著者
前島 信也
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.2, pp.634-637, 2017-03-20 (Released:2018-01-16)
参考文献数
4

The Jōdo sanbukyō ongishū 浄土三部経音義集 was written in 1237 by Kyōsaibō Shinzui 敬西房信瑞, who studied under one of Hōnen’s 法然 disciples. It contains analysis of terms in the three major sutras of Pure Land Buddhism.In Japan, there are nine kinds of manuscripts and three kinds of printed books. In this paper, I mention their bibliographic information and compare them, focusing on their marginalia. I therefore attempt to classify these sources.
著者
梶原 三恵子
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.242-235, 2016-12-20 (Released:2017-10-17)
参考文献数
20

Since the Gṛhyasūtras, water has been involved in the rituals of giving gifts. As to the use of water at the giving of a girl to the suitor in the marriage ceremony, some Gṛhyasūtras preserve concrete prescriptions, while the Dharma texts prescribe it simply in the phrases “to give with water (adbhir dā)” or “to give being preceded by water (udakapūrva-)” without giving any details. Those simple phrases, which are attested since the younger Gṛhyasūtras and the Dharma texts, continue prevalently for other kinds of gift as well in post-Vedic texts.In Buddhist texts, the giving of donations and the giving of a girl in marriage are described principally in the same or similar expressions in the narratives: one is said to give a gift with a water-jar in hand. On the other hand, the enumeration of forms of marriage and wife in the Vinayas preserves a peculiar and concrete use of water at a certain type of marriage. Such a unique description might reflect the various uses of water at the rites of giving gifts before their descriptions were unified and simplified.
著者
洪 鴻栄
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.3, pp.1294-1299, 2012-03-25

金剛寺の書写文献・安世高訳『仏説十二門経』『仏説解十二門経』は,1999年に発見されて以来ようやく十年を経た.その内容に対する研究は,いままで,イタリアの学者Stefano ZACCHETTIの幾つかの論文しかないのが現状である.ZACCHETTI氏は,この二つの写本について,安世高の著作としてはっきりと断定はできないが,ほぼ彼に属するものであると位置づけた.また,それに関して,なお幾つかの問題が残るものの,安世高以外の著者のものとして考えるのが難しい点が多いとも指摘している.氏の論証では,これらの写本は『仏説十二門経』『仏説解十二門経』,そして『仏説十二門経』に対する「解説」との三つの部分に分けられ,さらに『仏説十二門経』『仏説解十二門経』のそれぞれは,道安のいう『大十二門経』『小十二門経』に相当するという結論に至った.本稿では,氏の論証は新たな困難を引き起こすのではないかと指摘し,そして写本における氏の三つの分け方を検討した結果,『仏説十二門経』『仏説解十二門経』との二つの区分において十分あり得るため,新たに『仏説十二門経』に対する「解説」という第三区分を設定する必要はない.また,『仏説十二門経』は『大十二門経』に,『仏説解十二門経』は『小十二門経』に対応するのではなく,その反対,『仏説十二門経』は『小十二門経』に,『仏説解十二門経』は『大十二門経』に対応するという方が,正確なのではないかと筆者は指摘したい.
著者
山口 弘江
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.2, pp.804-810, 2020-03-20 (Released:2020-09-10)
参考文献数
19

The most famous practice of meditative cessation and observation in East Asia was the Tiantai system called zhiguan 止観, established by Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗 (538–597). Moreover, the type of zhiguan taught in the section on the aspect of practice and the attitude of faith within the Dasheng qi xin lun 大乗起信論 (Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith), which in recently years has been shown to have been produced in northern China, was important since it greatly influenced the later Buddhist world. It is thought that the reception and proliferation of zhiguan in the Northern and Southern Dynasties period occurred with the background of this meditative practice.Zhiguan is generally regarded as a translation of śamatha and vipaśyanā, but the source terms were not limited to these. In addition to examples that correspond to sthāna and upalakṣaṇā (listed among the the six breath meditations or liu xinian 六息念), similarly the parts translated as zhiguan in the Chinese translations of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa by Zhi Qian, Kumārajīva and Xuanzang are all identified as śamatha-vidarśanā in the corresponding Sanskrit text. Having rendered zhiguan from different source words, awareness of the differences in the original vocabulary were lost in the interpretations by Chinese monks. We can consider this one reason underlying the development of the unique system of zhiguan in East Asia.
著者
林山 まゆり
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.34-39, 2016-12-20 (Released:2017-10-17)
参考文献数
7

Yūhan 宥範 (1270–1352), a Buddhist priest famous for the regeneration of Zentsūji 善通寺 in the province of Sanuki (today’s Kagawa prefecture), was also a learned scholar who wrote the Dainichikyō sho myōinshō 大日経疏妙印鈔, Ayūshō 阿宥鈔, and so forth. His books concern Buddhist teachings.Yūhan’s understanding of Buddhism has been referred to in the history of esoteric teaching. However, all such references are nothing but a partial introduction of his teaching; very few studies have been conducted from the integrated viewpoint, or have focused on his later influence. Hence, in this paper, through the estimations of Yūhan by later scholars, his position in the history of the esoteric teaching is examined.As a result, it is clarified that the reason why Yūhan is bitterly criticized by Yūkai 宥快 (1345–1416), who is thought to have established the Kōyasan Teaching, and by Myōzui 妙瑞 (1696–1764), a priest of the Kōyasan in the Edo period, is that his understanding often criticizes traditional understandings. It is also concluded that the reason why In’yū 印融 (1435–1519), a Shingon priest from the Kantō area, accepts Yūhan’s books is that In’yū examines the validity of old Kōyasan teachings relying on Izu 伊豆 understandings which flourished in the Kantō region.
著者
中野 何必
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.575-578, 2019-03-20 (Released:2019-09-20)
参考文献数
7

Regarding Ryūshiken Ogawa Tazaemon, a publisher of early modern Kyōto, his descendant Ogawa Saburō reported in detail in recent years. So far, this report is the most detailed concerning Ryūshiken. However, it does not deal with Buddhist publications.I am currently researching Ryūshiken as a purveyor to the Sōtō sect. So far, I have researched the publications of Ryūshiken in Komazawa University Library. In this paper, I report in detail on Ryūshiken, with the results of my survey.
著者
赤塚 祐道
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.1, pp.189-194, 2021-12-20 (Released:2022-09-09)
参考文献数
4

The sūtra named Que wenhuang shenzhou jing却温黄神呪経 contains a method for curing epidemics accompanied by high fever. This method was to recite the names of seven kijin鬼神 demons to eliminate the invisible epidemic. In later times it was believed that enshrining the seven kijin demons or Matari-jin摩怛利神 and reading this text would prevent epidemics. The names of Matari-jinja摩怛利神社 or Shichiki-jinja七鬼神社 shrines remain to the present day.This paper discusses how the demons in the sūtra are connected to faith in Matari-jin as it developed from the Que wenhuang shenzhou jing. As mentioned above, seven demons are taught in the Que wenhuang shenzhou jing. The Shichi-Kijin七鬼神 painting in the Kyoto City University of Arts is one example of faith in Matari-jin, and can be traced back to the Shichimonyo-ten maṇḍala七母女天曼荼羅 taught in the thirteenth chapter of the Liqu jing理趣経. That is to say, the Shichi-Kijin painting and the Shichimonyo-ten maṇḍala both have Makakyara-ten摩訶迦羅天 as their central deity, with the seven kijin demons painted around him. This Makakyara-ten is Mahākāla, who manifests as Matari-jin, the god of epidemics.The Que wenhuang shenzhou jing and esoteric Buddhist practice are deeply involved in the background to this faith in Matari-jin, and this sūtra was read and Matari-jin was worshipped to dispel epidemics.
著者
肖 越
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.2, pp.887-883, 2022-03-23 (Released:2022-09-09)
参考文献数
19

This paper explores the original forms of the two earliest versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, the Da Amituo jing 大阿彌陀經 (T. 362) and the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing 無量清淨平等覺經 (T. 361). The issues have been approached from the following perspectives:First, I clarify the concept of the Early Recension of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra based on a suggestion by Fujita Kotatsu.Second, I determine the original form of the second-earliest version of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing, and indicate that the original form of this version should be paralleled with the extant Sanskrit version, whose earliest manuscript was recognized as written in the middle of the twelfth century.Third, I discuss the most significant characteristics of the Da Amituo jing, bodhisattva thought and rebirth. Moreover, I discuss the 129 characters found in the Dharmākara narrative associated with their counterparts in two verses, called in Japanese Tanbutsu-ge and Tōhō-ge, in the extant Sanskrit version. Furthermore, I discuss the six vows in the Da Amituo jing from the perspective of bodhisattva thought along with the concept of rebirth purposely highlighted in these vows.Finally, I determine the formation of the 24th vow and its fulfillment regarding birth by praising the light of Amitābha and the texts regarding visualizing the Buddha by chanting his name as found in the latter of the Da Amituo jing.In conclusion, I indicate that the original forms of the Da Amituo jing and the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing were quite probably similar, and separately, quite parallel with the extant Sanskrit version.
著者
三輪 是法
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.3, pp.1244-1250, 2022-03-25 (Released:2022-09-09)
参考文献数
3

天台大師智顗(538-597)が『摩訶止観』で説く「一念三千」は,不可思議なる対象として人間の心を表した言葉で,三千という数字は法華経の十如是と地獄界から仏界までの十界,そして五蘊世間・衆生世間・国土世間の三種世間の乗数によって導かれている.『摩訶止観』巻五上では,止観という修行による対境として最初に陰入界境を説明する.陰入界は実体をもたない人間存在を表し,まず迷いの原因である識陰の心を観察する必要があるという.その観察法として十種の方法をあげ,その第一番目が観不思議境である.五陰,十法界,十如是,三種世間の関係を詳述した後,心の様相として「一念三千」が説かれる.すなわち,我々の心は十種の人格的要因(十界)と現象の構成要素(十如是),さらに環境的外部要因を含めた関係性(三種世間)によって成り立っているということで,換言すると,心は他者によって形成されているといえるであろう. そこで現代における心の研究分野である精神分析の理論に基づいて考察すると,そもそも精神分析は,正常な人間は存在しないという立場に立っており,悩める主体である「分析主体」自身が自らの問題を主体的に解決していく営みであるということを知る.精神分析では,自我という自己像は他者との関係を通して作りあげられた虚構であり,また,主体というものは存在せず,意識と無意識との関係性において,一瞬,無意識の主体が出現するとしている.すなわち,『摩訶止観』で観察対象となる陰入界が他者によって形成された自我であり,観察結果として得られる一念三千という心が無意識の主体であると考えられる.換言すると,悩める分析主体が一念三千という境地に至ることによって,生き方を自ら選択できる可能性が生まれるということであり,ここに仏教と精神分析との類似性が確認できる.
著者
北野 新太郎
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.2, pp.959-954, 2020-03-20 (Released:2020-09-10)
被引用文献数
1

In this paper, I consider two meanings of the term ālambana in Sthiramati’s commentary (Triṁśikābhāṣya=Tbh) on the Triṁśikākārikā. In the beginning of Tbh, Sthiramati says ālambana is imagery “inside” of cognition. From this point of view ālambana means paratantrasvabhāva in the trisvabhāva. On the other hand, in the second half of Tbh, Sthiramati says ālambana is “outside” of cognition, that is parikalpitasvabhāva in the trisvabhāva. The question is whether Sthiramati’s commentary is contradictory. The purpose of this paper is to consider the reason why Sthiramati uses the term ālambana to express two meanings.
著者
辛嶋 静志
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.987-980, 2019-03-20 (Released:2019-09-20)

Maitreya is also called Ajita in some texts. I found that the different interpretations of the names reflect the opinions of the various Buddhist schools. According to the Theravādins and Sarvāstivādins, Ajita and Maitreya are different persons, though, according to the Mahāsāṃghikas and the Sāṃmitīyas, they are identical, and Maitreya, whose first name is Ajita, will become the Buddha Maitreya.On the site of an ancient stūpa at Kanaganahalli in Karnataka, there is a sitting statue of the future buddha, under which there is an inscription, saying that Ajita will become the future buddha. This and the fact that the scenes on the narrative reliefs in the stūpa agree well with the Lalitavistara of the Mahāsāṃghikas, indicate that this stūpa might have belonged to this school.In a post-canonical Pāli text, namely Anāgatavaṃsa, Ajita and Metteya are portrayed as being identical. I assume that this text was influenced by the Mahāsāṃghikas’ notion of Ajita and Maitreya.In early Mahāyāna scriptures, such as the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā, Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra, Samādhirājasūtra, Maitreya and Ajita are identical and Bodhisatva Maitreya is addressed by the first name “Ajita”, which agrees with Mahāsāṃghikas’ notion of their names, and indicates these scriptures’ origins from this particular school.
著者
川元 惠史
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.2, pp.662-666, 2017-03-20 (Released:2018-01-16)
参考文献数
14

This paper examines Shimaji Daitō’s 島地大等 methodology in Buddhist studies. Shimaji insists on compatibility of traditional methodology with new methodology of Western origin.Shimaji calls his methodology “Subjective Clericalism.” It is also identified with Shinran’s 親鸞 way. I believe that his methodology and notion of Shinran contribute the construction of new methodology in Shin Buddhist Studies.
著者
山崎 一穂
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.3, pp.1027-1032, 2021-03-25 (Released:2021-09-06)
参考文献数
4

Avadānakalpalatā (Av-klp)はカシミールの詩人Kṣemendra (西暦990–1066年頃)によって書かれた108章からなる仏教説話集成である.同作品の第31章第32詩節には「心」(manas)を「恩知らずな者」(akṛtajñaḥ)に喩える〈直喩〉(upamā)の用例が見られる.古典詩論家達は〈直喩〉が成立する条件の一つに喩えるものと喩えられるものの文法上の性と数,格の一致を挙げる.問題の〈直喩〉ではそれぞれ,喩えるものと喩えられるものである「心」と「恩知らずな者」という語が文法上の性を異にする.本論文はKṣemendraがなぜ詩論家達の規定に抵触する〈直喩〉をここで用いたのかという問題の解明を試みるものである.喩えるものと喩えられるものの文法上の一致が成立しない〈直喩〉の用例は劇作家Bhavabhūti (西暦8世紀)の戯曲作品Mālatīmādhava第9幕第10詩節に見られる.註釈者Jagaddhara (西暦13–14世紀頃)は,問題の詩節では〈情〉(rasa)が示唆されているので,〈直喩〉の文法上の不一致が許されると説明する.このことから,西暦8世紀頃には,詩論家達の規定の枠内で〈直喩〉を組み立てることよりも,〈情〉を示唆することを重要視する文学的慣習が戯曲詩人達の間に存在したことが推定される.演劇論家Dhanaṃjaya (西暦10世紀後半)は,Bharataの演劇論を体系化し,演劇論書Daśarūpaを著している.同書の第4章では八種類の〈情〉が定義されている.Av-klp第31章第32詩節に先行する第27詩節と第28詩節にはそれぞれ,abhilāṣa「欲求」,vīṇā「ヴィーナー〔の音〕」という語が見られる.Dhanaṃjayaによれば,前者は運命やその他の理由で一緒になることができない男女に生じる〈恋〉(śṛṅgāra)の〈情〉が成熟していく最初の段階を,後者は〈恋〉の〈喚起条件〉を言葉で表現するのに用いられる語とされる.このことはAv-klp第31章第32詩節で〈恋〉の〈情〉が示唆されていることを意味する.以上の点を考慮すると,Av-klp第31章第32詩節に見られる〈直喩〉の喩えるものと喩えられるものの文法上の不一致は,Kṣemendraが詩論家の規則を満たすことができなかったことを意味するものではなく,彼が〈情〉を示唆することを,詩論家の規則に従って〈直喩〉を組み立てることよりも重視したことによる結果であると解釈できる.
著者
谷口 力光
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.3, pp.1087-1090, 2022-03-25 (Released:2022-09-09)
参考文献数
3
被引用文献数
1

Haradatta(ca. 1100-1300)作Ujjvalāは唯一現存するĀpastambadharmasūtra註であり,後代の伝統はこれをdharmanibandha(法理論書)と見做している. 既存諸版におけるテクストには遺産相続資格を寡婦に与えるか否かについて相容れない記述が併存しており,それらはいずれもHaradattaの意見として示されていると解釈できる.これらの記述はUjjvalāの成立年代,Haradattaの活動年代を決定するための内部的証拠として利用されてきた. 本論文では,Ujjvalāが知らせる相続論題全体の理路や既存諸版が報告する写本情報などから遺産相続肯定論が比較的後代に挿入された記述であることを示す.それによって従来の年代論が修正される.同時に,その肯定論の記述の一部がHaradattamitākṣarā(Gautamadharmasūtra註; 同一のHaradatta作とされる)に論調を合わせるようにして挿入されたことも示す.この知見は先行研究が文体の相違から予測していたUjjvalāとHaradattamitākṣarāの異著者性に対して,内容的側面から裏付けを行うことに寄与する.
著者
李 乃琦
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.1, pp.268-264, 2020-12-25 (Released:2021-09-06)
参考文献数
6

The Yiqiejing yinyi 一切経音義 compiled by Xuanying 玄應 (7th c.) of the Tang dynasty is the earliest extant text on the sounds and meanings of Buddhist texts. It is an important work that reflects the characteristics of Buddhist texts in the process of formation at the time of its compilation. Descriptive expressions such as “the scripture gives (經文作) . . .” in the Yiqiejing yinyi function to propose emendations and to explain and analyze the usage of words in Buddhist texts. Some entries in the Yiqiejing yinyi constitute Xuanying’s proposals for emending terms found in Buddhist texts. On the basis of Old Japanese manuscripts, this paper surveys the differences in word usage between the two Chinese translations of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, and attempts to explain the changes these reveal.
著者
石井 正稔
出版者
日本印度学仏教学会
雑誌
印度學佛教學研究 (ISSN:00194344)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.1, pp.190-193, 2019-12-20 (Released:2020-09-10)
参考文献数
6
被引用文献数
1

This paper focuses on bibliographical information concerning the Pishamen yigui 毘沙門儀軌 translated by Amoghavajra 不空. Previous studies have considered that this work is of non-Indic origin. The Pishamen yigui consists of three parts: Yiguibu 儀軌部, Yuanqibu 縁起部, and Siji 私記. Since the contents of these three parts are not connected to each other, they seem to have developed separately. Moreover, this text is not contained in the catalogue (表制集) of texts translated by Amoghavajra. Therefore, the translator (or compiler) of this Yigui should not be accepted as Amoghavajra.The text of this Yigui contained in the presently used canons is derived from a version preserved in the Hasedera in Japan. This is most likely derived from a text found in the Kozanji edited by Jijun 慈順.