspaper, in Toyohashi at that time. Investigating the strategies by the paper to survive, this paper discusses how the local newspaper interacted with the local readers.

著者

山口 功二 宮武 実知子 土屋 礼子

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.249-250, 2007-01-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

著者

柳 志旼

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, pp.215-232, 2022-08-10 (Released:2022-11-22)

参考文献数

41

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This paper clarifies how the family image represented in TV commercials through the case of Japanese mobile carrier commercials, and how it reproduces the patriarchal ideology. To clarify this issue, semiotic analysis has been conducted using case studies of three major mobile carrier commercials: Docomo’s "Keitai Kazoku Monogatari", SoftBank’s "Shirato-ke", and au’s "Santaro". Specifically, the target of analysis is not only linguistic texts but also non-linguistic texts, analyzed into primary meanings (denotation) and secondary meanings (connotation) from the text symbols to elucidate the latent images therein.As a result, the following conclusions can be proposed. First, the concept of family as represented by mobile carrier commercials is expanding, becoming more diverse and individualized. Docomo’s "Keitai Kazoku Monogatari" shows an image of a patriarchal family that seems to follow the "postwar family system," SoftBank’s "Shirato-ke" shows an image of a family like a group of friends in which equal and democratic relationships are prominent, and au’s "Santaro" shows an image of a pseudo-family formed by pure relationships that no longer depend on blood or marriage. Second, there is a discrepancy between the family image represented in the commercial and the family in Japanese society at the time. It can be seen that advertisements do not reflect society as it is, but actively create an image unique to commercials that can be accepted by society through selection and reconfiguration. Third, social ideologies are encoded and reproduced through advertisements. Although the form of the family created in each commercial has changed, it is clear that the various ideologies, especially the patriarchal ideology surrounding the modern family persist.

著者

温 秋穎

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

メディア研究 (ISSN:27581047)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, pp.119-136, 2022-08-10 (Released:2022-11-22)

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This paper is a media study that attempts to elucidate how the language of "others" was imagined in "Shinago Kōza," a radio program for Chinese language study broadcast by the Japan Broadcasting Corporation (NHK) from 1931 to 1941. In Japan, the creation of a "national language" had already entered the stage of standardization in the 1930s, while the expanding military invasion of China was accompanied by efforts to popularize the Japanese language. At this stage, why had "Shinago Kōza" been broadcast for 10 years toward a wide range of nationals to learn Chinese, a language that was not their own? Focusing on the multilayered nature of the language as presented in the audio radio and print texts, this paper will examine how the image of China, which was in effect a hostile country, was imagined through the study of the Chinese language on the radio. Based on this examination, it will also consider the role played by this popular Chinese learning broadcast, which failed to transform the Chinese language to a hostile language in wartime. This article takes a historical approach, drawing on the published "radio textbook," radio program lists published in newspapers, "Radio Yearbook," "Gyōmu Tōkei Yōran," and other sources, and elucidates them in relation to the language policy of the Japanese empire.In conclusion, in the Japan Broadcasting Corporation’s "Shinago Kōza," while the language form of Chinese was always different from that of Japanese, the otherness of China, which was regarded as a negotiating partner, showed complicated features due to the transition of the situation in wartime. Thus, "Shinago," which was recognized as a language of a friendly and affiliated partner country, was placed in an ideological gray zone between an enemy language and "our" language, while maintaining the form of the language of the other.

著者

辻 大介

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.104-117, 1998-01-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

被引用文献数

1

著者

山腰 修三

出版者

日本メディア学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.5-23, 2014-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

1

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The objective of this paper is to consider, from an analytical perspective, forms of political participation in the contemporary media landscape. Political communication theory faces a difficult question: how to analyze the diverse forms of political participation that use digital media. Political participation in the digital age is explained in terms of "networks." For example, Manuel Castells advocates that the development of digitalization stimulates political participation and leads to political and social changes. Though this approach is broadly accepted, the "network society" theory has been criticized because of its failure to analyze the power struggle dimension in political communication. As some critics point out, Castells has not described adequately how the new media landscape forms society, and what resistance and struggles are generated within it. This paper refers to Nick Couldry's media theory as an alternative approach. Through his original theory of media power, he describes the formation of contemporary society as constructed by media practice and media representation. According to his theoretical framework, he argues for the possibility of political participation in the formation of a neoliberal political-social order. This paper focuses into Couldry's two concepts, "voice" and "hearing," and argues that these are new analytical tools for political participation and political communication.