著者

小田 匡保

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.347-361, 1984-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

61

被引用文献数

1 1

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In Japan there have been many utsushi-reijô (imitative pilgrimage courses) patterned after Shikoku-hachijûhakkasho-reijô (Shikoku's 88 pilgrimage sites) and they are called shin-shikoku (‘new shikoku’pilgrimage courses) or mini-shikoku (miniature shikoku pilgrimage courses). These shin-shikoku can be regarded as pilgrim courses in which the Honshikoku (Shikoku pilgrimage course) model spread to various parts of the country and were transformed under local conditions. Meanwhile shin-shikoku have been transformed historically since their establishment. In this paper the author focuses on the former regional transformation.The area of the case study is Shôdoshima-hachijûhakkasho-reijô (Shodoshima's 88 pilgrimage sites) on Shodoshima Island in Kagawa Prefecture. The procedure is first to compare Shima-shikoku (the Shodoshima course) with Hon-shikoku at the time of its establishment and find out what was imitated; next to determine how points differing from Hon-shikoku originated in Shima-shikoku. Results are as follows:1. Similarities between Shima-shikoku and Hon-shikoku are that fudasho (each pilgrim place) were placed at the periphery of the island so that pilgrims could go around it, and the direction of numbering from 1 to 88 was clockwise.2. Fudasho in Shima-shikoku included all the Shingon-shû (Shingon sect of Buddhism) temples in Shodoshima Island and all the highest-status shrines which later became gôsha (district shrines). The rests were selected from priests' meeting halls, oku-no-in (inner temples), wayside small temples, small temples at cemeteries, historic small temples, small temples at strange site features, and so on.3. Fudasho in Shima-shikoku were placed in every village in Shodoshima. The number 1 is supposed to have been assigned to the nearest fudasho to Koyasan-Temple.Historical transformations include allocations of fudasho, changes of fudasho-numbers, rise and fall of bangai-fudasho (extra pilgrimage places) and so forth. Even during these transformations Shima-shikoku have tended to copy Hon-shikoku in that the former have adopted the sekisho (spritual barrier to sinners) found in the latter at an earler time.

著者

西原 純 齋藤 寛

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.109-130, 2002-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

136

被引用文献数

2

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With the restructuring of the Japanese economy during the 1980s, many large enterprises were obliged to downsize or shut down mines and industrial plants. In this paper, we explore the closure of the Takashima coal mine in 1986 by its owner Mitsubishi, one of Japan's largest corporations, as a typical example of industrial decline in one of Japan's peripheral regions. This coal mine had been operating on the small island of Takashima for 118 years. In particular, the authors examine the difficulties experienced by redundant workers in different hierarchically-defined classes in reacting to the closure and the need to reorganize their lives.The results of the research are as follows:(1) During the mining era, there existed a three-tiered social structure, organized by Mitsubishi's mining company, consisting of three differentiated classes of workers: the managerial staff, Mitsubishi's own miners, and miners working for subcontractors. The workers in each class had quite different backgrounds, particularly with regard to educational attainment and occupational skill.(2) When the mine closed, the managerial staff were not retrenched, but instead were relocated from Takashima island to other establishments owned by Mitsubishi. All of the miners, however, whether employed by Mitsubishi or by subcontractors, lost their jobs, and had to seek new jobs and new lives outside of Takashima island.(3) In comparison with workers made redundant by other restructuring industries, such as steel and shipbuilding, Mitsubishi's former miners received a great deal of economic support from both the government and the company. Miners previously employed by subcontractors received little help, however, from their former employers.(4) Former miners, whether previously employed by Mitsubishi or by one of its subcontractors, experienced much greater difficulty in finding new jobs than workers made redundant by other industries. There were also big differences between former Mitsubishi miners and those previously employed by subcontractors in terms of the locations where new jobs were found, the size of their new employers and the salaries they received.(5) During the six months following the closure, out-migration was highly selective: those most likely to leave Takashima island were people of comparatively high social status, such as managerial staff, Mitsubishi's former miners, and younger heads of households. Since then, the municipality of Takashima has failed to revitalize its local economy and has suffered from severe depopulation and a rapid ageing of the community.(6) Miners made redundant by the closure of other Japanese coal mines in the 1980s experienced similar difficulties to those experienced by Takashima's miners in finding new jobs and rebuilding their lives, reflecting the common characteristics of miners everywhere.

著者

杉浦 直

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.5, pp.415-438, 1991-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

1 3

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One of the important problems in social geography is to examine the relationship between the spaces defined by institutional bases and real life spaces of people, in other words, between so-called formal regions and substantive regions. An institutional space, such as an administrative area, does not usually remain as a pure formal region, but grows to a territory with some actual involvement of people. If the institutional framework were abolished, for example, the substantive framework of regions would not likely disintegrate immediately, but would persist for a certain period of time. In Japan the division of feudal clan territories had long been fixed in the Edo Period, but it was almost entirely replaced by a new prefectural system after the Meiji Revolution. This paper attempts to examine to what degree a former clan boundary has influenced the affiliations and organizations of people and how the actual integration has proceeded since the institutional framework of feudal territory dissapeared, through a case study of a region comprised of the Oniyanagi and Aisari Districts, northeastern Japan, where a former clan boundary divided these two districts.The Oniyanagi and Aisari Districts now belong to the same incorporated municipal unit, Kitakami, Iwate Prefecture, but in the Edo Period the former belonged to the territory of the Morioka Clan (Nanbu Territory) and the latter was a part of the Sendai Clan (Date Territorry). In this study the four aspects of spatial organizations, i. e. 1) administrative areas, 2) social and cultural spaces, 3) economic spaces, and, 4) communal life spaces, and their changes from the beginning of the Meiji Period to the present are examined with special attention to the separation and integration of the above two districts, through an intensive field research. And we consider, through this research, the territoriality of a region where its institutional framework has been drastically changed.According to our research it is shown that each community of the two districts has had its own cohesiveness, to varying degrees, in each aspect of the spatial organizations through the history of the modern era (after the Meiji Revolution) of Japan. In other words the two districts discussed here have continued to show a strong feeling of territoriality even after the former feudal boundary was abolished. However, it is also true that integration of the two districts in administration as well as in educational activities were tried several times repeatedly, and cooperation and intercommunication in social and cultural lives were also often attempted, especially in recent times after Kitakami was established as a city in 1954. Namely, the opposing forces toward separation as well as integration have operated among these former border areas, and the relationship between these forces has created the essential character of the history in this region.Although it is not easy to indicate the exact factors which cause the above-mentioned phenomena, we can suggest some general notions. First, as for the conditions which have supported the separation and independence of each district, the following information can be summed up; 1) cultural differences and perception gap caused by a continuing barrier function of the former clan boundary, 2) differences in agricultural practices and irrigation systems which are closely related to the physical conditions of each district, and, 3) social secession which would be fed back to further separation in social organizations. Second, the backgrounds for the movements toward integration can be summarized by indicating following three factors; 1) geographical conditions, especially the lack of evident physical dividing lines at the border area, 2) enlargement of economic regions, especially the growing urbanization of Kitakami, and, 3) political situations, especially the formation of large administrative units such as Iwate Prefecture or the city of Kitakami.