著者

山根 拓

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.26-46, 1991-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

53

被引用文献数

1

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Before World War II, mass communications media had penetrated little into Japanese rural areas. So the rural populace had little access to a quantity of political, economic, social and cultural information, except for those belonging to the upper classes of rural societies. However, monthly community newspapers, called sonpo, were published in some villages of Nagano Prefecture and Ehime Prefecture from the 1920s to the 1930s.The purpose of this paper is to discuss the regional development process of sonpo publications and the spatial agenda-setting functions of the community media from the case study of Kita-uwa District, Ehime Prefecture. These agenda-setting functions are clarified by content analysis of the articles.The following results were obtained in this inquiry:1. When sonpo appeared in some villages, because of their periodical publication and delivery to all villagers, they occupied the main position in the rural information system. However, the distribution of these media was rare and regionally biased. We can explain the reasons of locational development of sonpo in terms of the political connections among village authorities but cannot find the reasons for the absence of sonpo in many regions. The editors and publishers of sonpo were village authorities or leaders belonging to the upper classes of rural societies. It seems that the composition of those members had an effect on the contents of the community media.2. We analyzed the contents of Aiji Sonpo published in Aiji village, Kita-uwa District, Ehime Prefecture, by means of two approaches. One is to assess the regional characteristics of sonpo based on the aggregation of the number of news-originating places in articles. Another approach addresses the press comments of sonpo. The comments indicate whether the medium depends on the ideology of the centralized state-nationalism, or the regional ideology-regionalism. So, we tried to divide the articles into two spatially characterized groups: the central-oriented articles and the regional-oriented articles. In the former approach, it was found that the community media contents were mainly composed of local news from Aiji village and partly of news from the upper political central cities in the urban system: the district center (Uwajima), the prefectural center (Matsuyama) and the national center (Tokyo). This result suggests that sonpo were in close contact with the local community. The latter approach clarified that the central-oriented ideology dominated the arguments of the community media. Thus we found that sonpo played the role of organizer which related many villagers to the national authority (the central government in Tokyo) beyond the spatial constraints of distance.

著者

戸所 隆

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.4, pp.289-310, 1983-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

2

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Central shopping streets are classified into two types by their street forms: one is those in which shops face on to a certain trunk street (type A), the other, where shops face a pedestrian street (type B). The difference in street forms between type A and type B influences not only the structure but also the direction of growth of central commercial areas. In this paper, the author discusses the actual circumstances of the two types of central shopping streets by comparing data collected through field investigations carried out twice in 1971 and in 1981.The results are as follows:(1) Comparing the volume of the commercial function of central commercial areas among cities of the same size, there is no difference between type A and type B. The volume of the commercial function of big stores is large and their direction of location is a change-making factor in central shopping streets.(2) Vertical growth in central shopping streets is more evident in type A than in type B. This means that type A has more floor space than type B. Functions locating in type A are much more numerous and diverse than those in type B. This causes in type A an intensive rivalry for location in central shopping streets between retail and amusement functions and other functions (especially business functions). Thus vertical differentiation in functions is progressing more in type A than in type B. In addition, type A tends to form a compact central commercial area, where big stores play the leading role.(3) As type B restricts the access of cars, business functions locate less in type B than in type A. There is a tendency for retail and amusement functions to be located exclusively in type B. From this tendency, horizontal differentiation of business streets from central shopping streets tends to arise in the urban core of the cities that have type B, comparing cities of the same size.(4) The size of the buildings in type A is larger than that in type B. Functional complexity within one building is evident in type A.(5) With regard to stability as a central shopping street, type B is superior to type A. This is because in type A there is a rivalry for location between retail and amusement functions and other functions; in type B it is relatively less. External appearance as a central shopping street is more unified in type B than in type A.Whether it is in type A or in type B, the higher the centrality of the shopping street is, the higher the ratio of the fire-proof structures and the more vigorous the metabolism of establishments.Thus the internal structure of the urban core is undergoing reorganization through changes based on type A or type B, as explained above.

著者

西野 寿章

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.289-312, 1981-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

123

被引用文献数

4 2

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There were many abandoned villages in mountainous region, which had been caused by building large dams in the upper reaches of many rivers, after World War II, in Japan. In these villages, many people had to remove to other regions. The author found two types of removing. One was the type of collective removing to the same place, the other was the dispersed removing. Why had these two types occured?The object of this paper is to clarify the relation of the pattern of those removed settlements by dam building and the type of their social structure formed before their removing. So, the author selects two villages; Sei in Nara prefecture (Fig. 1, 4, No.16) and Hirono-Futatsuya in Fukui prefecture (Fig. 1, 4, No.3). Sei is the case of dispersed removing to various places and Hirono-Futatsuya is the case of the collective removing.The results obtained are as follows;1) The characteristics of social strata in Sei had not been simple. Each member in this village had been combined to two families by blood relation who had been believed to be the pioneer in this village. Therefore, two families had larger fields of cultivation and forest land. So, in the process of the negotiation of the compensation between the member of this village and the electric company which would build dam there, upper class contained two families and the other class had separately corresponded to the company. Thus, upper class had removed to the place near their abandoned village, because they had to manage their large forest land, but the other class had removed to the various places far remote to their abandoned village.2) The characteristics of social strata of Hirono-Futatsuya had been simple. Each member had some private paddy and ordinary fields, and had large common forest land which had been used for burning cultivation and producing for charcoal and fuel materials. And there were also some common paddy fields which had been cultivated by smaller managed farmers. Thus, all member of this village had nearly equal economic base and had lived in close cooperation. So, in the process of negotiation of compensation, they decided that they would removed to the same place collectively.3) Therefore, the author can find that there are close relation between the pattern of removing settlement and the type of the social strata of each village.

著者

三木 理史

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.4, pp.328-347, 1991-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

61

被引用文献数

1 1

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A public utility is a useful service for the public, such as electricity, gas, water and sewage and transportation. Generally speaking, in the Meiji Era., most of the smaller utilities were unprofitable. Nevertheless, there were some entrepreneurs who willingly invested their money in the smaller utilities. For example, they are Keijiro Amemiya who established Dainihon Light Railway Company, Tokichi Saiga who established Saiga Electric Machinery and Appliance Company, and so forth.Saiga & Co. (Saiga Electric Machinery and Appliance Company) which was established by Tokichi Saiga had approximately 80 subsidiary companies including electricity, electrical equipment and various railways such as tramway and railway. The covered most parts of Japan from Hokkaido to Okinawa. However, their business collapsed to the point where they dishonored a bill in 1912 and went bankrupt soon after that.Saiga & Co. ran electricity businesses and railway businesses at the same time in the same area depending on the situation. Matsuyama in Ehime Prefecture and Iinan in Mie Prefecture are the cases. These areas are regarded as one of the most important areas for their business. Therefore, I discussed the Matsusaka Railway Company and Matsusaka Water Electric Company in my essay, which are subsidiary companies of Saiga & Co. in the Iinan District.Consequently, I could come to three points as follows:1. Matsusaka Railwey Company and Matsusaka Water Power Electric Company were two major companies in the Iinan District at that time, Local capital intersts had planned to establish them in their original plans. But, they failed to raise funds and asked Saiga & Co. for financial aid. Doth enterprises were established in this way.2. Matsusaka Railway Company and Matsusaka Water Power Electric Company developed their businesses rapidly after Tokichi Saiga participated in their management. This means that his contribution to the businesses was indispensable for their success in administrative and technical aspects.3. In 1910, Saiga and the manager of Matsusaka Water Power Electric Company participated in a project to build Matsusaka Light Railway. Matsusaka Water Power Electric Company built a dam across the Kushida River to generate electricity in 1905. However, it interrupted the transportation of the timber on floats, which was the customary way to transport timber in those days. Therefore, Matsusaka Water Power Electric Company participated in the project and contributed to build Matsusaka Light Railway between Matsusaka and Oishi.

著者

渋谷 鎮明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.5-25, 1991-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

69

被引用文献数

6 5

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Pnug-su (風水) is a kind of East Asian traditional geomancy. Literally it means wind and water, but in a strict sense its connotations are very profound. People selected building sites and burial grounds and also settlement sites from a geomantical point of view.It is generally said that location of Korean settlements has been strongly influenced by pung-su. In particular even capital location was selected by the pung-su method in the Koryo and Choson dynasties. Therefore it is necessary in studying Korean traditional settlement to understand pung-su. The influence of pung-su on settlements appears in the location of settlements and arrangement of buildings within them.We can identify three kinds of pung-su. One is the eum-teak pung-su (陰宅風水), the selection of burial grounds, the yang-taek pung-su (陽宅風水), the selection of building sites, and the yang-gi pung-su (陽基風水), the selection of settlement location.The purpose of pung-su is to seek human felicity by the help of ji-ryuk (地力), a composite of ground forces. It is thought that ground forces give good luck to people who select favourable sites for their building, settlements, or ancester's burial grounds. These ground forces come out as invisible saeng-gi (生気), streams of existence. And pung-su shows us a method to harness saeng-gi.According to Choi's study (1986), pung-su includes seven methods concerning mountain, water, and orientation. Using these methods, people could select favouable sites where they could tap the saeng-gi.Jin-san (鎮山) is a high mountain behind the favourable site according to the pung-su method. Generally jin-san was a mountain where the guardian spirit of the village lived. And it was also an important landmark for arrangement of buildings within the settlement. So many jin-san of settlements were recorded in Dong-guk-yo-ji-seung-ram (東国輿地勝覧), a topographical book of the Choson dynasty.The purpose of this paper is to unveil the actual influence of pung-su on the location of settlements and the arrangement of buildings within settlements in Korea. The author adopted Korean eup-settlements as the object of this study.Korean eup-settlements in the Choson dynasty were established by the government as local administrative centers. They were located under deep pung-su influence. Gwan-a (government office.), eup-sung (castle), hyang-gyo (national school) were arranged under the influence of pung-su as buildings within eup-settlements.The main results are follows:1. The influence of pung-su on the location of settlements is identified in the following points: Two thirds of eup-settlements are located on the so-called chang-pung teuk-su (蔵風得水) or bai-san rim-su (背山臨水) landforms which are ideal places for pung-su. Most of the eup-settlements are located at the foot of mountains and only on one side of rivers.2. The influence of pung-su on the arrangement of buildings within eup-settlements is found in the following facts. Important building like castles or goverment offices are located on a ridge line from the jin-san. And they are built at right angles to the line, keeping the jin-san behind.

著者

酒川 茂

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.116-138, 1983-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

84

被引用文献数

3

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School districts are one form of social region. The purpose of this study is to consider how primary school districts have been formed in relation to certain factors. It is assumed that the influence of those factors varies with the geographical characters of each region. Therefore, the author divided the case study area (Hiroshima City) into three regions: the region of the old castle town (inner city), the region surrounding the inner city, and the region which has been consolidated since 1971. As a result of this analysis, the formation processes of primary school districts are classified into four types. These types are summarized as follows:In the region of the old castle town (the inner city), it was decided at first that school districts would be the same as each Shoku established by the Daiku-Shoku-Sei. This area consisted of Buke-Yashiki (samurai districts), Machi-Yashiki (Chonin districts), and Shingai (newly opened districts). Though these blocks characterized each Shoku, they were not equivalent to social regions. Afterwards, a lot of primary schools were established. Those school districts were based on population distribution, and their boundaries were natural boundaries in many cases. However, the blocks of this area were changed by war damage and land readjustment after the war. Since then, school districts have been reformed according to the actual circumstances, especially in regard to traffic safety problems of school attendance.There are sprawl areas in both the regions surrounding the inner city and the region which has been consolidated since 1971. In these areas, there had been one school in most of the villages for a long time. Therefore, each school district had been strongly united as the social region. After the war, the population increased and now these areas are contiguous with the inner city. The areas of original villages have lost their meaning as school districts. It is considered that the present school districts are the new social regions replacing the original villages. The traffic safety of school attendance has become the most important factor in the formation of school districts. On the other hand, there are few sites for new schools in these areas. It is difficult to establish new schools as previously planned. This is apt to cause social problems about school districts.In the rural areas within the region, which have been consolidated since 1971, one to three schools were established in each village. However, the population decreased rapidly after the war and a lot of schools were combined. The aim of these school combinations was to maintain a reasonable scale for the schools and to reduce the costs of education. In these areas, school districts have been formed according to the convenience of school attendance. As a factor in the formation of school districts, the existence of transport facilities for school attendance is more important than the distance of school attendance. The Oaza, which is recognized as important territorial relational grouping, has been adopted as the unit of school districts in those cases where the Oaza is contained in one traffic region.There are new towns in both the region surrounding the inner city and the region which has been consolidated since 1971. When these new towns are constructed, primary schools are established intentionally. The factors in the formation of school districts, for example, the population distribution, the distance of school attendance, the traffic safety of school attendance, etc., are considered in the new town planning. Therefore, school districts are expected to become the new social regions from their inception.These results show us that the basic factor in the formation of school districts is the population distribution, and that the traffic safety of school attendance is the single most important and common factor at present.

著者

福島 好和

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.5, pp.495-525, 1971-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

1 1

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In the ancient Japanese empire, the people offered their sea products to the central government as their tax. The tax system were explained in the “Yoro-ryo(_??__??__??_)” and the “Engi-shiki(_??__??__??_)” which were used as the code of law at that period. The excavation of the written records on old wooden plates, “Mokkan(_??__??_), ” in the sites of “Fujiwara-kyo(_??__??__??_)” and “Heijokyo(_??__??__??_)” proved the authenticity of the tax system of those days.This paper intends to describe, through these materials, the distribution of the sea products which were main resources of ancient Japan.The sea products of ancient Japan were fishes, shells and seaweeds, most of which were products of inshore or fresh water fishery, namely, bonito, redsnapper, mackerel, sardine and perch in neighbouring seas, and trout, crucian, carp and salmon in lakes and rivers. It is also a special feature that seaweed showed a high percentage of all in that period.Moreover, there are some characteristics about offering provinces (so-called “kuni”). Before the 8th century, sea products were offered as taxes only from not-so-far provinces from the capital city, whereas in the “Heian(_??__??_)” era, no less than 58 provinces were under an obligation to offer seaproducts as taxes. These taxes offered from various parts of the country make us able to get a broad survey of the distribution of fishery at that time. For example, bonito fishing was found in the area between “Awa(_??__??_)” and “Hyuga(_??__??_)” along the pacific coast, which exactly corresponds to the present fishing-ground of bonito. But the salmon fishing in those times, on the other hand, turned out to be very different from the present one, in that it had spreaded as south as“Iwami(_??__??_).”

著者

西原 純

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.105-127, 1998-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

129

被引用文献数

1 1

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The restructuring of the Japanese economy in the 1980s caused serious economic depression in single enterprise communities based on industries such as mining, steel and shipbuilding, particularly in those communities located in the peripheral regions of Japan. Takashima is a small island (with an area of 1.2 square kilometers) located in one of Japan's peripheral regions, where a coal mine operated by Mitsubishi interests shut down in 1986 in response to Japan's economic restructuring. In this article, the author examines the collapse and subsequent reorganization of the single enterprise community on Takashima over the ten years since the closure of the mine.Takashima mine was the first coal mine in Japan to make use of European mining techniques and machinery. Full-scale development of the mine commenced in 1868, through a co-operative agreement between the Scottish merchant Thomas Glover and the local feudal landlord. Control over the mine eventually passed to Mitsubishi interests in 1881. Thanks to the success at Takashima, Mitsubishi then developed other mines elsewhere in Japan and extended its activities into other industrial sectors such as shipbuilding.In the 1960s, when the Takashima coal mine enjoyed its most productive period, 80 percent of all the workers on Takashima were employed by Mitsubishi's mining divisions and its affiliates. As a result, Takashima assumed the characteristics of a typical single enterprise community, with a three-tiered social structure based on the distinctions between “managerial staff and technicians”, “miners employed by Mitsubishi” and “miners employed by small subcontractors”.In those days, 75% of total revenues received by the municipality of Takashima were derived from Mitsubishi in the form of property taxes, mining taxes, corporation taxes, etc. Moreover, the mayor of Takashima was a former leader of Mitsubishi's labor union, and of the 24 members of Takashima's municipal assembly, 21 were either managerial staff from Mitsubishi or members of the company's labor union. As in other single enterprise communities, the power of Mitsubishi dominated all aspects of the community on Takashima.With the closure of the mine, the community lost 2, 000 jobs directly, and at a single stroke, in the coal mining sector. As a result, the population decreased from 5, 491 at the point when the mine closed to 2, 568 six months later, to 1, 554 two years after the closure, and eventually to 1, 063 10 years after the closure. Over the same period, the ratio of the population aged 65 or over increased from 9 percent at the time of the closure to 37 percent 10 years later. The severity of Takashima's depopulation, and the rate of aging of the population, were both unprecedented in Japan.After the closure of the mine, the municipality of Takashima failed to revitalize the local economy, despite generous assistance from the national and prefectural governments. Mitsubishi interests made little contribution to the recovery effort either, beyond a couple of joint investments with the municipal government in new small businesses. As a result, over the 10 year period following the closure of the mine, 115 new jobs were created by revitalization projects on the island, however, only 23 jobs are available in 1997. The reasons for this failure are as follows: 1) Takashima's poor locational conditions as an object for investment, 2) the hasty emigration of young and middle aged ex-miners with above average skills and educational backgrounds, 3) the recession associated with the restructuring of the Japanese economy, 4) the low wages paid by these new enterprises and by other businesses which were enticed onto the island, 5) the inability of ex-miners to adjust to the manufacturing sector, and 6) a lack of the entrepreneurship required among managers in other sectors other than coal mining to set up new businesses.

著者

小和田 哲男

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.3, pp.350-360, 1970-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

27

著者

三木 理史

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.69-88, 1996-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

127

被引用文献数

2

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The purpose of this paper is to define current trends and issues in studies of regional transportation systems in modern Japan. The author advocates the possibility of the study of modern transportation from a viewpoint of historical geography.First, a review of the historical studies of modern transportation reveals that most of them were about railways. Therefore, this paper places great importance on railways.The beginning of historical study of modern transportation in Japan was a compilation of the history of companies in the Meiji Era [1868-1912]. Many important studies have been done by such compilations since then. However, they were omitted in this paper for want of space, and the subject was limited to academic studies.The historical study of modern transportation developed dramatically during the last twenty years. It was generally concerned with the following three important points:1. Because historical studies are concerned with different transport facilities, there is no relationship between them.2. Because most studies are concerned with the history of the circulation of commodities, other issues are not considered.3. Studies from a broad point of view are insufficiently related to those with a narrow viewpoint.The construction of this paper is as follows on the basis of above-mentioned issues: Issues in the historical studies of modern transportation are discussed in Chapter II. ‘The study of the regional transportation systems’on the basis of historical geography which the author proposes is introduced in Chapter III. Some important subjects in the study are pointed out in Chapter IV. The contents of this paper are summarized as follows:First, the author gives attention to the major transport facilities of the transportation network in a region. He calls the major transportation network of marine and road transportation a ‘Marine etc type of regional transportation system’, and the network of railway transportation a ‘railway type of regional transportation system’. He considers that the changes from ‘marine etc’ to ‘railway’ appeared at the turning points between trunk transportation routes and local railways.Second, he considers the landmark of change from ‘marine etc’ to ‘railway’ to be transport co-ordination as well as the nationalization of the railways from 1906 to 1907.Third, he considers the regional transportation system on the basis of regional community. Attention is given to the preparation of social overhead capital and the management of transport industry in the formation of regional transportation systems.Modern transportation is a bridge between contemporary and feudal transportation. Upon reconsidering the study of transportation in geography, attention is given to its function by the analysis of contemporary transportation. Attention is also paid to its form before the feudal age. Therefore, the author considers that the study of modern transportation in relationship to contemporary transportation using the historical geography method is important in order to maintain a balance between functional studies and formal ones.

著者

根田 克彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.363-382, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

172

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The purpose of this study is to review studies on the urban retailing system. The development of a systematic classification of retail systems was based to a large extent on the pioneering set of Berry's works on American cities during 1958-63. Berry (1963) identified that the urban retailing system is composed of three basic elements; nucleated centers, ribbon developments and specialized functional areas. He suggested that nucleated centers represent a hierarchy of business centers, these being either planned or unplanned. Berry (1963) also focused attention on changes in urban retailing system. An examination was undertaken of the relationship between population movements and the subsequent decline or expansion of the retail system.After Berry's works, there were many studies on the identification and description of the urban retail hierarchy. But there were few studies which attempted to distinguish between systematic variations in the three elements of the urban retailing system. Though Davies (1974) and Potter (1982) identified nucleated centers and ribbons in British cities, they pointed out clearly not to be able to distinguish them. It has long been argued that ribbon and specialized areas are not separate components of the retailing system but merely modifications of nucleated centers.In the USA since the 1960s, then in the UK since the 1970s, the organization of retailing and urban systems have been changing remarkably. Many works have been undertaken to update the Berry's framework through the incorporation of contemporary forms of shopping development, such as superstores, regional shopping centers and convenience stores. Dawson and Sparks (1980), by contrast, announced that hierarchical models are no longer adequate representations of the urban retailing system. Recently, Brown (1991) presented a non-hierarchical model of urban retail location. It is necessary to rethink urban hierarchical structures and build another model.Studies of the changes in urban retailing systems are divided into three basic categories: process studies, cross-sectional studies and stage type studies (Shaw, 1978). This study considers process studies and stage type studies.In stage type studies, the suburbanization or decentralization processes of retailing are divided into several stages. In American cities, retail decentralization involved the decline of the CBD and the development of shopping malls in the fast growing suburban areas. Now, the CBD is one of several regional shopping centers and no longer at the top of the retail hierarchy. Because Britain has experienced strong planning restrictions against urban sprawl and decentralization, there is little evidence of retail decline at the CBD.Process studies of the urban retailing system are directed to the processes of the natural dynamics of retailing-the unending sequence of shop openings, closures and relocations. Shaw (1978) and Brown (1990) examined the changes in central shopping districts in the UK, and Lord (1992) examined suburban automobile rows in the USA. Each of them examined the dynamics of retailing in one shopping districts. The changes of a shopping district are not only made by the accumulation of the change of shops within that district but also influenced by other retailing facilities within the urban area. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the dynamics of retail areas in the whole urban area.Planning restriction is closely associated with the location of retail activities. Public policy control aimed directly at retail development in the USA traditionally has been minimal. In many cities, large-scale investment in the CBD redevelopment has been undertaken to present better opportunities for the central area retailers. But, in many cases, inner-city ribbons have been left in an impoverished state. In British cities, the development of new retailing in a declining shopping district hastened the decline of remainder of that district.

著者

小田 洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.4, pp.345-356, 1983-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

50

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It is well known that transhumance as a kind of large-scale pasturage is practiced in the Mediterranean region. Transhumance in modern Greece occupies its position in the framework of Mediterranean pasturage though it does not exist to the extent it does in Spain and other countries. This phenomenon is important in the study of animal husbandry.Formerly, A. Sorlin-Dorigny asserted that in ancient Greece transhumance was not practiced until the unification of Greece by the Romans. But recently some scholars maintain that transhumance was practiced in ancient Greece. An article by Stella Geogoudi is particularly valuable for its detail. The literary and epigraphical materials which she collected are restricted to those which we can recognize as being related to transhumance, but it is an exhaustive list. Following Georgoudi's thesis, I show the geographical conditions under which transhumance in ancient Greece was practiced and the actual details appearing in the literary and epigraphical materials.These historical materials do not throw much light upon land ownership. Even so we can expect that more new historical materials will be found and scholars will study transhumance and animal husbandry in contemporary Greece and contribute to our understanding of ancient Greek animal husbandry.

著者

水内 俊雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.5, pp.438-455, 1985-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

4 4

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Japanese cities are generally characterized as residentially homogeneous. This homogeneity is primarily preserved by ethnic singularity in Japan. A few studies postulate the existence of residential segregation in Japanese cities by differences in economic and social status. This is true in some cities strongly influenced by Japanese pre-war industrialization such as Osaka and Kobe. A previous paper by the author has already pointed out three residentially segregated areas in Osaka before 1945, and assumed the existence of a concentric residential structure. But it is recognized that differences in ethnicity and religion strongly affect residential location and form tight residential structures. Because of the lack of this ethnic pluralism in Japan, the study of Japanese residential segregation has not produced fruitful results. But ethnic pluralism was clearly observed in several pre-war Japanese colonial cities. In addition, a great deal of material and information written in Japanesei s available for such cities. Regrettably, the study of pre-war Japanese colonial cities is still at the primitive stage and of course an analytical framework is hardly developed.Before 1945, Japan ruled many colonial cities. In some cities, Japanese authority was powerfully committed and altered the native urban administrative system. Dalian had at first been constructed by the Russians in 1899 and five years later was occupied by the Japanese. Unlike other Japanese colonial cities, Dalian was newly constructed on virgin land and its city form was more rigidly planned. At the end of World War II, nearly two hundred thousand Japanese lived there, 28% of the total population of Dalian. In 1940, there were eleven colonial cities whose share of foreigners were over the highest rate in Japan proper (the 13.1% of Osaka). Dalian was ranked third in percentage and ranked second in total numbers of foreign population next to Mukden. (The author lays stress on the very rapid urban population increase, ethnic-biased employment structure and male-female ratio).Three major issues stand out in colonial cities such as Dalian. First, unlike Japanese cities, urban management and planning were carried out more extensively by the central government than the local one. For example, the sphere of municipal authority in Dalian was well restricted by the central government and did not reach the level of that in Japan until the extension of civic responsibility in 1937. Instead, the South Manchurian Railway Company had greater charge of constructing urban infrastructure, acting together with the central government, and these two big powers directly administering city affairs made Dalian a forerunner in town planning especially.Second, Dalian concurrently possessed the following features of urban construction prevalent in the latter part of the nineteenth century: a well executed baroque style of town landscaping by the Russians, a suburban residential district for the Japanese middle class, housing estates for factory workers, and a grid pattern originally developed by the staff of the South Manchurian Railway Company.This kind of town landscaping, however, never fails to give rise to enforcement of acts that determine discriminative residential segregation. This is the third issue. In the process of this enforcement, the following principle was in force: that a residential ethnic zone should have boundaries which constitute barriers of a kind preventing or discouraging contact between ethnic groups and should be an ethnically homogeneous community. In fact, a small ridge running south to north was chosen to divide the Chinese residential area to the west from the foreigners' area to the east. A gentle slope up to the south guaranteed psychological dominance and other amenites on an overlocking height; this slope was monopolized by a population 90% Japanese.

著者

服部 昌之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.249-272, 1969-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

71

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Primarily Ryosei-gun _??__??__??_ had been established in the 7th century as a political administration unit in the Ritsuryo _??__??_ State or the Codes of Law and Ethics State of Ancient Japan. According to historical materials it is verified that about in the 10th century there had been brought on considerable change to this system. Having examinated its disintegrating transition on focus of the shiftinglocal aspects, the author tries to clarify the general rules of the features of the political administrative district as a historical region.The conclusion is following:1) Ryosei-Gun _??__??__??_ were often divided into two new smaller Gun _??_ in the 8th or 9th century. These newly born Gun consisted of the subordinate unit such as Go _??_.2) In the 10th and 11th century, Ryosei-Gun _??__??__??_ were partitioned into several Gun _??_, Gô _??_, Jô _??_, In _??_, Agata _??_and so on. All of these local units similar to the Gun _??_unit were directly controlled by the Country Government (Kokuga _??__??_)and its subordinate unit, Go _??_itself also had been turned into small villages such as Go _??_, Mura _??_, Betsumyô _??__??_, Beppu _??__??_, Myô _??_ etc.3) Thus it is explicable that, Ryosei-Gun _??__??__??_, separated from their administrative function, became only a local unit.

著者

村山 祐司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.21-34, 1982-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

被引用文献数

2

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This paper is concerned solely with graph theoretical modelling of potential accessibility measurement. Attempts will be made to establish a useful model to evaluate the potential accessibility in terms of residents' daily activity, and then to examine its usefulness with specific application to a hypothetical small island.Before proceeding further, a few definitions are in order. Potential accessibility is defined here for a vantage residence as access to all facilities (churches, banks, supermarkets etc.) in the region as a group. Therefore a residence with higher potential accessibility possesses a relatively higher advantage than the other residences as regards their daily activity. A trip is defined as a residence-to-residence circuit. A trip linkage is the spatial connection created when a resident moves from one facility to another or between his residence and facilities. Functional connectivity, which is a nonspatial concept, shows the frequency of opportunities to make trips. For example, the functional connectivity between residences and banks is higher than the functional connectivity between residences and hospitals, simply because the former trips are, on the average, more frequent than are the latter. A single stop trip is one in which the only trip linkages observed are between the residence and a single facility, whereas on a multistop trip, trip linkages are created between several facilities as well as between the residence and facilities (Figure 1).In order to build a reliable model, it is necessary to consider the following two important daily trip characteristics. First, a substantial portion of intraurban trips occurs on multistop journeys. According to Wheeler, trips involving more than one stop before returning home comprise a quarter to a third of all urban travel. Second, a trip linkage is a function of both distance (road and time distance) and functional connectivity. The shorter the distance, and the higher the functional connectivity, the stronger the trip linkage will be.The model is as follows:T=O·D+s1O·H·D+s2O·H2·D+……+sn-1O·Hn-1·D=n∑k=1sk-1O·Hk-1·D, where: T is the integral potential accessibility matrix (m×m), O is the accessibility matrix from residences to facilities (m×n), H is the accessibility matrix from facilities to facilities (n×n), D is the accessibility matrix from facilities to residences (n×m), s is the parameter, m is the number of residences, andn is the number of facilities.O·D shows the potential accessibility matrix in terms of single stop trips, O·H·D in terms of 2 stop trips and O·Hn-1·D in terms of n stop trips. Since daily trips are a mixture of single stop and multistop trips, we get the integral potential accessibility matrix by summing up the weighted potential accessibility matrices of single and p (p=2, 3, ……n) stop trips. The main diagonals of the matrix T indicate the integral potential accessibility of each residence.This model is then applied to a hypothetical small island with 19 facilities and 20 residences (Figure 5). Among these 19 facilities, there are two groceries and two supermarkets. In this analysis, the functional connectivity matrix is derived from a data set collected in 1949 in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, by the Traffic Audit Bureau.

著者

安達 常将

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.173-194, 2005-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

102

被引用文献数

1

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After the deregulation of air transport in United States and liberalization in Europe, papers on this theme have been accumulated in the field of transport geography which uses quantitative methods in United States and Europe while there are few socio-economic studies from that viewpoint. Socio-economic transport geography tends to have an interest in historical processes of transport development and little in the current transport problems especially in Japan. Socio-economic studies, however, examine the system of transport facilities comprehensively, which will contribute to practical analysis and criticism of current transport problems.The purpose of this paper is to examine the case of the rapid expansion of the direct bus network connecting Haneda Airport with its hinterland since the latter half of the 1990s. This paper also examines the other social background of this phenomenon, considering the role of bus company in making the bus routes between Haneda Airport and its hinterland, impact of the deregulation of air and bus transport, changing use of aircraft, and the bus share in airport-access market. The data were mainly collected through interviews with the personnel of bus companies in charge of planning bus route to Haneda Airport. The main findings of this paper are summarized as follows:1. Almost all the bus routes between Haneda Airport and its hinterland are managed by two airport bus companies (Keihin Electric Express Railway Co., Ltd., and Airport Transport Service Co., Ltd.), and 25 local bus companies, each of which has its own service area. Therefore the airport bus companies are concerned with all bus routes and have a lot of information on them. When the local bus companies plan to extend their bus routes into Haneda Airport, the airport side supplies accumulated know-how to run an airport-access bus with the local bus side. This cooperated-route-management-system enables a sudden increase in bus route.2. Until the first half of the 1990s, bus stops were arranged only in the Tokyo Bay area and Central Tokyo, which is near Haneda Airport. But the hinterland greatly expanded in 1998, reaching 100km away from Haneda Airport. Since these routes were profitable, the airport bus companies began to develop the bus route to Haneda Airport positively. Therefore the local bus companies have become so easy to participate in the airport-access bus that 13 routes were formed in 2000. After 2001, new routes have extended into areas where market size is smaller or road accessibility is worse, and 49 bus routes to Haneda Airport have been formed before December, 2002.3. The number of air passengers using Haneda Airport has increased from 31 million persons in 1988 to 54.8 million in 2000 and is estimated to be increasing in the future. This trend has brought an increase in airport-access bus passengers, too, and is one of the factors causing the expansion of the direct bus network connecting Haneda Airport with its hinterland.4. Haneda Airport Offshore Expansion Project has influences on the increase of passengers using Haneda Airport indirectly and on airport-access bus at three viewpoints. The number of bus stops has increased 5 to 15; many buses can be operated. Since highway system is improved, buses can arrive at Haneda Airport on time, which makes air passengers take a bus confidently. The pollution issues such as the noise and vibration are refined; aircraft can take off and land on Haneda Airport all day long. In the early morning, however, airport-access trains are not available in many areas in Haneda Airport hinterland while buses are available even in the areas more 100km away from Haneda Airport. This fact suggests that the bus companies could make buses bound for Haneda Airport run selectively in the early morning for their profit; on the other hand, this promotes the public benefit because the completion of airport-access is demanded now.

著者

村田 陽平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.5, pp.532-548, 2005-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

56

被引用文献数

1 1

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The consideration of male bodies is a significant issue for gender studies in geography since they are an influential factor in constructing gendered spaces. Few studies, however, have paid attention to male bodies, a fact that contrasts starkly with the amount of attention directed toward female bodies. Thus, the objective of this study is to clarify how male bodies contribute to the construction of gender-differentiated spaces by investigating the representation of tobacco advertisements in Japan.In Japan, smoking is primarily a male behavior; the smoking rate for men is about 47%, whereas that for women is about 12%. This is because Japanese tobacco advertisements tend to represent male bodies and their spaces around them.This study uses Japanese tobacco advertisements in Japanese magazines during 1987-2000. Surveying these advertisements, the following five characteristics were more significantly associated with represented male bodies than with female bodies.First, male bodies are represented with natural scenery whereas female bodies are represented in artificial environments. This implies that male bodies are intended to challenge nature. The images also emphasize the vastness of their space.Second, male bodies are represented with few words, while female bodies are accompanied by many words. This means that male space is emphasized by quiet, dignified male bodies through the elimination of words.Third, male bodies are accompanied by women's eyes. This representation of women gazing deeply at smoking men leads to the acknowledgement of male smoking space. This also means that male space is supported by female bodies.Fourth, male bodies are represented with the gesture of exhaling smoke, whereas such representation of female bodies is controlled. This difference indicates that only males are allowed to control their space by breathing out smoke.Fifth, male bodies are represented with distance between each other, contrary to women's bodies. Male relationships are defined only by their work, women, and smoking in order to bridge the distance.In conclusion, Japanese tobacco advertisements represent male bodies and contribute to the construction of male space as well as suggesting how men's personal space is associated with the wide open spaces. On the other hand, this finding also means the advertisements are prejudiced and biased toward men and the spaces they occupy. Therefore, it follows that we need to elucidate the meanings of "ordinary" male bodies in daily spaces.

著者

山口 泰代

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.159-174, 1997-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

47

被引用文献数

2 3

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of a landscape at the sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery.This aim is dealt with in humanistic geography. But, there are still many complicating problems in the process of study. Especially, the translation of the word landscape is problem: all geographers ought to use the word keikan as meaning landscape, although the landscape study with which humanistic geographer are concerned is differnt from that of other geographers. Humanistic geographers are interested in how felt landscape is looked at by a person. On the other hand, most geographers have been interested in how a landscape is made, not how it is felt. Despite these different interests in landscape study, all geographers ought to use a same word. Therefore, landscape study with which humanistic geographers are concerned often has difficulty being understood by many geographers on other fields.So, I use the term word landscape scenery as a key word in this paper. The term landscape scenery is used by landscape gardeners. A humanistic geographer's concern is how a landscape is felt when looked at by a person, so this concern is close to the gardener's. If I carelessly use the word keikan as meaning landscape, my aim may not be properly understood by many other geographers.By the way, a sacred place can in the considered by context of history or society. Indeed, it is important to consider a sacred place from such contexts. But even if the focus goes further than history or society, it may be possible that such a place attracting all human beings exists. I want to deal with such a place that has been attracting all human beings beyond history or society as sacred place.I take up Muro as a sacred place in this papaer. Muro is a village between mountains. It has attracted many people as a sacred place for 1200 years. I make a study through researching Muro's landscape scenery. By the way, landscape scenery changes according to season or weather. Therefore, I mainly focus on the form of landscape scenery in this papaer.Muro's landscape scenery is mainly formed by 3 main structures.1: Very long path that has very bad visibility.2: A basin scenery looking from a place where the field of vision suddenly opens up.3: Changing scenery when a person gradually descends to the sacred villageThis landscape structure looks like a form combin a tunnel with earthenware mortar. Moreover, this landscape scenery looks like the scenery when we go back to mother's womb, if we wish. Is it exaggerated that this landscape scenery is possibily attractive for all human beings?The way of feeling for landscape when pepole look at it may be different for each person or each time. But there may exist a landscape scenery attracting all human beings. At least, this paper may be able to suggest that Muro's landscape scenery is very attractive, and the landscape structure of Muro may apply to a landscape scenery attracting all human beings.The aim of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of landscape at a sacred place paying attention to landscape scenery in geography.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-16, 1978-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

13

被引用文献数

4 2

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The surface of the earth (E), a region (Rm), and its components (e) should be defined in the set theory as follows, E⊃Rm, Rm∋e, β=φe, φe=μφnon condition that e=sociotop, β=social function, φ=function of e, μ=function of n, andn=natural materials of e, (physiotop and ecotop).These expressions come out only through the behavior of a social group in Rm. There needs Rm→Rmn in order to consider Rm a complex of various behavior spaces composed of e-group.fa: Rmn→Va|V=2-dimentional cross section of a complex of behavior spacesf-1: {Va, Vb, ……, Vo}→Rmnwhile it is only the valuable e-group in the actual field of activities that appear in the presence, some other e1, e2, ……disappear in the back. In process of action, en in focus takes turns and same one changes its scale and outline. From the facts that e1, e2……happen to turn inside out on one's return, we must consider still more that a behavior space is often transformed into a projective planeha: Va→V'a|h=projective mapping∴ hafa: Rmn→V'a (1)h-1f-1: {V'a, V'b, ……, V'o}→RmnWhen a means of transportation is on solid crossing, Rm becomes homeomorphic with a torus.Plane surface ACEFDB would be homeomorphic with a disk, if there were a means of transportation to connect A with C and E, B with D and E. But if a new multistory highway is constructed, the curved surface would be homeomorphic with a torus. More, suppose that a connection of A, D, F and of B, C, E is strengthened, a Möbius band's projective plane comes into existence. μ index, μ=e-v+p in graph theory, as well as value of Auler index, X(F)=v-e+f in topology, must change under high dimentional conditions of each curved surface.In the basic model according to the marketing principle postulated by W. Christaller, a service area of each central place corresponds to 2-dimentional plane formed by a dual graph of a planer graph which vertexes coincide with central places of the same order. But a network presented on the basic model ought to be considered to over 2-dimention, because it consists of a set of planer graph and daul graph. The new model of a service area is hier explained to take up the mechanism of s-dimentional manifold.If Rmn were to be supposed to keep a certain balance, it is impossible to pick up a cross section (V) as a net of hexagonal-shaped pattern (G), which is cut by Rmn. At least there needs a projective transformation, ε: V→G (2)The relation between (1) and (2) might be explicated after the fact that this transformation proves to be correct in projective spaces of some regions. A part of Rmn's deeper structure is exposed by way of example of the uneven boundaries of regions based on the catastrophe theory of topology.

著者

杉山 和明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.26-42, 2003-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

153

被引用文献数

3 1

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Since the late 1980s, the epistemology of cultural politics that derives from British cultural studies and contemporary critical social theories-referred to as the 'the cultural turn in social sciences and humanities'-has been taken seriously in Anglophone human geography. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the recent progression in youth studies, especially after the deep impact of the cultural turn in Anglophone human geography, and how to apply it in the Japanese context.The author will present four themes concerning geographies of youth: (1) Youth, cultural politics and positionality, (2) home, school and regional community around youth, (3) the progression from production to consumption society and youth in urban spaces and (4) problematizing youth and privatization of public spaces, all of which focus on cultural politics intertwined among various times and spaces.Presenting various research points, the author will identify three significant theoretical aspects in which the geographies of youth mainly rely: the question of the social construction of subjects, the cultural politics of place and identity, and the ethics behind subject positions. The author insists that Japanese human geographers should consider these issues, despite the difficulties involved in their direct introduction into Japanese empirical studies and, that, furthermore, this is necessary in order to explore research practices regarding the studies of youth in the future.