著者

森 正人

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.6, pp.522-535, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1

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This paper aims to track the interlinked trajectories of the production of aesthetic landscape experience and the creation of senses of belonging to Japan during the formation of the modern nation-state of Japan. Particular emphasis was placed on an examination of the monthly tourist magazine Tabi 旅 (official English title is Travel), as tourism is a visual practice that frames vision, and mobilizes and assembles people and nature. The paper elaborates on how the culture of Japaneseness was embodied in the form of national parks and the selection of the New Eight Landscapes of Japan in the late 1920s and the early 1930s, as well as in the quest for the localness witnessed in the 1970s practice of traveling to and around various Sho-Kyoto sites recognized as pretty historic towns. In particular, the article focuses on the intersection of scale, materiality, visuality, and tourism using two periods of time to illustrate how the landscape of nature shaped the racialized homogeneity of Japan. The article clarifies that the national and local geographical scales of are not opposed, but mutual and supplementary. It also addresses how landscapes of nature materiality were used to instill moral and physical discipline, and how photos as a visual assemblage played a significant role in conveying a particular preference for localities featuring nature.

著者

中村 豊

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.6, pp.507-523, 1979-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

66

被引用文献数

2

著者

山神 達也

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.6, pp.509-531, 2001-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

105

被引用文献数

2 1

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Since temporal changes in the spatial distribution of population are closely connected to many other aspects of society, an exact understanding of these changes is essential not only for progress in scientific research but also for applications to public policy, planning and business. It is especially critical that population changes in metropolitan areas be explored carefully, since it is here that such changes generally emerge. Furthermore, it is very important to investigate the changes observed in a given metropolitan area, compared to those found in other areas, because, by doing so, we can distinguish conditions common to many metropolitan areas from those peculiar to individual ones.Based on this perspective, I refer to the problems arising from the use of a dichotomy of dividing a particular metropolitan area into a central city and surrounding suburbs, which is the common method found in previous literature associated with population redistributions in metropolitan areas. Problems arise when such a dichotomy is used; specifically, the location of the central city boundary affects the rate of residents in the central city within an entire metropolitan area, and the aggregation of residents in local municipalities into the suburb as a whole obscures the differences among municipalities. To resolve these issues, this paper uses an urban population-density function model.Although this model is assumed to explain the spatial variation of the density continuously in terms of distance from the city center, it does not have to aggregate the density values of observations (or local municipalities) as building blocks. However, there is a limitation in that the density function assumes a concentric-circle distribution of population, implying that points with the same distance from the city center have exactly the same density. Consequently, the expansion method, developed by E. Casetti, is employed to overcome this drawback.The expansion method enables us to incorporate the contextual effect of the spatial system under consideration. By expanding the distance parameter of the density function by direction from the city center, we can redefine the function so that the distance-decay of the population density varies directionally. As a result, the extent of directional bias of the intra-metropolitan population distribution can be measured quantitatively.The purpose of this article is to analyze and compare the spatio-temporal changes in population distribution within the three largest metropolitan areas in Japan during 1965-95 by the 'expanded' density function model. The Standard Metropolitan Employment Areas (SMEA) advocated by H. Yamada and K. Tokuoka are used here to delineate metropolitan areas. Analyses are carried out in two stages; first, by the traditional Clark model and then by the expanded Clark model.First, by calibrating the ordinary density function model (or Clark model), which does not consider directional differences, average relations between the distance from the city center and the population density are identified. The explanatory power of the Clark model itself, generally speaking, indicates a gradual improvement over time. It is also confirmed that, the larger the population size of the SMEA, the higher the density of the city center. In addition, the density gradient in Tokyo is the most gentle and that in Nagoya and Osaka is almost the same. Furthermore, population decentralization occurred first in Tokyo and Osaka and then in Nagoya. The time lag of this sequence is ten years. Additionally, based on this finding, one limitation of using the dichotomy for the central city and suburbs is demonstrated. The spatial pattern of the residual obtained from the Clark model shows, however, that similar values tend to concentrate in particular sectors, especially in the Tokyo SMEA, suggesting a necessity to alleviate such concentration by improving the traditional Clark model.

著者

佐々木 高明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.6, pp.630-656, 1965-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

102

被引用文献数

1 1

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以上,焼畑農業についての最近の研究の動向とその問題点にふれ,あわせて焼畑の比較地理学への若干の展望を行ってきたが,最近の焼畑農業研究には,大別して二つの方向がみとめられる。その第1はmicro-scopic studyとでもいうべきもので,community或はfamilyのレベルで焼畑農業の経営形態を捉え,その特色を詳しく調査・研究するとともに,その地域の自然条件や文化や社会の構造と焼畑農業組織との関連を精細に追究する方向である。この場合にはとくに,作物栽培技術や輪作形態が詳しく分析され,焼畑の生産性や人口支持力の問題、或は焼畑農業とその社会の変容過程が興味ある問題としてとりあげられている。他方,第2の研究方向は,macro-scopicなもので,焼畑農業の比較研究をめざすものである。ここでは焼畑農業の地域的特色の類型的把握が問題になり,その歴史的・文化生態学的特徴の解明が重要な研究課題になっている。そうして,この場合には,《根栽型焼畑農業》と《雑穀栽培型焼畑農業》の二つの大類型の設定とその特徴の把握が,比較研究上のきわめて有効なメルクマールになるのではないかと考えられるのである。

著者

斎藤 晨二

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.6, pp.521-541,580, 1961-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

32

被引用文献数

1 1

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In China there live some 35, 000, 000 (or 35 million) minor race people. They occupy only 60.6% of the total Chinese population. Yet the total area they occupy is 50% of the land, frontier regeons being included.In the past these minor races were incessantly oppressed by the Chinese (Hans) that have absolute majority in population and predominating economical power. And there were some minor races in the North-Western area that turned their back to China Proper. The minor races that inhabited the South-Eastern mountain range were separted into small groups, driven into the mountains by the Hans that (historically) toward the South, and led a primitive life isolated from the outer world. One can sea Shin-chang as an example of such region. This area was once a Chinese domain. Howevr, it was independent from China except at the times of strong dynasties.At the close of the 19th century when Ching Dynasty grew weaker, they were exposed to Russian influence on the north and British (influence) on the south. And until People's Republic of China was formed, they had been only a nominal domain of China; They independently formed diplomatic and economic connections with Russia, and it was much easier for them to go to Russia than to China Proper. However, there have occurred great changes during recent 10 years. Not only roads but also railways are under construction that connect them with China in many ways. It is somewhat similar to the relation between the Soviet Middle Asia and Russia.Roads and railways are being steadily built in the southeastern mountainous region. As various resources deposited here are developed, the policy is taken to make better the living standard of the races living here. China gives letters to the races that have no letters and propagates the songs that praise Peking by means of their traditional folk songs and folk dances. It is somewhat similar to the relation between the Soviet Polar Regins and Russia.Besides these, Mohammedans are regarded as one nation. This is because, although they speak Chinese, their manners and customes that their religion produced build up a unique social system. The Chinese esteem such uniqueness and activate their traditional activities, while they made an autonomous region on the northwest and are trying to move the Mohammedans living in big cities to this region in order to develop this underdeveloped region. Isn't this similar to Jews' Autonomous Region in the Soviet Union?Now the Chinese do not compulsorily adapt minor races to their way of life, which they used to do in the past. At present they esteem their autonomy. The Chinese need their cooperation in order to make the Chinese domain a strongly unified body, to make the border lines clear that used to be obscure, and to develop the People's Republic of China.Gradwally the social orders of People's China will covre the whole domain.

著者

荒木 俊之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.203-213, 1994-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

8 1

著者

菊地 利夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.3, pp.184-197,280, 1952-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

24

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This study deals with the Shinden developed on the sand-bar at the lower Tone about 350 years ago. The author tried to illustrate the three items as follows, (1) the political-geographical meaning of this Shindien, (2) characteristics of the Shinden developed on the sand-bar of the river influenced by the river (3) the structuce of the village and the process of its disorganization.(1) The Tokugawa Clan permitted the hermits to develop the Shinden on the sand-bar of the lower Tone, the boundary with the territory of the Satake Clan. They were a group of the defeated Samurai (Japanese knights) who had fled to the Tokugawa Clan, losing their lands in the Satake Clan. The Tokugawa Clan made use of them for the match of the boundary, betwen the territory of the clan and that of the Satake Clan. Therefore, the Tokugawa sustained the Jurokushima Shinden when a dispute arose betwen the Tokugawa Clan and the Satake Clan.(2) The Jurokushima Shinden was developed to be fit for the characteristics of the Tone. As the Tone was influenced by the tide, in the rice-field developed on the sand-bar natural irrigation and drainage perfomed in accordance with flow and ebb. At first only the village was surrounded by the bank to provide against the flood but later the Tone overflowed its banks so often that the banks were built around not only the villages but also the arable lands, and water flowed in and out through the sluices.(3) As it was difficult to call for the new settlers, the structure of the village in the Shinden contracted for by the trademen. A hermit owned the arable land for 5 or 6 persons, which was distributed generally among some new settlers. According to this proportions in dividing lands, grass for manure were also allotted. But as the system of owning lands fell in disorder, this proportions came to de disregarded. And, it was poor peasants who required the change of the proprtions in distribution. The more often floods happened, and the more difficult life became, the more eagerly this claim was repeated. Thus, the proportions in distributing lands or daily necessities could be changed, and yet poor peasants had to cultivate the hermits lands in the system of statute labour as before.

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.6, pp.551-565, 1982-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

57

被引用文献数

3 2

著者

藤田 佳久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.5, pp.550-564, 1967-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

32

著者

杉浦 直

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.5, pp.451-482, 1977-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

86

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Although some dynamic aspects in Japanese farmhouse building constitition have been studied in disciplines of settlement geography and architecture, the regional understanding of such aspects is not sufficient yet from the viewpoint of comparalive geography. This paper is an inquiry into genetical processes of regional types of farmhouse building constitution in Tohoku, northeastern Japan. The author examinedthe present aspects and the changing processes of farmhouse building constitution in some investigation villages selected from two major regions, the central part of Iwate Prefecture and the Aizu District, and further compared them to those in the Sendai Plain discussed formerly.Each region has a characteristic pattern in building constitution. In the Sendai Plain farmhouses have usually many attached buildings, to whih various functions are distributed. On the contrary, in Aizu District they have relatively few attached buildings and farm functions are concentrated in Sagyosha (workshop or barn), the main attached building. Central Iwate is intermediate between above two regions concerning the number of attached buildings and the space of Sagyosha floor. The present author identified from these patterns three regional types of building constitution in Tohoku; multi-building type in Sendai Plain, mono-building type in Aizu and intermediate type in central Iwate.Each of these regional types has appeared in the process separation of attached buildings at two stages. The first stage occured before World War II. Multibuilding type in Sendai Plain is considered to have been established by the Taisho Period (1912-1925). In the central Iwate and Aizu, a considerable number of Sagyoshas were built at first from the 1910's to the 1930's. Through these decades the building constitution began to be differenciated from region to region. The second stage occured after World war II. Since 1955 a great number of Sagyoshas and other attached buildings have been added anywhere in Tohoku. Through this period the present charcters of each regional type were established.These two stages were respectively under different socio-economic conditions. The separation of Sagyosha in the first stage was caused by the spread of treadle and power thrashers. The construction of various attached buildings in the second stage was a resullt of the recent large scale mechanization in agriculture. The main house itself changed from dirt floor to plate floor in domaniwa hall in the first stage and in the second stage it was wholly rebuilt in large scale. As a result of the rebuilding, the peculiar traditional house types such as Nanbumagariya and Chumonzukuri were almost lost in the investigation villages. The above changes proceeded in the first stage mainly among comparative by upper class farmers, but in the second stage they spread into lower classes.Differences in those regional types are considered to have been brought about primarily by climatic conditions. Namely, in Aizu under snowy winter climate various functions are agglomerated in a few buildings for daily convenience and house-building difficulties. It might he necessary to further consider the relationships to agricultural structure and folk practice etc.

著者

山本 正三 田林 明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.611-637, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

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Part-time farmers (farming families who devote themselves to both farming and side business) have been increasing in number in recent rural regions, and a “Worker-Peasants” phenomenon (Clout, H.D., Rural Geography, pp. 43-81, Oxford, 1972) can be observed in many parts of Japan. The side business has often become important even to define or limit the farm management. In a countryside of this kind real regional characters can not be revealed by an examination of farming activities only. It is therefore necessary to make a different geographical approach to the rural area, including a study of side jobs as well as farming activities. Considering this point, the present writers pay attention in this paper, to the employment structure of farming population, a combination of economic activities in which members of farming families are engaged. Therefore, a discussion will be centered on the processes how the present rural region is being transformed (or evolved) into another by analyzing the general situation of employment of the farming families in the region.The study area, Urayamashin, is a village located on the Kurobe Alluvial Fan in the Toyama Plain of Central Japan facing the Japan Sea (Fig. 1). From 1964 to 1970, land consolidation was in progress in this area, and it could be concluded that this land improvement work has accelerated the transformation of this rural region. In this connection, a sample survey of a village where land consolidation has already been finished was done since processes of transformation can be explained relatively easily through the writers' observation during a rather short period.Around 1965, most of the farming families of Urayamashin attached importance to farming activities, which were sometimes a combination of rice and tulip farming and sometimes that of rice and dairy farming. Besides, farmers were engaged in construction work for the season free from farming either in areas near or far away from home for long (Table. 3). Even at that time, the farmers' sons rarely farmed, but commonly found employment in cities and worked as commuters. With the development of land consolidation, size of fields was enlarged, irrigation and drainage canals paths in the fields were improved (Figs. 2 and 3). Various kinds of machines began to be used for rice production. The mechanization and cooperative work of rice farming provided labour surplus, but it was devoted not to other farming activities such as dairy farming and tulip and vegetable growing, but to employment in manufacturing and tertiary activities which have been introduced into the Kurobe Alluvial Fan since about 1965 (Fig. 4). Today, not only farmers' successors but also the head of a family and his wife go out to urban and factory jobs, yet continue to work their farms in the evenings, over weekends, and during annual holidays from factory (Table 4). Worker-Peasants undoubtedly gain higher incomes than could be derived either from just farming or from industrial work. The extra income might be used to improve the family's living conditions or to purchase farming equipment.Based on this study of analyzing the employment structure of farming family, an experiential and tentative classification of rural areas of the Toyama Plain is formulated. As a result, the plain can be divided into the following five regions. In A region part-time farming, the head of a family and often other members participating in non-agricultural pursuits, is dominant throughout this region. The farmers keep their fields in expectation of higher value of land. In B region the members of farming family have just begun to commute to urban industrial jobs. Side business of farmers' wives is not so stable as those in A region. In C region farming families still regard farming activities as important.

著者

高橋 春成

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.364-377, 1996-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

105

被引用文献数

1 1

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The author made a review of feral animals in Australia, from a cultural-geographic viewpoint.European people went on voyages to find new colonies from the 15th to the 19th centuries. They had a custom of keeping livestock on board ship as food provisions. Consequently pigs, goats, cattle, horses and donkeys, etc. were introduced to new colonies a long with traditional European ways of keeping and releasing livestock.It was a common practice in the early days of settlement to let livestock roam or have free range so as to forage for food. In the 19th century, sealers and whalers released livestock such as pigs and goats on islands as food. As a result, some of these animals formed viable breeding colonies in the wild. Feral livestock populations established quickly and they were widely spread in Australia before the beginning of this century.However, the spread of feral animals like feral pigs, goats, horses, cattle, donkeys, water buffaloes and camels etc. caused changes in the biological environment. The majority of native Australian land mammals are marsupials. The intrusion of these exotic species appears to be altering the composition of species in Australia and is causing significant ecological and environmental change.Today feral animals are generally considered to be pests, because these animals damage agriculture and the native fauna and flora. However some discussion is necessary as follows:1) Feral animals are a‘product’of human culture.2) In case we consider feral animals as one example of environmental problems, we should not criticize traditional ways of keeping and releasing of livestock in a simplistic way.3) We need to collect information on feral animals and introduce it widely through environmental education. We should consider this problem as a good lesson for the future.

著者

坂本 英夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.220-241,281, 1961-06-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

1

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弓浜半島は過去の商品畑作農業の結果,過少農の卓越する人口稠密地域となり,特に開発の早かった半島北部では農業生産は既に副次的な意味しか有していない。これに比べて近世以降に開発の展開をみた半島中部では耕地細分化が北部ほど進行していないことや,地元の小都市とも距離を置き農業部門の地位は相対的に高い。ここでは蔬菜の輸送園芸が戦後盛んとなり,大阪を主とした関西市場へ共同出荷がなされている。透水性の大きい砂土に覆われた弓浜半島で蔬菜栽培を技術的に成立せしめているのが,江戸時代に開かれた米川用水路の働きである。そして普通の畑作物の中で,より労働集約的で土地使用的な性格を持っている蔬菜部門が戦後採択されたのは,過小農が卓越する弓ヶ浜農業の経営経済上の必然であった。この場合,共同出荷の推進母体たる農協は当初の販売担当機関に止ることなく,産地形成上の条件整備機関としての活動まで必要となった。このような共同出荷体制の組織化が社会的規制の形で進むか否かは,管内農家に対する農協の経済的比重の大小によって決定される。この点半島中部の農村は優良農協を中核とする生産-流通の体制が確立されて蔬菜の輸送園芸の中心地区となっている。これに対して,専業農家の少ない半島北部や共同化への関心の低い(米子)近郊は農協による個別経営の結合が弱く,程度の差はあれ輸送園芸の集団的形成を阻害している。弓ヶ浜産蔬菜の代表である葱は需要との関係が生産上の大きな条件となった。特有の農業気象によって早期収穫の可能性は秋の葱消費市場(大阪)を独占し有利な価格を保持している。ただ葱そのものの需要は限界があることや,弓ヶ浜からの出荷蔬菜中に市場での優越を誇る品目が他に見当らないことが問題である。新しい市場を求め,新しい品目を求めて蔬菜産地はその発展に努力しているのであるが,内外の状勢が何時までそれを許すのであろうか。

著者

井戸 庄三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.4, pp.364-384, 1966-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

34

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It is usually said that modern administrative towns and villages of Japan were brought into existence by the amalgamation of towns and villages in the 22nd year of Meiji (1889). But, by that time, the local government system had already undergone a great change and the division or amalgamation of towns and villages had been carried out on a large scale, little of which is known to the general public. If we treat this fact lightly, we will be apt to have a wrong opinion that hanseison (feudal village in Tokugawa Era) means oaza. But the fact is, this mistaken idea seems to be widespread among many geographers even now.In this paper, the author trys to clarify this division or amalgamation of towns and villages in the early Meiji period quantitatively. Moreover, he demonstrates the following facts: in Yamanashi and Nagano prefectures (esp. the former Chikuma Prefecture) in which there were many cases where oaza was larger than hanseison, but on the other hand in the Kinki District, there existed a few cases where hanseison was larger than oaza.From the seventh to the nineth year of Meiji, through both Yamanashi and Nagano prefectures, the amalgamation of towns and villages was enforced. After that, each of the former villages was called “Kumi” in Yamanashi Prefecture and “Kochi” in Nagano Prefecture. Though new administrative towns and villages were born in the amalgamation, yet in reality “Kumi” or “Kochi” formed a rural community, and the rural community, as usual, managed irrigation, communal forests, village festivals and so on. In this paper, the author takes up Toyoshina-Gun in Nagano Prefecture and Fujimi-Gun in Yamanashi Prefecture as samples of rural community, and analyze their structure closely.

著者

山村 亜希

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.217-237, 2000-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

93

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Many studies of medieval Kokufu regarded the provincial constable's spatial control as a principal issue. They often equated spatial cognition, either of the provincial constable or of the town's people in opposition to it, with real spatial structure. Some studies concluded that provincial constables had reorganized ancient Kokufu into their provincial capitals, consequentially emphasizing the differences between medieval and ancient Kokufu.However, it is more likely that people living in medieval Kokufu were separated by class and various occupations and powers, and that the interaction of these factors affected spatial form and structure. The actual space within medieval Kokufu did not always correspond to the intentions or conceptualizations of one actor like a provincial constable. Furthermore, referring to recent studies on ancient Kokufu, the heritage of the structure of ancient Kokufu may be an important component of medieval Kokufu.This paper aims to reconstruct the morphology and function of Kokufu in the fourteenth century and to examine the social relationships among its people and to clarify the spatial structure, comparing it with ancient times. A medieval map is presented which illustrates a local power conceptualization of medieval Kokufu and the paper discusses the relationship between the real and perceived world. The example selected for this paper is Nagato Kokufu, which is shown on the medieval map, "Shrine Grounds Map of Iminomiya".The second section of the paper shows the direction and pattern of roads and allotments and the distribution of facilities and then examines the transformation of local powers. The ancient frameworks of the structure of Kokufu, consisting of the pattern of roads, allotments and facilities were maintained until the fourteenth century. Moreover, the awareness of ancient Kokufu frameworks was also preserved, and in part was even strengthened. At that time, the central government was unstable because of the struggles between warriors and Emperors. The Iminomiya Shrine had always been given financial guarantees from the provincial constable, Shugo, and the Kamakura or Muromachi shogunates. The Iminomiya had inherited the powers and officials of the Kokuga, which succeeded the ancient Kokufu government. Kokubunji Temple, which was established during the eighth century but had declined, recovered its land, relying on the traditional power of the Emperors in the fourteenth century. Shugo, always closely related with Iminomiya, continued as an independent local power. The locational patterns of these important facilities were similar to those of departmental facilities in ancient times. Other social groups also enjoyed a close relationship with the central polity in Kamakura or Kyo.In the third section of the paper, an analysis of the characteristics of the Shrine Grounds Map explains why and by whom the map was made, and how the map maker's spatial cognition was represented. It must be noted that Iminomiya is situated in the context of fourteenth-century political process. The characteristics of the Grounds Map undoubtedly show that it was made by Iminomiya. However, the map does not represent the whole real landscape; for example, some of the things that existed at that time do not appear in the map, some are emphasized and yet others are understated. This points out that the Grounds Map was intended to represent Iminomiya lands and the other facilities with which the Shrine was associated. The purpose of the map was to exhibit its territories to Shugo and to obtain the constable's protection, guarantee and tax exemption. Furthermore, the Grounds Map shows that the space of medieval Kokufu, as a squared world, was surrounded by mountains and sea;

著者

高田 正規

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.6, pp.669-680, 1967-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

7

著者

水内 俊雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.5, pp.385-409, 1982-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

5 5

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The object of this paper is to clarify how the residential areas in large Japanese city, Osaka, developed their own distinctive characteristics in the course of industrialisation. The study covers the modern period from the Meiji Restoration (1860's) to the beginning of the Showa Era (late 1920's to 1930's). The built-up area in this period exactly corresponds to the present-day inner city area. This paper also examines how and why the problems relating to the present inner city such as economic decline, physical decay and social disadvantage appeared in the industrialisation process since the Meiji Era. The author holds the following viewpoints: First, most of the emerging factory workers are assumed to be members of lower class society. Secondly, the poorer areas, which later became the inner city area, were created through the inflows of above mentioned factory workers in the course of industrialisation. Therefore the formation of lower class residential areas provides the key factor for the study of inner city problems in Osaka. Study of the labor market are used in clarifying social and living conditions of factory workers in the course of industrialisation. So the author deals with the changing process of labor markets as the analytical tool and focuses on the level of laborers' daily lives. The inadequacies of the existing Anglo-Saxon models to the areal structure of the Japanese city are pointed out, since the Japanese urban residential expansion can only be understood by taking into consideration the peculiar characteristics of the Japanese modernisation process.The results obtained are as follows: The expansion of residential areas up to the beginning of World War I characterised mainly by the outward extension of the lower class residential areas that included most of the laborers working in the cotton textile industries, heavy industry and the miscellaneous industries. The labor markets in each industry were organised differently in this development. These laborers, however, all belonged to the essentially the same class, with no appreciable income or living standard differences among industries. The organisation of residential structure consistently reflected the periphery-lower class structure proposed by Sjoberg. After World War I, the following two new factors emerged: The first is the rapid increase of white collar office workers. The second is that of a growing distinction in standard of living as well as income among members of the former lower class society, i.e., between large heavy industry workers and other factory workers. These new two factors contributed to the transformation of residential structure independently of the existing structure. The most important development was the creation of new residential areas. In this stage three types of residential area were clearly observed. The first and dominant were lower class residential areas which surrounded the city center and extended outward, building up sparse areas among some flophouse districts even at this time. This area was also characterised by the progress of the slum clearance, appearance of Korean residential districts and real advent of social policies. The second type of residential area was that of the better-off factory workers, which was formed adjacent to the factories' sites. However, this type of residential area was distributed sporadically within the first type of residential area. Between them, there were found no appreciable distinctions of housing and living conditions. The third type was white collar office workers' residential areas, which were created beyond the lower class ones and restricted to the upland lying to the south-east of Osaka City. These areas were created independently of periphery-lower class structure, which had been the most dominant or sole areal differentiation up to this time.

著者

服部 昌之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.5, pp.455-474, 1966-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

56

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In ancient Japan there was a unique land system concerning allotment and allocation which was called “Jori system.” So far, many geographers have been studying about the system from historico-geographical point of view.The purpose of the present paper is in an attempt to clarify the distribution and morphology of the Jori system in ancient Awa province (Prefecture of Tokushima at present) in order to approach general principles of the system in ancient Japan. Especially, the relationship between ancient administrative districts and regionalism was investigated to reveal the political backgrounds of the system.The main findings are as follows:(1) The Jori system in ancient Awa province was divided into three areas: the central area of the Yoshino-river alluvial plain (Miyoshi-gun and Mima-gun), the lower area of the plain (Oe-gun, Awa-gun, Itano-gun, Myozai-gun and Myodo-gun) and Minami-gata (Katsu'ura-gun and Naka-gun). In the lower area of the plain, Many Jori land allotment systems are found as seen in Figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4. However, the direction of most Joris is N 10°W even though they are apart situated each other. Therefore, each Jori seems to be constructed under the same planning. The real direction is based on the inclination of the Akui-river delta-fan that the Awa Kokufu (administrative town of ancient Awa province) was situated on.(2) It may be stated that the Jori system in the lower area of the plain was planned by the Awa-ooshinoatae family ruled this area 6th through 8th centuries as the “Kuninomiyatsuko.” Guns established immediately after the Taikanokaishin (revolution in A.D. 645) were divided into five districts with straight line boundaries each accoridng to the Jori system, and their original boundaries are still present in part even now as seen Fig. 1.(3) The Niijima manor established in A.D. 749 under the rule of the Todaiji temple owned 42cho, 8tan and 162bu (about 52ha.) area. This manor was sited on the lowland along the Yoshino-river or its former course near the coast as seen in Figs. 5 and 6, however that was destroyed by frequent floods of the river. In addition, a small Jori system is also found near the manor.

著者

片平 博文 岩崎 一孝

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.297-318, 1988-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

65

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Exploitation of the semi-arid region of Australia began in the late 19th century. Major expansion of farm land started at the beginning of this century. The landscape covered with the dense mallee changed to wheat fields or green pasture lands. The change was very rapid and drastic.In this paper the authors examine the characteristics of marginal land for agriculture in the semi-arid region by analyzing the relationship between wheat growing and rainfall. The condition of marginal land for agriculture and the reality of wheat growing in the semi-arid region will be clarified based on the analysis of the correlation between wheat yield (bushels per acre) and winter rainfall from June to September, which coincides with the growing season for wheat. The Murray Mallee region of South Australia in the period 1907-1946, was selected as the main study area (Fig. 1). This study uses the following sources: “Statistical Register of South Australia-Production” compiled in the South Australian Parliamentary Paper, and “Report of Monthly and Yearly Rainfall, 1907-1946” collected by the Bureau of Meteorology, Australia. The 33 hundreds and stations examined are: Cadell (Morgan P. O.), Paisley (Notts Well), Waikerie (Waikerie Lands), Holder (Maggea), Moorook (Moorook), Nildottie (Swan Reach), Mantung (Caliph P. O.), Bandon (Copeville) and Mindarie (Mindarie) in County Albert, Murtho (Wilkadine), Paringa (Renmark P. O.), Gordon (Taldra P. O.), Pyap (Pyap), Bookpurnong (Loxton P. O.), Allen (Alawoona), Kekwick (Paruna) and McGorrery (Meribah P. O.) in County Alfred, Vincent (Perponda), Wilson (Borrika), McPherson (Sandalwood), Hooper (Wynarka), Marmon Jabuk (Karoonda), Sherlock (Moorlands), Roby (Coomandook), Peake (Peake), Price (Parrakie P. O.), Livingston (Kiki) and Coneybeer (Coonalpyn) in County Buccleuch, Billiatt (Gurrai P. O.), Kingsford (Karte), Bews (Lameroo P. O.), Parilla (Parilla) and Pinnaroo (Pinnaroo P. O.) in County Chandos (Figs. 2 and 3). The statistics from these hundreds and stations provided sufficient working data.Originally, wheat yield was not stable here because of the influence of variable rainfall (Fig. 4). In the semi-arid region, if rainfall is plentiful, the wheat yield increases proportionally. But if there is a scanty rainfall, mainly in winter, the wheat growing will suffer deadly damage. The characteristics of the correlation between annual wheat yield and annual winter rainfall (1907-1946) can be classified into four types: Types I-IV (Figs. 7, 8, 9 and 10). Fig. 11 shows the distribution of the four types. The data shows that hundreds included in the same type tend to be in close proximity.D. W. Goyder, the Surveyor General of South Australia, defined the extent of servere drought in 1865. This is called “Goyder's Line of Rainfall”. It was a base line against which the safe and the unsafe areas for semi-arid agriculture were measured. It has a considerable validity even today. In the Murray Mallee region, “Goyder's Line of Rainfall” was drawn from Swan Reach in the hundred of Nildottie to the south of Peebinga in the hundred of Peebinga near the Victorian boundary.From analysis of the four types shown in Figs. 7, 8, 9 and 10, it is clear that “Goyder's Line of Rainfall” is not a fixed or static line but a boundary belt which moves dynamically within the Type II area, that is the safe and the unsafe wheat growing area. Also it can be suggested that the wheat growing conditions in the marginal land change drastically at the border, the difference being as high as 100 to 120mm of winter rainfall from June to September.

著者

金田 章裕

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.193-214, 1982-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

1 1

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1. The Jori Grid Pattern System is characterized by an interval network of paths and ditches, which divide a given area into units measuring approximately 109m square. By the middle of the 8th Century the system consisted of such a grid pattern, with the arable land in each section divided into regular allotments. About the middle of the 8th Century a new system was introduced, by which the entire Jori System was organized into “Jo”, “Ri” and “Tsubo”. The “Tsubo” was the smallest section of the square, consisting of approximately 1.2 hectares, the “Ri” comprised 36 “Tsubo”, or approximately 654m square, and the “Jo” was a liniar arrangement of “Ri”, whose exact organization varied according to region.In some provinces, such as Settsu, Sanuki and Awa, historical evidence shows that the system of land unit indication followed three stages, as follows: 1) according to former small place names 2) according to the Jori Numbering System with place names attached to it 3) according to the Jori Numbering System onlyA number of historical materials show the process from 2) to 3) in Yamato, Yamashiro, Iga, Ohmi and Echizen provinces in accordance with the fixation of the Jori Numbering System. However this Jori Indication System was not introduced at a time. In Yamashiro province, this system was introduced by 743, but in Sanuki, it came after 757 and before 763, and in Settsu, after 756 and before 767.2. The former type of small place name was divided or changed to fit with the Jori Grid Pattern in stage 1) or 2). This process is shown for Kuso-oki region, Echizen Province in the 8th century (Fig.7). Some of former types of small place names, which were quite extensive (See Fig.7 Left), were divided and changed (See Fig.7 Right) in accordance with increase in arable land.However all of the former types of small place names were not divided in the 8th century. In the Kinki District (near the Capital of Ancient Japan), the greater part of those place names already fit the Jori grid pattern, as shown in Fig.6, but others fit only partially, as shown in Fig.5.In the case of Echizen province, not so far from the capital, those place names partly fitted or were in the process of such adaptation as above mentioned. In the case of Etchu province, far from the capital, such place names were not divided as shown in Fig.8. In the last case, the Jori Indication System was established at once, but the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern was probably incomplete, and the Jori Indication System does not seem to have been fixed perfectly.3. After the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern and the fixation of the Jori Indication System, the latter began to deteriorate. An early sign of this process was found in the 10th century. In medieval times the small place name began to be used side by side with the Jori Indication System. Almost all these new small place names designated the smallest section of the Jori Grid Pattern. By the end of the Medieval Period, this small place name system became generalized even on the Jori Grid Pattern.4. The plan of the Jori Grid Pattern was completed in the middle of the 8th century, with the introduction of the Jori Indication System. This plan undoubtedly was connected with Handenshuju, one of the important policies of the ancient “Ritsuryo” period, but “Ritsuryo” was established by 701 at the latest. Accordingly, the plan of the Jori Grid Pattern, especially the Jori Indication System, was not peculiar only to “Ritsuryo”. It was necessary for registry affairs rather than for Handenshuju itself. Since the 8th century, the bureaucratic procedures for distinction between private lands and government owned lands became very important, in accordance with the increase of private land.