著者

泉谷 洋平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.5, pp.507-521, 1998-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

52

被引用文献数

2 2

---

The two remarkable tendencies have been observed in Japan's recent elections: the continuous rise in the abstention rate at successive elections and the increase of mutohaso (voters who have no particular partisanship). Although many previous studies have devoted attention to voting behavior, the rising abstention rate has been investigated only partially. Additionally, research focused on voting turnout rate have to date tended to slight underlying factors except those affecting the nation as a whole.Nowadays, however, the electorate's distrust of the political system rather than particular parties and statesmen is increasing, and the abstention rate, regardless of whether it is a national or local election, is also rising steadily. This reflects distrust of the political system itself at the local level as well as at the national level. Thus, this rise of abstention rate should be investigated from a more comprehensive framework rather than maintain a bias towards the national level. Therefore, this research note examines the relationship between local elections and the 1996 general election of the House of the Representatives in the southern Kanto region of Japan (Saitama, Chiba, Tokyo and Kanagawa), using the path analysis associated with J. Agnew's concept of context.The abstention rate of both the local and national elections are influenced by the socio-economic characteristics of municipalities located in the region under analysis. However, the high correlation observed between the general election and the two local elections (on municipal and the other prefectural) immediately before it cannot be explained by socio-economic characteristics dlone. This is because the abstention rate at these local elections affected the national election. It is very likely that apathy toward local elections, which had been shared by electors in the context of increasing distrust toward politics in general, caused the result of the higher abstention of the general election through his/her‘path’and‘sense of place’in the terminology of Agnew.Hence, keeping in mind that factors at both the scale of municipalities and prefectures had been an important‘context’for the high abstention of the national election, I applied a causal model which incorporated the impact of the local elections on the national election immediately after them. The results, show a significant causality. It can thus be concluded that Agnew's perspective which enables us to integrate factors working at a few different spatial levels within a single framework is effective for considering phenomena concerned with recent distrust of politics.

著者

相澤 亮太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.414-427, 2005-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

被引用文献数

1

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The argument for the rehabilitation from the Hanshin-Awaji Great Earthquake is mainly based on city planning, regional economy, and community revival. It is indispensable to place an emphasis on local culture and folk customs such as local festivals and community activities for investigating the revival of daily life in these areas. Therefore, this paper focuses on the Jizo festival in the Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake stricken area. Investigating the Jizo festival is one of the most suitable means to understand the relationship between place and memory in stricken areas.The Jizo festival is a familiar folk custom in Japan. Jizo is a guardian of children and the stone statue of Jizo made is embodied in a small shrine. People pray to the Jizo statue for children's health and safety, and one's health, safety, and so on. Jizo was enshrined in the stricken area after the earthquake disaster. In 2002 and 2003, the author researched Jizo and the Jizo festival in Nagata-ku, Kobe City, which was greatly damaged by the earthquake.The results of the analysis are summarized as follows. The Jizo festival has been greatly influenced by urbanization and the disaster. Jizo has been sometimes moved, and the Jizo festival has been suspended. However, it is easy to enshrine Jizo in the niche of a city space because the statue is small. In addition, Jizo is enshrined by a very flexible group of inhabitants. The meaning of Jizo is very flexible for the inhabitants, and they are able to freely participate in the Jizo festival. The greater the inhabitants who participate in the Jizo festival, the more the memory of Jizo is shared among them. Enshrining Jizo is important for the sharing of the memory of Jizo by the inhabitants.

著者

田子 由紀

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.372-395, 1994-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

66

被引用文献数

5 1

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The structure of the female local labor market has been studied from the viewpoint of firms or plants as employers, but housewives' role inside their household has not been analyzed. Housewives' working status has not been discussed in detail, on the other hand, at the level of the content of their working activities, using a time-geog-raphical approach. The purpose of this paper is to establish a system composed both of a plant as an employer and of a housewives as employees, and then to understand the female local labor market by coupling dialectically the plant's working and housewives' activities within a time-geographical perspective. The study area-Aonohara district, Tsukui-machi, Kanagawa Prefecture-is situated in the Greater Tokyo fringe area, where a plastic manufacturing plant was newly located and employed female parttimers.It turns out that the plant's action on the inside- and outside-crisis which occured in the above-mentioned system is grouped into two categories: (1) emergency action and (2) radical reform. As a factor of reduction of product efficiency, immediately, the plant and the housewives cope with that crisis through a daily-rhythm. A crisis which cannot be solved through daily-rhythm, in turn, is solved by the monthly-rhythm schedule adjustment. In the case of a crisis which was not solved even by that adjustment, a radical reform has been required through yearly-rhythm. Further a relocation of the plant might be sometimes needed through life-rhythm.

著者

長谷川 孝治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.156-177, 1993-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

163

被引用文献数

2 2

---

In Europe the study of the history of cartography has a long tradition that dates back to the Renaissance, but its establishment as an independent science had to await the works of L. Bagrow and others since the 1930s. During the ensuing fifty years, a great effort has been devoted to organizing an academic and social framework, including publishing general histories of cartography and facsimiles, and founding the academic society Imago Mundi. During the 1980s, paradigmatic changes occurred in the view and methodology of study in this field. These changes were initiated by P. D. A. Harvey's The History of Topographical Maps and particularly by Concepts in the History of Cartography by M. J. Blakemore and J. B. Harley, both works published in 1980.In this paper the contemporary Anglo-American trends in the study of the history of cartography after 1980 are summarized according to the categories of iconology, context, and social history.1. History of Cartography as IconologyVarious methods of interpreting messages conveyed by means of icons and pictures embedded in maps have been employed in the study of the history of cartography and historical geography. In recent studies of the history of cartography, the analysis of animals (W. George 1978), heraldry (R. V. Tooley 1983), portraits (G. Schilder 1985, P. Barber 1990) and other icons found in maps, as well as of the typology of cartographic symbols and legends (C. Delano Smith 1988), has continued.A synthetic method to consider the map as a whole, not to analyze each element on the map or its border separately, was proposed by Harley (1980 & 1983). He used E. Panofsky's iconology as a framework and suggested that a cartographic parallel existed.Attempts to interpret the whole work as a single icon, semantically or symbolically, have often been limited to the title-page of an atlas, rather than considering the maps themselves. Although Tooley (1975) had published a collection of title-pages of atlases, it was R. W. Shirley (1987 & 1988) who systematically organized all of them. Nevertheless these title-pages are categorized only by their format and content, and there is no in-depth interpretation of any individual map. For instance, the title-page of the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum by A. Ortelius, the first modern atlas, should be seen as a stronger spatial expression of the Darwinian paradigm than of the relation between those dominating and dominated.2. History of Cartography as ContextBeyond the iconographic interpretation, a contextual approach to consider the individual map in the context of the historical circumstances in which it was produced has been developed. The cultural context, or the relationship between the invention of maps in early modern Europe and the corresponding historical and cultural circumstances, especially those of art, has been discussed by R. Rees (1980), S. Y. Egerton (1987) and S. Alpers (1987). All of these credit the impact of the revival of the Ptolemaic grid system to art.In the political and social context, Harley (1983) applied his method to the meaning and function of the various scale maps under the Tudors and developed cartographic semantics. The county maps of Saxton, for example, were prepared with such things in mind as the bureaucracy, defence, local administration and decoration, and they have been interpreted as symbolizing the county community and serving a social function as the identity of the county and as an intellectual discovery of England. Harley (1988) later employed M. Foucault's concept of power-knowledge and episteme to interpret the relationship between the maps and the ideology in them. This work attempted to divide the empty space in maps, interpreted as silence, into intentional and unintentional silence, and to investigate in particular the role of political, religious and social ideology in the unintentional silence.

著者

石川 雄一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.4, pp.355-369, 1990-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

39

被引用文献数

4

著者

小畠 邦江

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3, pp.230-247, 2001-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

122

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By paying attention to the hitherto neglected "Map of Japanese Folk Crafts (Folding Screens)" ("Nihon Mingei Chizu Byobu"), the purpose of this paper is to consider the process of YANAGI Muneyoshi's discovery of the local handicrafts that resulted in making the Map on folding screens and writing the book "Handicrafts in Japan."The huge Folding Screen Map, which contains detailed information about 541 places of folk craft products, was completed and first exhibited in 1941. After being shown at the World Exhibition in Osaka in 1970, the Map has been on permanent exhibition at the Japan Folk Crafts Museum in Osaka. It was specially exhibited at the Japan Folk Crafts Museum in Tokyo in the jubilee years of 1989 (the first year of Heisei) and 2000. The Map is seen as the symbol of the Japanese Folk Craft Movement.For forty years, from his early twenties until five years before his death, YANAGI (1889-1961) traveled constantly throughout Japan, conducting research and collecting artistic items. "A Note on Folk Crafts in Prefectures in Japan" ("Nihon Shokoku Mingei Kenbetsu Oboegaki") has recently been found among the Yanagi materials at the Japan Folk Crafts Museum. It is argued that this comprises the basic data that were used in making the large Map. This Note is a valuable source that bridges YANAGI's original research and the resulting map and book. The Map also includes additional information supplied by YANAGI's friend JUGAKU Bunsho (1900-92), and SERIZAWA Keisuke (1895-1984), who painted the screens. A notable feature of SERIZAWA's map is that it is designed diagrammatically (like a railway map) so as to show the relative distance and position of the various places.With the development of mass production and extensive transportation networks, folk crafts were fast losing their idiosyncratic qualities. In response, the Folk Craft Movement searched for utility articles peculiar to individual localities that still survived. These local products were collected and exhibited in urban areas. The Folk Craft Movement made it a principle to avoid wordy explanations about the objects on display. Instead, maps were used as an effective way of supplying information. In folk craft exhibitions, the artisan's name is rarely supplied, and only the product place names are given. We can see here an emphasis on the importance of place with regard to Japanese folk crafts.Throughout the world during the first half of the last century, there was a tendency to extrapolate national characteristics from local arts, and YANAGI in Japan was no exception. In his "Map of Japanese Folk Crafts (Folding Screens)" and in "Handicrafts of Japan, " we can regard his gaze on various regions all over Japan as based on the geographical imagination.

著者

室賀 信夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.4, pp.426-432, 1965-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

島津 俊之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.4, pp.333-350, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

98

被引用文献数

3 2

---

It is challenging for social geographers to scrutinize the role of space in social theory. The author examines the significance of space in the development of Durkheim's conception of social morphology.The origin of social morphology is found in Durkheim's earlier presentation of the system of sociology. Durkheim, influenced by organicist theory prevailing in the 19th century, elaborated the system of sociology by analogy with that of biology and recognized the presence of‘morphology’inquiring into the way in which society is composed, i.e. into‘structure.’In The Rules of Sociological Method (1895), social morphology was regarded as a branch concerned with the classification of‘social types’in terms of differences in structure. However, at that time, it was to‘function’of society, such as morality or the law, that Durkheim attached much importance as subject matter. In fact social morphology, in the Rules, was assigned to provide for sociological explanations the‘laboratories’(social types) furnished with the value of alleged independent variables, i.e.‘dynamic density’and‘social volume.’On the other hand, Durkheim made his own distinction between the‘base’and‘superstructure’ of society. In his view, the‘base’means social groups from which the‘superstructure’ i.e.‘function’originates, which are called the‘substratum.’In the Rules Durkheim regarded as the subject matter of sociology‘social facts, ’which were classified into two major categories: substratum (morphological facts) and social life (physiological facts). In this classification system the elements of space (dwellings and the network of communications) were incorporated into the concept of substratum for the first time. Durkheim thought that the substratum was social life consolidated while it was a visible vehicle through which invisible social life might be approached.The above significance of the substratum became a precondition for the renewal of social morphology as an explanatory analysis of the substratum. This renewal was completed probably in response to Friedrich Ratzel's conception of geography. In this stage Durkheim incorporated into the substratum various kinds of space connected with society, especially Ratzelian concepts of‘Raum’and‘Grenzen.’Thus it is considered that space is a visible‘social form, ’a visible manifestation of society. The task of social morphology was to explain from the category of‘collective representations’the shaping of the substratum as an amalgam of social groups and space.Durkheim, however, went in the direction of distinguishing analytically between social groups and space. He utilized Georg Simmel's‘form-content’-dichotomy for this distinction. Further, the category of social group was given the term‘population’while that of space was called‘social space.’In the end social morphology was conceived to include a double task of explaining the formation of population distribution and of social space.

著者

織田 武雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.5, pp.379-391, 1953-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

11

著者

矢部 直人

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.3, pp.277-292, 2003-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

3 13

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It was not until the late 1990s That inner Tokyo started to regain population. This paper explores the extent of that shift and it is argued that population recovery in Minato Ward in inner Tokyo differs from the nature of 'gentrification' observed in Western countries.The 'bubble era' of the late 1980s resulted in rapid land price inflation, land speculation on inner city plots and involved a considerable area of land while displacing former residents. The idea that Tokyo was becoming a 'global city' supported land speculation for office and commercial demands. Inner Tokyo continued to lose population in the late 1980s as a consequence of competition with business and commercial land use. Tokyo Wards implemented various policies to prevent the further outflow of residents, which included rent subsidies to renters and the substitution of mortgage interests exceeding 2%. The Wards also leased rented housing to household renters, and issued guidelines to locate rental family-sized housing in newly-built office buildings.After the collapse of the 'bubble', however, office and commercial demands suddenly disappeared and land prices fell rapidly. The financial crisis induced firms to sell or utilize their land for housing. By the late 1990s, high rise apartments were built on such speculated land. GIS-based mapping analysis revealed that the construction of public and private housing mainly contributed to population recovery, followed by the opening of new subway stations.A questionnaire survey was conducted to examine who had moved into the newly-provided housing in the inner city. Data were collected on household type, occupation, former residential location and reasons for the move.The survey revealed that single female households and double income couples with no children predominated in the private housing sector. The main reason for the move was proximity to workplace. This reflects the fact that movers into the inner city mainly consist of households placing a higher priority on employment than on nurturing children. Couples with children would move into the inner city if they secured low cost (public) housing. Many constraints still prevent the inflow of households with children, such as high housing cost in both private rented housing and owner occupied housing, and limited nursery school capacity.The provision of public housing, which is a counter policy to the population decline, results in relatively low income households returning to the inner city. Subsequent private housing construction which was caused by the collapse of the 'bubble' attracts different types of households from a wider area. Population recovery in inner Tokyo differs from gentrification in the West in that it is not limited only to more affluent people relocating to the inner city.

著者

岡部 泰廣

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.4, pp.378-387, 1979-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

30

被引用文献数

3 1

著者

若松 司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.186-204, 2004-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

55

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper is a case study of the Dowa districts in Shingu City, Wakayama Prefecture. It attempts to describe the processes by which residents and their organizations transformed their living space under the Dowa Assimilation Projects and focuses on the social relations among agencies related to these projects. An important theme in human geography is the understanding and analysis of the roles of agencies in spatial transformation. A case study of the Dowa districts will contribute to the exploration of this theme.The Buraku Liberation League (BLL) is a private agency whose purpose is to liberate the "burakumin", an outcaste group formed in the feudal Tokugawa Era. As part of its policy, the BLL constructed a theory that ascribed such discrimination to governmental administration and thus developed a methodology for governmental assistance for the improvement of their living spaces. With this methodology, the physical aspects of the Dowa districts have bgen dramatically improved.In 1955, the Shingu Branch of the BLL was organized. The Branch participated in the Dowa Projects, building connections with local communities and local governments. This paper describes the development of two Dowa Projects-the Local Improvement Project and the Model Districts Project in order to illustrate the relations of the BLL with local communities and local governments. In Shingu City, the Local Improvement Project was implemented before the BLL was organized. In 1953, public housing for the burakumin was constructed for the first time in Shingu City. This implies that Local Improvement Projects by the city government controlled the buraku liberation movement in the city.The Model Districts Project was carried out from 1961-62 and was severely criticised by the BLL headquarters at that time. However, the Shingu Branch accepted the implementation of the project but the stance of the branch was inconsistent. While the Shingu Branch had relations with the BLL headquarters concerning the movement, it maintained relations with members of the city assembly and the city government, and these latter relations were more effective in promoting the projects. However, the projects promoted the suburbanization of the Dowa districts and negatively influenced the buraku liberation movement. It was after 1975 that the Shingu Branch mobilized residents for the liberation movement and thereafter reduced this negative outcome.

著者

杉山 和明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.396-409, 1999-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

5 2

---

In recent years, there has been much debate over the social production of space and the relationship between social subject and space. The author, emphasizing the social structural context, contributes to this debate by identifying social space focused on one district. This paper seeks to reveal the significant relationship in which society and space are reconstructed in the late modern era, considering the differences between subjective space and objective space, mass behavior during weekend nights, and the factors influencing the mechanism of perception. To put it concretely, the purpose of this paper is to explain how youths, between the ages of 15 and 29, use the space and act in the night amusement quarter applying the concept of social space, and to examine the experiences of this generation using the ethnographical method.A case study was carried out in the EKIMAE district, the redeveloped area in front of Toyama station, Toyama City. EKIMAE is a commonly used name for the space. Social space refers to subjective social space expressed as a mental map depicted in the youths' own way. On the other hand, objective social space is the space bounded by the regulator of public space, the Toyama Police Department, which is a police patrolling area defined by their own territorial perception in order to monitor and control the populace. Neither space, objective and subjective, is an official administrative district.The remarkable result of various examinations of these spaces is that NANPA spot, a place where girl or boy hunting are conducted, is equivalent to subjective social space and plays an important role for the youth to maintain their identity. Examining the way in which commodities were selected by the youth in the questionnaire, it was demonstrated that various commodities are obstacles to their entry. Furthermore, when they participate in the space as an actor or observer, space functions as theater in a high consumption society. As such, the space where youths encounter one another is constructed as subjective social space and they therefore tend to feel their perceived territory as home.This analysis assists us in understanding the quality of late modern places and how subject and place become inextricably intertwined in the context of social structure.

著者

中村 豊

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.4, pp.307-320, 1979-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

17

被引用文献数

4 2 6

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In his first research in America, Gould identified that there are mental maps shared in common among many individuals with respect to a specific perception point. This he termed as a specific mental map (S). In his later research in Britain, he found a general mental map (G) which was shared in common among all British school leavers. He explained the relationship between these two mental maps as follows: S=G+L (where L is local effects or local dome). This means that there are differences in every specific mental map. But he didn't consider differences of mental maps which derived from different residential preference systems. In mental maps, the residential preference systems or value systems are very important, because mental maps mainly depend on them. But there are many residential preference systems in a human group, so that the mental maps shared in common are not single but plural.In this papar, therefore, the existence of plural general mental maps is conceptualized and then the maps are extrected, their spatial patterns and their preference systems are analyzed, and their relationships are discussed.(Concepts)Prior to analysis, some concepts would be defined as follows.(a) Generality of mental maps and local effects of mental maps are features of spatial patterns. The former is a spatial pattern shared in common in a country (or study area) among the respondents. The latter is features of spatial patterns viewed from every specific perception point, which operate to deform the general mental map.(b) Dimensionality of mental maps is the variety of residential preference systems. Operationally, the dominant residential preference systems correspond to the dimensions of principle component analysis. The residential preference systems are interpreted by component scores on this scaling.(c) Homogeneity of mental maps is equivalent to the extent to which a particular residential preference system exists within a group. Operationally, it is measured by coefficient of determination.(Data and method)From six high schools in Aomori, Chiba, Fukui, Iwakura, Yao and Niihama, the residential preference ranking data are obtained. To these data, principal component analysis is used twice. In the first step, spatial patterns at every perception point are represented through principal component scores and their features are described. At the second step, principal component analysis is reapplied to the six component scores obtained (the first dimension and the second dimension, seperately).(Results)Fig. 2-(1-6) shows the spatial patterns of the first dimension at the six perception points respectively. Fig. 3-(1-6) shows that of the second dimension. Fig. 4 shows the spatial pattern of the general mental maps of Japan drawn by using the first dimension components. Fig. 5 shows the map drawn by using the second dimension components. The features of every specific mental map are summarized in the general mental maps.The features of spatial pattern in the first dimension are as follows; (1) prefectures known for sightseeing (Kyoto, Nara, Hokkaido, Shizuoka, Nagano, etc.) are preferect, (2) in general, the warm and urbanized prefectures have high score, and (3) Tokyo, capital of Japan, is not prefered. In specific mental maps, however, there are local effects, for example, the prefectures near the perception points have high scores as compared with other prefectures. The features of spatial pattern in the second dimension are as follows; (1) it is simpler than the first dimension with respect to spatial pattern, (2) rural prefectures have high scores, while urbanized prefectures have low scores. As seen from table 4, it can be said that a rather high correlation exists between the various perception points in both the first and the second dimension correlation matrix of component scores.

著者

岡本 耕平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.5, pp.429-448, 1982-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

89

被引用文献数

7 1

著者

三木 理史

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.217-239, 1999-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

102

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the relationship between reclamation work in Karafuto (present-day Sakhalin) and the construction of its capital city, Toyohara (present-day Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk) after the Russo-Japanese war. There are four main points of consideration. As a study of colonization, this paper examines the relationship between suzerain policy and urban design as well as the transfer of systems and techniques from domestic to overseas territories. In addition, since Karafuto resembled Hokkaido in regional character during Japanese colonial times, as a study of urban design this paper compares Karafuto with Hokkaido, especially in terms of the intentional construction and nodal function of cities. Based on these four points, the contents of this paper can be summarized as follows:1. Similar to Hokkaido in its population density and ethnic composition, Karafuto has been considered the Japanese overseas territory most similar to its domestic territory in terms of colonial government policies. It has not always been considered so similar in regard to climate and agriculture, however, leading the author to surmize a feeling of incongruity among its settlers. As the ratio of non-settling fishermen to permanent settlers was high in the early colonial times, the encouragement of permanent residence was the most important task of the reclamation work.2. The construction of the new capital city was begun shortly after the Japanese occupation of Karafuto. From among several choices, the village of Urajimirofuka was selected as the site for the new city due to its location in the Suzuya Plain, an important agricultural area, yet also near a military base and along the main road. The new capital city was named Toyohara.3. Greatly influenced by the division of farmland, the streets of the new city were laid out in a grid pattern, modeled after the one used in Sapporo. The center line of the new town was its railway, later dividing the governmental area from the civil area. If the design of Sapporo was greatly influenced by the design of cities in domestic territories, then the planning technology of Toyohara can be considered to have been introduced into Karafuto from Japanese domestic territories by way of Hokkaido.4. The construction of Toyohara was closely related to the division work of farmland. The plans for Toyohara were drafted mainly by persons associated with Sapporo Agricultural College. That is to say, Karafuto received a transfer of experience and technology from the reclamation work carried out in settling Hokkaido as a domestic colony.5. In the early days of Japanese colonization, the nodal function of cities on Karafuto was of the Reverse Y type, concentrating every function in the city of Otomari. After Toyohara was constructed, the function changed to a Sideways T type, with everything concentrated there. The change was almost complete by 1911.6. The inland settlement of Karafuto was more difficult than had been expected. As Toyohara was not enthusiastically received by settlers, the Japanese colonial government in Karafuto had to politically promote the invitation of settlers and encourage their permanent residence. Although a few cities and fishing villages developed along coastal areas, few permanent settlements developed further inland.

著者

松井 美枝

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.5, pp.483-497, 2000-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

94

被引用文献数

2 2

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The term "jo-kou", which means female laborers working at spinning factories, has been used with discriminatory implications. The reality raised by this term leads us to imagine the group life of girls, the extremely hard work and the poverty, associated with a disdainful perception towards them. As a result, female laborers at spinning factories have also experienced severe social discrimination in neighborhood communities.The author proposes that these discriminatory conditions have been observed more strongly in the encounter with the neighboring residents outside of the factory rather than in labormanagement relations inside the factory. The author also asserts that a perspective which focuses only on matters inside factories tends to mask workers' independence and potential, which are necessary to clarify in this study. Therefore, this paper stresses an important perspective: that is, to direct our attention to the encounters of spinning female laborers with the neighborhood community outside factories.In the study area of Oda district at Muko county (since 1936, Amagasaki city) in Hyogo prefecture where the Kanzaki factory of Toyo Spinning Company was located, many reminiscences of spinning laborers are available, and the author adds personal interviews with neighboring residents. These narratives are helpful in clarifying the ways in which the residents viewed female laborers and how laborers shared their life world with the surrounding community. The impact of the neighborhood's discrimination of laborers and their reactions to it are also examined.The results obtained here are as follows: (1) The company's management was largely conditioned by the laborers' emotions that arose as a result of encounters with the neighborhood community. (2) The laborers' independence, which tends to be unclear if we focus on labor-management relations inside the factory, can be recognized through an analysis of relations between female laborers and the neighborhood community.

著者

森川 洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.638-666, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

124

被引用文献数

10 7

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.5, pp.471-492, 2002-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

130

被引用文献数

1 1

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Since the mid 1980's, many Western economic geographers, especially in new industrial geography, have shown great interest in the Just-in-Time system (JIT). The core of their interests is not in the problem of logistics, but rather in the definition of the JIT in the Regulation Approach and its spatial implications from the viewpoints of labour control and subcontracting.Regulationists, Lipietz and Leborgne have considered the JIT is a part of the process leading to Post-Fordism, because the JIT is different from Fordism and Taylorism, workers on shop- floors can participate in quality control, partially improve their working conditions, and engage in multiple working process. Accordingly, they say the JIT raises functional flexibility in the firm and effectively orders subcontractors to enhance numerical flexibility. So, they have boldly set forth the hypothesis that the introduction of the JIT will make the region surrounding the assembler an ideal democratic society of Post-Fordism. In that place, regional society consists of consensus and collaboration of workers, managers, various scale corporations, labour unions, and other social institutions for the purpose of administration, education, investigation, and welfare.However, many new industrial geographers have criticized this hypothesis from theoretical perspectives and results based on examplary studies, especially about the case of Japanese automobile factories transplanted in the West. In conclusion, they say the JIT is not Post-Fordism, but has rather strengthened the regime of Fordism and the mass production system. In other words, it can be defined as Neo-Fordism, Neo-Taylorism, ‘structured flexibility’, or quasi-vertical integration which aims to effectively utilize both the merits of in-house production and contracting out to subcontractors.Therefore, many new industrial geographers have debated about the spatial implications of the JIT, namely whether the JIT causes agglomeration of suppliers around the assembler or not.First, the overarching spatial tendency is towards some form of agglomeration through the introduction of the JIT, because of the need for suppliers to be proximate to assemblers to deliver frequently, smoothly exchange information about quality control and development of new products, and reduce their transaction costs.Second, the JIT is not necessarily accompanied by agglomeration because of rapid development of transportation and communication between assemblers and suppliers. The restriction according to the laws of local contents makes the assembler order existing suppliers. In the case of standard parts, the supplier can concentrate production in one factory to pursue scale economics and deliver to each assembler. The suppliers also prefer to locate in rural areas, a little away from large assemblers to avoid the rise of labour costs and reinforcement of the labour movement.In the latter half of the 90's, Boyer, a Regulationist, has insisted that the accumulation regime has not unilinearly evolved from Fordism to Toyotism (JIT) or Volvoism in Sweden. He has allegedly criticized the doctrine of the convergence of a single social system of production. These models are not exclusive alternatives but rather coexisting multiple hybrid models. Therefore, it will be necessary to elucidate how the path-dependency or historical contingency of individual firms, especially Japanese transplants and major first-layer suppliers in the West, and conventions, institutions, and cultural backgrounds in Japan or the West affects the embeddedness of the JIT in the region and the spatial structure of industrial organization.In the results, some economic geographers, for example, Lung or Sadler, have insisted that there are no necessary conditions on spatial form of production owing to the introduction of JIT. It causes the decline of geograpohical studies about the JIT since the latter half of 90's.

著者

西田 博嘉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.271-282, 1983-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29