著者

長谷川 達也

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.5, pp.465-480, 1997-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

50

被引用文献数

1 3

著者

石川 菜央

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.6, pp.514-527, 2009 (Released:2018-01-10)

参考文献数

13

被引用文献数

2 2

---

This paper has two purposes. One is to identify the features of Japanese bullfighting, which originated as an amusement during agricultural off-seasons, and has continued to exist as a traditional event up to the present time. The other is to show the significance and characteristics of Japanese bullfighting as compared to foreign, especially Spanish, bullfighting.The main factors that tend to support the tradition vary by district, for example, as a tourist event, as an appreciation of a traditional event, and as a local amusement. However, there is one overriding common factor. It is the social relationships among the actors engaged in bullfighting that keep it alive. Bull owners get acquainted and become familiar with each other through trading bulls. Bull owners and facilitators are tied together through a deep confidential relationship. Bull owners, their families, and neighbors strengthen the ties among them through cheering on their bulls together.Bulls in Spanish bullfighting symbolize nature. There, bulls are regarded as an enemy of humans. Compared with this, bulls in Japanese bullfighting symbolize humans. A strong bull symbolizes its owner’s power. A battle between bulls is like that between people. Therefore, people and bulls make up a team and fight together. Japanese bullfighting has a characteristic that the Spanish version does not have, which is a social relationship between people centered on their bulls. Networks of bullfighting actors are increasingly becoming widespread across the country. Such a social relationship created through bullfighting is called ushi-en.

著者

香川 貴志 古賀 慎二 根田 克彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.6, pp.497-520, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

1 1

---

Already more than 30 years have passed since the IGC was held in Tokyo. In that time, Japan’s cities have gone through major transformations, but that is in large part due to having experienced the appreciation of land values during the bubble economy of the late 1980s. In urban cores during the bubble, land rushes drove prices to appreciate, and that spilled over into the suburbs as well. The supply of residences in suburbs grew, and this facilitated the expansion of business and commercial functions into the suburbs. However, the drop in and stabilisation of land prices following the collapse of the bubble prompted the supply of tower-type condominiums in the surrounding areas of CBDs and also had a tremendous impact on the expansion of business function and retail sites. This paper tackles what urban geography involves and what it explains about environmental changes in urban areas of Japan. After the collapse of the bubble, people were impacted on a global scale by synchronised terrorist attacks, the Lehman Shock and other events. The various activities of people living and working in cities often became the focus of urban geographical studies, and that continues to this day. This paper sheds light on that trend in Japan’s geography circles.

著者

青木 隆浩

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.5, pp.425-446, 2000-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

1

---

The aim of this paper is to examine how the association of sake brewers ("syuzo-kumiai") was organized and expanded in modern Saitama. The trade association was an organization principally involved in the production and sale of sake. Research related to this field in Japan has focused on, first, how trade associations were established, although a cartel was banned by the Government at the beginning of modern era; second, why they increased in number; and, third, what were their main functions?A new entry into a cartel had been prohibited by the Shogunate until the end of the Edo era. The liberalization of business brought about a sudden increase in the number of sake brewers. Small newly-established sake brewers often attempted to evade liquor tax and to ensure bargain sales which caused confusion in the market. Meanwhile, large and medium-sized sake brewers organized the association of sake brewers ("syuzo-kumiai") in 1875 to stabilize the market and restore order. However, the association of sake brewers did not perform well in Saitama Prefecture.The association grew into a nationwide organization to oppose a proposed tax increase in the 1880s. Although the campaign was initially supported by the opposition parties "Jiyu-to" and "Kaisin-to", the former agreed to the necessity of a tax increase in 1896. As a result, the liquor tax was increased substantially in 1898, 1900, and 1902, respectively. The association of sake brewers ("syuzo-kumiai") was obliged to halt its campaign since it had lost its raison d'être.The price rise due to the tax increase reduced the demand for sake and resulted in strong competition within the industry. The sake brewers thus had to improve quality to overcome competition. Some members of the association of sake brewers established a brewing research laboratory, and held annual meetings to evaluate the quality of sake. The sake brewers who assiduously improved quality differed from those who had objected to the tax increase. The aims and achievements of each member of the association of sake brewers thus became quite diverse.

著者

藤森 勉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.4, pp.302-325,378, 1960-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1 1

---

Tamano City of Okayama Prefecture, as a case of studies in industrial area, is treated here. The city is a mono-industrial city centering at Mitsui ship-building yard and grew up through it. To begin with, it unexpectedly began to show germination of growth as a local city since Mitsui ship-building yard was established in March of Taisho 8 (1919); though habitants of this area had been engaged in farming and fishing, by that time, by using limited plain and its back hilly land of granite on the Inland Sea of Seto. Main factor in the location of ship-building yard seems to have been various economic conditions that based on the policy of management in Mitsui Capital, and the natural and cultural conditions in this region. After that, in accordance with the changes of international and internal economic situation, prosperity and decay in turn had successively occurred according to the growth of ship-building. These situations also were related directly to the growth of Tamano city. Peculiarities of production structure that ship-building had in itself, soon became to reflect on Tamano mono-industrial city just as it was. Houses of workers were built up, and having these dwelling houses as their object, some shopping streets were formed, for many work-men were gathered around the village which was once out-of-the-way. And then, road-repairing and road-project were so smoothly and rapidly performed that the land features were in comparatively a short time changed village into town, town into city. With the progress of settlement, a bigger change was seen on the interior structure. Among the present population of 60, 000, for instance, ten per cents of the population are exployed in this ship-building yard. Bearing this fact in mind, you can easily understand that this city forms a close relation with ship-building business.If you consider the relations of all the kinds of correlated and subcontract industries and temporary workers and out-side workers characteristic in ship-bluilding, this relations will be more emphaticaly recongized. Prosperity and depression of ship-building business immediately mean those of Tamano city itself. Well, in the case of such mono-industrial city, there are also many faults exist for its too much acute reliance on ship-building: for good examples, the growth of correlated industries is stagnant, and the classification of labor structure in the ship-building makes its appearance in the order of civic social life as it is etc. In Japan, it is not too much to say that most of the local industrial cities have more or less similar phenomena. The author considers that these kinds of studies have to be made more actively, for the regional structure in Japanese industry must be more widely understood.

著者

山根 拓

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.23-44, 1989-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

61

被引用文献数

1

---

Modern newspapers, introduced into Japan in the 1870's, have diffused as one of the modern cultural elements throughout the country. From the human geographical aspect of modern newspapers, some geographers have remarked on the interaction between the newspaper system of publication places and circulation areas, and the central place system (Dickinson, R. E., 1947; Blotevogel, H. H., 1984 etc.). On the supposition that their ideas are also valid in the Japanese case, we can clarify the reformation process of modern spatial organization in Japan using the newspaper business as an indicator. This paper is composed of two sections. In the first section, the locational development process of newspaper publication is analyzed by comparison with the development process of the Japanese urban system. We examine the changing process of newspaper circulation spatial structure in the second section. In this case, our attention is directed to the core-periphery problem in newspaper circulation.The following results were obtained in this inquiry:First, we can find that there was a downward diffusional process of newspaper companies from the prefectural seats to the local centers. The concentration of political and economic functions and population had caused the prior location of newspaper companies in the prefectural seats. Until the 1930's, the number of newspapers had increased and publication places had diffused to the lower ranking centers. However, the distributional pattern wasn't uniform. Newspaper publication was concentrated in the Tokaido and Sanyodo regions, Nagano Prefecture, and Niigata Prefecture. On the prefectural scale, most of the newspapers were published at the prefectural seats. On a national scale, the capital of Japan, Tokyo, was the largest center of newspaper concentration. These situations at prefectural and national scales are explained by the importance of political functions concerning the location of newspapers. On the other hand, local community papers developed in some regions, for example in Nagano Prefecture. These contributed to the diffusion of newspapers in the lowest-class regions. However, in the 1940's many companies were integrated at the prefectural level under a national policy. So, the prefectural seats formed a monopoly of newspaper publication within each prefecture.Second, there are some findings as to the sales wars between metropolitan newspapers and local papers in the regional markets. The metropolitan newspapers were established in Osaka or Tokyo and expanded their substantial circulation area to peripheral regions with the times. The share of metropolitan papers had been relatively high in regional markets at the time when newspapers were first introduced into Japan. However, the growth of local papers supported by local political parties gave the dominant position to the local papers in many prefectures. Some metropolitan papers had been circulated at provincial or sub-national scale since the 1890's. The frontiers of metropolitan papers advanced along the railway routes extending from Tokyo toward peripheral regions. But the share of these papers was dominant merely in the neighborhood area of publication place. From 1900 to the 1910's, these papers gained the priorities of market share in the Kanto Region or Kinki Region. It was in about 1940 that the national newspapers appeared with regard to their share in the regional markets. The formation of“national newspapers”implies the cultural centralization of Japan. However in the national newspaper integration process, “provincial”papers, which had priority of share in the provincial regions beyond their prefecture of publication, had grown in two regional metropolitan cities: Nagoya and Fukuoka. Nagoya and Fukuoka became secondary centers of newspaper publication. The provincial papers formed cultural subregions in the modern spatial organization process.

著者

上杉 和央

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.6, pp.532-553, 2003-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

104

---

The circulation of knowledge is made through the complex interrelationship between invention and reception in various contexts. In the study of geographical knowledge in the Edo era in Japan, however, while there has been a great deal of research into its creation, we are unable to sufficiently understand the process of receiving and developing geographical knowledge.The focus of this paper is on Norinaga Motoori (1730-1801), who was one of the most famous scholars of ancient Japanese thought and culture in the Edo era, and an analysis is given of how he received and developed his geographical knowledge in his youth.First, it is necessary to understand the context of his reception of geographical information in his youth. Two important factors are indicated in the second section: the economic and cultural context of Matsusaka where he lived, and the environment of his primary education.The geographical materials provided by Norinaga in his youth are surveyed in the third section. Norinaga left eight books about geography, and six of these are clearly dated. It has been already noticed that other published books of his time have been influenced by the style and content of these, except for "Dainihon-tenka-shikai-gazu", which will be explored later. We will also discover how books about Kyoto were important for Norinaga.He wrote a great many documents besides geographical ones. According to all of them, he broadened his interests from the writings of Ekiken Kaibara (who was one of the most popular scholars at that time), Buddhism, pedigree of the Imperial Court, to Japanese poetry and tales. It is not difficult to imply that these interests shaped and were shaped by Norinaga's georaphical interests. We can confirm these relationships based on the dating of these materials.In the fourth sedtion, I discuss the experiences from his trips. He traveled six times before he was 23 years old, and, among these, the trips to Kyoto and Edo were very important experiences for him when he was 16 years old. He began to write papers and draw maps about Kyoto just after the trip to Kyoto, which was the first full-scale trip for him. Although it was only one month between his return from Kyoto and the departure for Edo, he also sketched the topography of his hometown, "Matusaka-syoran", during that month. he was able to do this because of his experience of other places outside of Matsusaka. On the other hand, after he returned from Edo one year later, he wrote nothing about Edo. Instead, he started to create a map of japan, "Dainihon-tenka-shikai-gazu".Upon closer scrutiny in the fifth section, it becomes clear that "Dainihon-tenka-shikai-gazu" was also made under the influence of various published maps about Japan, especially the most popular map, "Ryusenzu". We can understand that he knew, the 'shape' of Japan with a high degree of accuracy and that he wanted to draw the right map of Japan by combining various maps. This is in contrast to places outsede of Japan, such as Gando and Rasetshukoku, which were rendered inaccurately. We can understand that Norinaga was interested in Japan itself.There are over 3000 place-names in the map, and much of this information was taken out of a road map published in 1744. We can also find that some place-names were cited from other maps or books, such as names around Kyoto, Ise, and Mt. Fuji. In addition, he had experiences of going to these places. Some information, suh as distances, is emphasized in it, while other information regarding places of scenic or cultural interest is absent. This shows clearly that his travel experiences also influenced his cartographic work. He seems to have made this map with the intention of providing practical and logistical information. These motives reveal the other name of the map, "Dainihon-ooezu-koteiki".

著者

中西 僚太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.317-341, 1990-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

被引用文献数

1 1

---

The typical small-scale farm management in Japan originated from the introduction of an intensive agricultural system in the 17th century by Kenchi. This system, however, was corrupted in the 19th century, and landlords with large arable estates and servants appeared. Although these landlords cultivated parts of their land at first, they gradually turned most cultivation over to the hands of sharecroppers in the 20th century.Many studies have been made about landlords in geography and other fields, because the landlords constituted an important class in Japanese agricultural society before World War II. These studies, however, mainly focused on large landlords who owned more than 10ha. Few studies have investigated smaller landlords who were also cultivators even in the 20th century. The class of these small landlords, which included many agricultural leaders called tokunou, played a very important part in Japanese agriculture and agricultral society from 1900 to 1960.This paper aims to identify the characteristics of farm management of the small landlord through farm size and labor organization from the late Meiji Era (1910) to the early Showa Era (the 1930s). The case farmer of this study is the Nakajima family in Awano in Yachiyo village, Ibaraki Prefecture.Nakajima was a large farmer who cultivated 2.8ha of land and rented a small land in the late Meiji Era (1910). After the middle Taisho Era (1920s), the land cultivated by the Nakajima family decreased to 1.5ha in 1929. Although it increased to 2ha in1935, it decreased again to 1.4ha during World War II.The change of land cultivated by Nakajima family was closely related to agricultural labor composition. In the late Meiji Era, the second daughter of Nakajima, who was older than the first son, married and her husband was received into the family. As a result, the Nakajima family formed a composite family with Nakajima, his first son, his second daughter and their spouses and children. They cultivated 2.8ha of land exclusively by family labor. However, the family became smaller in 1916, when the family of the second daughter moved out and started a branch family and their parent died. As the number of family workers decreased, the Nakajima family employed some servants in order to cultivate a large area. However, the rise of wages forced them to decrease the area of cultivated land during the 1920s. The land abandoned by the Nakajima family was rented to branch families, and Nakajima became the landlord of branch families. In the early Showa Era (the 1930s) family workers of the Nakajima family increased in number, because children had grown up. As a result, the Nakajima family could enlarge the cultivated land to some extent for such prosects as sericulture. However, the area of cultivated land of the Nakajima family did not reach the level of that in the Meiji Era because of the labor shortage. The family did not grow as before and laborers were difficult to hire from branch families.

著者

本岡 拓哉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.633-648, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

47

被引用文献数

1 1

---

The Hanshin-Awaji Great Earthquake (17 January 1995) caused a lot of damage to Kobe's housing stock (mainly wooden rental houses, for example, wooden apartments and row houses), especially in the inner city area. Against the background of providing a safety net for many people who lost their homes, Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture provided about 26, 000 recovery public housing units. In this paper, the author aims to clarify the locational process and the background of the Hanshin-Awaji Great Earthquake Recovery Public Housing (HAERPH) project provided in Kobe City. In particular, the author focuses on how Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture were able to supply HAERPH in the built-up area according to the needs of the victims.There are three methods of supplying HAERPH. The first is direct supply by local government, in this case Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture. The second is based on local government supplying public housing which is leased from the Urban Development Corporation (UDC). The last method is that local government supplies public housing which is leased from the private sector and which is made possible by the Public Housing Act revision of 1996. This paper shows that each method succeeded in supplying HAERPH in the built-up areas in different ways.Direct supply by the local government, particularly in Kobe City, was applied by using existing techniques of site acquisition of new construction areas, of rebuilding public housing, and of coordinating housing supply together with the urban redevelopment project.The UDC launched its own project team for site acquisition for housing, and coordinated it with Kobe City and the Kobe City housing supply corporations. They were able to provide some housing in the inner city. Kobe City and Hyogo Prefecture leased some of these houses from the UDC.All private houses leased by Kobe City are located in the built-up area. This is because Kobe City had set particular leasing standards towards private owners. These particular standards state that those private houses should be located near a train station in the built-up areas, especially in the west central area.

著者

内田 秀雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.5-6, pp.330-344,444, 1959-01-31 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

1 1

---

As religion is so deeply rooted in the nature of man, people of a faith usually share a common consciousness. Thus religion may be viewed as a cultural pattern. Our attempt here is to map the distribution of the ‘Shinshu’ Sect, the Buddhist sect which has the largest number of adherents in this country and is, in its doctrine, somewhat like the Protestantism in Christianity. Churches of the sect will be used as an index to draw the map.The ‘Shinshu’ sect is, we shall find, a very widely distributed sect, but it finds its followers mainly in such districts as Kinki, Tokai, Hokuriku, Tohoku (especially those provinces of the district neighboring Hokuriku), and the western provinces of Chugoku. In these districts with fertile plains and an advanced civilization, the sect has found most of its adherents among rice-field cultivators. Because of their elements of magic and mysticism, older Buddhist sects such as the ‘Shingon’ sect are mostly distributed among remote mountainous regions. The ‘Shinshu’ sect, on the other hand, has prospered in the plains and other places where people live and work, for from the beginning it asserted ordinary people and their living as such.Many of the villages where its adherents are concentrated were once visited by Shinran, the founder of the sect. They are also notable snow regions of this country. This suggests that there is some connection among those facts. It is also interesting to note that the ‘Shinshu’ sect has prospered rather poorly at Inada region in the Kanto district, the birthplace of the sect, just as Christianity is not widely accepted in Palestine regions.

著者

片上 広子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.6, pp.603-617, 1993-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

2 2

著者

青木 英一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.5, pp.447-466, 2000-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

1 1

---

This research examines how electronics producers locate their factories in Japan as well as the production linkages of each factory. The company that the research uses as an example is Sony. In Japan, production sites for electronics products expanded and spread outside of the traditional industrial belts of Kei-Hin (Tokyo-Yokohama) and Han-Shin (Osaka-Kobe) from the beginning of the period of high economic growth. Electronics manufacturers tried to disperse factory locations but different locational approaches were undertaken by each company. Sony created an independent subsidiary of each factory, while Matsushita Denki, Hitachi, etc., had many of their factories under their direct control. In addition, Sony does not necessarily have many factories in the neighborhood of its head office, while Matsushita Denki, Hitachi, etc., have concentrated their operations near the head office.Sony was founded in 1946 and moved its factory to Shinagawa ward, Tokyo, in 1947. Sony then built a factory in Miyagi prefecture to make magnetic tape recorder heads in 1954, a factory in Kanagawa prefecture to make transistors in 1960, and two factories in Aichi prefecture to make televisions and cathode-ray tubes in 1969 and 1970. From 1971, it created subsidiaries in various locations around the country, while making independent subsidiaries out of many of the factories built up to 1970. The factories in Shinagawa ward and Kanagawa Prefecture (the factory in Miyagi Prefecture as well in 1992) were brought under Sony's direct control as research and development centers. Sony's factories were thus made subsidiaries in locations spread nationwide.The reasons why Sony dispersed its factories are, first, because it implemented a principle of production near consumption, and, second, because it wanted to avoid a total production stoppage if a natural disaster affected any single location. The main rationale for Sony creating subsidiaries of each factory is that it wanted to increase the competitiveness of its factories.Sony subcontracts the production of parts and finished goods to subsidiaries and Sony itself undertakes the control of subsidiaries and the development of products. Each subsidiary individually sells parts and finished goods to the outside in addition to Sony. Parts and materials brought in by each subsidiary are procured from various parts of Japan as well as from Asian countries. The simple assembly of products is sometimes subcontracted to companies outside which are not necessarily located in the neighborhood. In fact, there are virtually no factories which have a production linkage with a subsidiary located in the same city or town. The regional scope of Sony's production linkage is broad. However, employment in Sony's subsidiaries is localized. The subsidiary hires people in the neighborhood for jobs such as design and engineering, in addition to production.Traditionally, Sony's subsidiaries were deployed by building a factory in the founder's home town, or through an invitation from a city or town to set up a plant. In this context, each subsidiary, once established, makes much of its interactions with the community, such as supporting the community's economic development, accepting factory tours, participation in town festivals, making its grounds available for sports events, community cleaning activities, etc.In conclusion, Sony has subsidiaries in broadly scattered locations, with each factory having limited production linkages within the community, but makes much of its human interactions with that community.

著者

古田 悦造

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.5, pp.408-426, 1990-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

76

被引用文献数

1 1

---

In Omi province, fish manure had been brought into use for the maintenance of soils since the early Edo period, and the kind of fish manure changed from sardine, to herring in the middle of the 18th century. This paper tries to investigate factors bringing about that change by focussing on the relationship between the production, distribution and consumption of fish manure. In other words, an attempt is made to clarify the regional structure of the nodal system connecting the fishing regions with the agricultural regions through the distribution of fish manure.The main results of this paper are summarized as follows:1) In agricultural regions in Omi province, dominant use of fish manure since the early Edo period was caused by the decrease of grass manure based upon the exploitation of new plowlands. Furthermore, the kind of fish manure changed from sardine to herring in the middle of the 18th century. This conversion was due to both the changes of economic conditions in the production regions of the fish manure and the introduction of new fishing manure in agricultural regions in Kanto district.2) Rapid exploitation of plowlands in Kanto district in the 18th century required great amounts of fish manure. Therefore, the quantity of the fish manure which was transported from Kanto to Kansai greatly decreased, and the fish manure for use in Omi province was transported from the remote Ezo area where the production of herring manure was dominant. In Omi province, fish manure was transported via Osaka-port or Yokkaichi-port in Ise province, from Kanto till the middle of the 18th century, and after that period through Tsuruga-port in Wakasa province from the Ezo area.3) Many wholesellers of fish manure were located in the southeast district in Omi province. This was because a large amount of fish manure was widely used in the southeast where tea production prevailed due to geographical conditions, i. e., moderate humidity, slope and height. Tea produced there was consumed in Hokuriku district.

著者

金子 直樹

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.311-330, 1997-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

110

被引用文献数

1

---

This study aims to clarify the spatial structure of the “Mt. Iwaki belief” in the Tsugaru district of Aomori Prefecture. During the Edo period Mt. Iwaki belief was encouraged by the Tsugaru-han, the local authority in the district, who supported Hyakutakuji temple on Mt. Iwaki in order to further their political control. The han authorities also accepted the local Tango-Biyori legend which suggested that whenever people from the Tango region of Kyoto prefecture entered Tsugaru the wrath of Mt. Iwaki was incurred and stormy weather would result. In times of bad weather, therefore, the people of Tsugaru would hunt down anyone hailing from Tango. Given the tacit encouragement of the authorities, it is fair to suggest that the sphere of Mt. Iwaki belief covered the same area as the territory of Tsugaru-han.This said, it should also be pointed out that neither the han authorities, nor Hyakutakuji temple, had direct control over Mt. Iwaki belief. Thus, Oyama-Sankei, one of the central features of Mt. Iwaki belief, was never controlled by any particular religious organization. Oyama-Sankei was a coming-of-age initiation ceremony held on the lunar equivalent of August 1st. The age at which initiants took part, however, varied among the different villages of Tsugaru. In the 15 kilometer zone surrounding Mt. Iwaki, initiation took place during young childhood. Further away, in the 15-30 kilometer zone, initiation was at a slightly older age, and in the furthest zone, 30-70 kilometers away, initiation was delayed until adolescence. In this outer zone it was also the case that other mountains were used as a substitute for Mt. Iwaki.There was no clearly defined route for pilgrims observing Oyama-Sankei, and a number of ways up Mt. Iwaki were utilized. Four routes stand out in particular, passing through Hyakusawa-guchi (at the south-east foot of the mountain), Nagadai-guchi (north-west), Dake-guchi (south-west), and Oishi-guchi (north-east). The former two were used by locals as well as those from further afield, and the latter two mostly by locals. Thus, the spatial structure of Mt. Iwaki belief can be considered from the point of view of age of worshippers at the time of initiation, the route used for pilgrimage, and the location of substitute mountains.

著者

織田 武雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.5, pp.433-455, 1984-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

139

被引用文献数

4 4

著者

佐藤 英人

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.353-368, 2001-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

68

被引用文献数

2 2

---

In recent years, the understanding of the processes of the suburbanization of office location has long been a major foci of discussion in urban geography. However, few studies have analyzed why large, high status office buildings have developed in the metropolitan suburbs.The purpose of this study is to investigate the supply and management of large office buildings in the Tokyo metropolitan suburbs. The analysis is based on a questionnaire survey of tenant offices in Omiya Sonic City, one of the earliest large office buildings in the suburbs.The paper can be summarized as follows:Office workers and office space stocks have steadily increased since 1990 in suburban core cities. However, there are regional differences in the temporal fluctuation of the rental ratio of office space. In particular, there has been a tendency for an improvement in the rental ratio of office space following the prominence of the bubble economy in Omiya city, one of the suburban core cities.Omiya Sonic City is a 'smart-building', which was developed by a joint enterprise of private office developers and the public sector. As this building has attracted many tenants, the rental ratio has kept to a high average since it opened in 1988. The building maintains this high rental ratio by attracting many branch offices of headquarters located in central Tokyo. These branch offices have played an important role in the regional business base of the northern Tokyo metropolitan region.The reasons why these tenant offices rent their spaces in this building are not only due to its good location and easy access to both the northern region and central business district in the Tokyo metropolitan region, but also to the fact that Omiya Sonic City is the highest status building in the suburbs.As the building's owners invited many tenant offices, they surveyed office market trends in suburban areas in detail. Based on this survey, they decided to invite branch offices of headquarters located mainly in central Tokyo. As a result, Omiya Sonic City succeeded in inviting many superior tenant offices.Recent studies have already pointed out that various 'back offices' carrying programmed works using telecommunications have moved from downtown to the suburbs because they do not need face-to-face contact in downtown. However, this study shows that the suburbanization of office locations is caused not by decentralized back-offices but by new suburban branch office locations.To comprehend the processes of the suburbanization of office location in more detail, future studies must consider examples of large office buildings at other suburban core cities.

著者

山口 平四郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.5, pp.467-494, 1971-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

89

---

Transportation is one of spectacular phenomena on the earth surface. Such being the case, it is uncommon to pass without saying anything about it at geographical study of various regions. Particularly in our country, specialists in transportation geography are few and even less methodological works in this line had been published. Therefore, it may be necessary for us to treat the true nature of transpotation geography and examine it from a pure theoretical standpoint. I have tried to throw light upon this theme in making comparative study among several methodologies of representative experts such as Kohl, Ratzel, Vidal de la Blache, Hassert and Hettner.J.G. Kohl is known as the founder of transportation geography for his famous lifework which was published at Dresden in 1841. He had for the first time systematically grasped the regional features of the transport phenomenon as a whole, in conformity with its correlation to the physical environment, and then followed up his study on the mutual location between the transport route and the settlement, believing that these two factors make up both sides of the shield in human life. Having scrutinized every environmental conditions in transportation, he came to express with confidence, already about 80 years before the airplane invention, that the most favourable transport route would find itself in the high layer of the atmosphere in the future. It is his unique process to treat deductively the theoretical location and formation of routenets and settlements, with exemplification of a lot of geometrical figures.Friedrich Ratzel took the transportation for a sort of “historical movement” which is the fundamental conception of his geographical thought, and looked with special attention at the correlation between the ever moving human being and the fixed earth. He also pointed out the existence of the “geographical restriction” from the fact that a steady continuity of the routes' location is taken notice of there, in spite of the everlasting development of the transportation efficiency and means. Furthermore he looked on the transportation as “a conqueror of distance”; so his principal concern had been focussed to confirm how the transportation time was shortened at a certain space in examining the effect of the technical transport improvements.It is well-known fact that Ratzel's theory had not been met with warm acceptance in Germany and English-speaking countries, yet it was a little bit another story in France.P. Vidal de la Blache, leader of French school of geography, together with many other historians and sociologists, started to criticize Ratzelian thoughts, and in such process the standpoint of geographic possibilism against the Ratzelian determinism is said to have been built up; peculiarity of Vidal's method is its historico-geographical comprehension of the transport. He noticed that many Eurasian folded mountains would not to be overcome without utilizing of the vital transport spots: “gates”, as ancient geographers termed them, and such recognition got him to hit upon the “principle of continuity”. In addition, he took up the origin of transport animals and vehicles in various lands all over the world, and then the functional correlation between railways and modern roads.K. Hassert was Ratzel's disciple. His method was influenced by his master on the one hand, but at the same time he paid particular attention to the theories of national economists on the other hand. In his two-volumes lifework, a comprehensive survey of past transportation geographical researches, there are found detailed explanations of the transport on roads, railways, inland water ways and ocean routes in various regions on all over the earth surface in close touch with each environmental conditions and regional characteristics.

著者

戸所 隆

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.3, pp.193-213, 1979-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

2 1

---

Japanese cities have mainly expanded their urban areas horizontally. In recent years, however, drastic vertical integration has occurred through the construction of multistoried buildings, particularly in CBD. In large cities the increase of offices and motor cars has aggravated managerial circumstances of retail in CBD. As a result, underground shopping streets have been constructed as a type of vertical differentiation of urban functions. Connected with the basement of multistoried buildings, they have created new space for retail in CBD.The author investigated underground shopping streets in Nagoya. The main results are summarized as follows:(1) Underground shopping streets in Nagoya were constructed at the traffic junctions namely “Sakae” and “Nagoya-ekimae” (the front area of Nagoya Station), below public roads, simultaneously with the construction of subways. They were connected with the subway stations. This has provided many people with easy access to underground shopping streets, showing rapid development after 1957.(2) The Process of development on underground shopping streets In the first place a group of shops were located along the underground pedestrian passageways which connect subway stations and other means of transport. Then shopping promenades interconnected these areas and the basements of adjacent multistoried buildings. This resulted in the increase of underground space for retail. A further step was taken after 1969. The extension of underground shopping streets was run on such a large scale as over 10, 000 square meters and was linked to the existing underground shopping streets. Thus the enlarged underground shopping streets came to be the central shopping areas of the city.(3) According to the categories of business they contain, underground shopping streets can be classified into two types: one containing many restaurants, coffeehouses and food stores with a choice variety, the other containing many specialty shops dealing in clothes. The underground shopping streets below the front area of Nagoya Station belong to the former type. Those at Sakae district belong to the latter; Sakae has a long prosperous history as a central shopping center of the city.(4) There are many chain stores among shops on underground shopping streets. As their head offices are located in Tokyo, their window decoration and their line of commodities have lost regional characteristics peculiar to Nagoya. This has promoted among people of the city an inclination to the center-oriented fashion and culture.(5) Floor space of a shop on underground shopping streets is rather small compared to that of a shop on ground shopping streets. Because of the favorable location, the rents are very high. Shops on underground shopping streets thus specialize highly in the assortment of goods to attract young customers. Under these circumstances the underground shopping streets cannot raise their importance as central figures in retail of the city without maintaining a strong interdependence with neighboring department stores that aim at a large custom with a rich assortment of goods.(6) There are many branch stores on underground shopping streets and very few shops are run by proprietor in person. Thus underground shopping streets constitute a community of employees. Besides they are doing business with young people as regular customers, there are many young employees accordingly. The underground shopping streets with these young employees thus form a community of tradespeople functioning under the control of their head offices. It affords contrast against the community of merchants heretofore in general in Japan.(7) One of the reasons why underground shopping streets have developed in CBD of large cities in Japan is that there are many people availing themselves of public mass transport and that underground shopping streets have been constructed at its junctions.

著者

溝尾 良隆 菅原 由美子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.300-315, 2000-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

32

被引用文献数

6 4

---

The purpose of this paper is to clarify how and why the conservation of Kurazukuri buildings increased the number of tourists and re-vitalized a shopping street in Kawagoe City, Saitama Prefecture.Kawagoe City is located about 30 Kilometers from the central part of Tokyo with a population in 1998 of 324, 879. Ichibangai Street was planned as an area for craftsmen and merchants about 300 years ago. Since then, Ichibangai Street continued to be the center of commerce in Kawagoe City. However, the center of commerce in Kawagoe moved to the south of the city in the early 1960s. This is mainly because Japanese National Railways and three private railways built terminals there, and supermarkets and department stores moved to or were newly-opened nearby. As a consequence, commercial activities in Ichibangai Street declined.Fortunately, a lot of Kurazukuri style warehouses, houses, and stores with their invaluable historical heritage remained as the original buildings. These buildings were constructed to make them fire-proof structures after the great fire of 1893. Following the advice of external architects, the local administration and the inhabitants have become deeply committed to the conservation of these buildings.The local administration took the following steps: 1) providing a subsidy for the restoration of buildings; 2) enforcing landscape regulations; 3) constructing small parks along the street; 4) laying a more attractive pavement; and 5) burying the electric power lines.Inhabitants of Ichibangai Street organized the Kura-No-Kai (Association of Kurazukuri buildings) for the re-vitalization of commerce and conservation of Kurazukuri buildings. One more important action by the inhabitants was to design the Machinami Kihan (Standards for House Conservation) which is applied in the case of house restoration.Today, many tourists visit Ichibangai Street with the number of people visiting Kawagoe amounting to 3.5 million persons per year. Visitors to the Kurazukuri Museum, for example, increased 3.6 times between 1982 and 1997. Tourists make up nearly 100per cent of the customers at shops in Kashiya Yokocho Street and tourists make up at least half of the customers at almost 40per cent of the shops in Ichibangai and Kanetsuki streets. Between 1975 and 1997, almost 60per cent of the shops changed their function, with restaurants and coffee shops for tourists especially increasing in number.A large increase in consumption by tourists has resulted and shops and bustling streets have been re-vitalized. It follows that the inhabitants gained in confidence to conserve the Kurazukuri buildings and to maintain a landscape featuring a row of well-conserved buildings.

著者

中川 正

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.97-115, 1983-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

---

The landscapes of two settlements on the eastern shore of Lake Kasumigaura, Funazu and Tega-Shinden, are markedly different. Funazu is an agglomerated settlement surrounded by paddy fields, whereas Tega-Shinden is a scattered settlement with many ponds for carp-farming as well as paddy fields. Among other things, the difference in religious landscapes is notable. Funazu has facilities and stone momuments pertaining to folk religions, whereas Tega-Shinden has a large Buddhist temple. These differences are probably related to the differences in the Buddhist sect to which each group ascribes. People in Funazu are the followers of Tendaishu (or the Tendai Sect), whereas people in Tega-Shinden are Jodo-Shinshu (or the Jodo-Shin Sect) Buddhists. This study attempts to clarify the characteristics of the two settlements represented by their landscapes and discuss how these differences are related to the denominational difference.The procedure is as follows: First, the origins of the settlements and the changes in house distribution are traced in order to ascertain the background the agglomerated and scattered landscapes (Part 2). Secondly, demographic characteristics are discussed in order to understand the people who have created the landscape (Part 3). Thirdly, the characteristics of economic activities, according to occupational structure and the management of agriculture and fishing will be addressed (Part 4). Fourthly, social organization is described, as it has had a direct influence on the religious landscape (Part 5). Finally, by using the previous findings, an analysis of the data will demonstrate how the characteristics of the settlements reflect the religious factors involved in their formation (Part 6). As a result, the differences in the physical and social characteristics of Funazu and Tega-Shinden, as well as the religious influences on the two settlements, will be evident.Funazu originated in the 17th century, or earlier, and has traditionally had an agglomerated landscape. As the number of households had already reached fifty in the late 17th century, the rate of increase after that was slow. People were relatively conservative in their economic activities and had long maintained an agriculturally-oriented occupational pattern. By the 1960s people began to take on outside jobs other then than agriculture. Nevertheless, the agricultural management centered upon rice production has basically not changed. The Tendaishu temple is not so important to these people because they have some folk-belief organizations which have meetings fairly often. However, their members are limited to housewives or middle-aged men. Thus, these characteristics are influenced by folk beliefs as well as Tendaishu. This is partly due to the fact that Tendaishu incorporates characteristics of folk belief to some extent. Such religious influences in Funazu are fairly weak.The ancestors of the people in Tega-Shinden came from Tonami in Etchu (Toyama Prefecture) at the beginning of the 19th century. It is thought that the scattered landscape in Tega-Shinden was transplanted from Tonami which is famous for its scattered landscape. The people tended to marry young and to have many children. As a result, the population increased rapidly, due in part to their Jodo-Shinshu religion which severly prohibited infanticide. People in Tega-Shinden have worked hard and introduced many new practices and techniques. They have expanded their management of agriculture, fishing, and independent business. There are many reasons for this. Their ancestors had no alternative but to work hard to reclaim wasteland, and many branch families had to find new jobs for their livelihood. Among other things, their hard-working spirit may have been influenced by Jodo-Shinshu's intrinsic charactristics as pointed out by K. Naito, a religious sociologist.