著者

川久保 篤志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.117-139, 1999-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

1 2

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While deregulation and trade liberalization are now in progress internationally, the importation of agricultural products is also increasing rapidly in Japan. To cope with this development, there has been a trend towards the pursuit of intensive agriculture and higher value-added products in agricultural regions. In this paper, the author discusses the example of forced-grown mandarins to investigate the influence its popularity has had on the market and on agricultural areas.Two particular points of significance of the impact of forced-grown mandarins on the market were found in Gamagoori city, Aichi Prefecture. The first is that new products were provided in the summer market in which fruits were scarcely supplied. The second was that the quality of naturally grown mandarins improved. This is due to demand for quality naturally grown mandarins as a result of competition with forced-grown mandarins which have a high quality in the September market.In addition, the significance to agricultural areas can be summarized as follows. First, was the expansion of the basis of the labor force due to the fact that the succeeding generation of the farming family returned from their non-agricultural occupations. This was in large measure a consequence of the characteristics of forced-grown mandarins, such as higher profits, longer harvest times, higher productivity per unit area of land and tolerance of different weather regimes. The second point is the facilitation of intensive management in infacility growing. As a result, the scale of naturally grown mandarins became smaller while the planted mandarin species changed to early mandarins in expectation of the transplantation of mature trees to green houses. In addition, to improve the level of productivity, a large-scale development of in-house grown mandarin complexes was accomplished with some success. The third point is that farming establishments growing plants other than mandarins in their green houses appeared in response to the success of forced-grown mandarins.However, from the viewpoint of the maintenance and reorganization of agricultural areas, there are two important limitations. The first is that part of the management of naturally grown mandarins was abandoned as a result of the intensive management of highly profitable forced-grown mandarins, and this led to a decline in the agricultural environment of surrounding mandarin farms due to damage by disease and harmful insects. The second point is that the continuation of growing mandarins by senior farmers has been made difficult due to the fact that producing forced-grown mandarins is more labor intensive than producing naturally grown mandarins and that considerable investment is required for the construction of proper facilities. As a result, there are some agricultural areas where forced-grown mandarin production is declining.In conclusion, it cannot be said that the introduction of forced-grown mandarins has successfully resulted in a long-term activation of all growing areas throughout the country.

著者

矢守 一彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.5-6, pp.523-538, 1970-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

保坂 武志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.5, pp.427-441, 1990-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

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Central place theory(CPT) is built with assumptions that traffic condions and demand distribution are uniform. These assumptions are usually not met in the real world. The purpose of this paper is to detect the hexagonal arrangement of hinterlands implied in CPT by transforming the real world into an uniform surface, mainly focusing on demand distrition.The transformation of the real world into an iso-demand surface is called “map transformation” (Getis, 1963; Rushton, 1972). However, these previous studies have paid no attention to traffic conditions. The idea adopted in this paper is as follows: if boundaries of hinterlands, which are influenced by traffic conditions, were transformed on an iso-demand surface, the resulting areas of hinterlands will meet the above two assumptions. In order to perform this “map transformation”, an area cartogram is used, whose algorithm is developed according to Dugenik et al. (1985).Public baths are taken as an example of emprical work; their patrons are behaved as if the nearest center hypothesis is confirmed (see Fig. 4), so that boundaries of their hinterlands are easily demarcated using the Thiessen polygons defined around their locations. The study area is the northwestern part of Tokyo City in 1970 where demand and supply of public baths seem to have been well balanced then; CPT assumes that the balance of demand and supply is kept.Comparing the iso-demand surface (Fig. 7) with the real world (Fig. 3) reveals that variance of areas of hinterlands in the former is much smaller than that in the latter (see Fig. 8). The result of map transformation analysis also suggests that the study area is divided into two districts in terms of goodness-of-fit, which can be differentiated according to the urbanization level in 1970.The first is the district already developed by 1970-most part of Toshima, Shinjuku, and Nakano Words. The developed district consists of two types of residential areas: residential quarters with detached houses, such as Ochia'i district, and built-up areas with wooden apartments. While in the real world the areas of hinterlands in the former residential areas are much larger than those in the latter, the both areas are nearly equal in the iso-demand surface; there is relatively less demand for public baths in the former residential areas where a lot of high-class houses had been built with a bathroom, and so people were less densely inhabited compared with the latter residential areas. It seems that demand and supply of public baths were belanced in each different type of residential areas.The second is the developing district, the nortwestern part of the study area. Its hinterland areas are larger than the areas in the developed district, even on the iso-demand surface, which is due to an imbalance of demand and supply.In sum, this paper has illustrated that hinterlands can be arranged in the manner prescribed by CPT if its all the assumptions are met.

著者

西野 寿章

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.6, pp.504-528, 1988-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

97

被引用文献数

2 2

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the locational characteristics of electric supply enterprises and the local conditions which influenced each enterprise, through case studies in central Japan before 1938.As a result, we can identify three types of location of the electric supply enterprises:(1) The first type of the location of the electric supply enerprises was one in urban areas. In such areas, a typical case was the‘Nagoya Electric Supply Company’established in 1889 in Aich Prefecture. This company built many electric power stations in the upper reaches of Kiso River and began to supply electric power to the urban and manufacturing areas of Aichi Prefecture, and later further to the Osaka area which was developed as the largest manufacture region in this period. Thus, this company developed to the one of the largest electric supply enterprises in Japan, absorbing many other electric supply enterprises in this area, changing its name to‘Toho Electric Supply Company’in 1922. A new company, ‘Daido Electric Supply Company’was separated from the‘Nagoya Electric Supply Company’.In this process, the‘Toho Electric Supply Company’and‘Daido Electric Supply Company’ were developed together and could exchange their electric power to fill the increased demand from electric power stations spread increasingly at the upper reaches of large rivers supported by the improvement of techniques in the generation and transmission of electric power.(2) The second type was one located in the traditional manufacturing areas, such as raw silk manufactures in Nagano Prefecture in central Japan. Raw silk manufacturing had developed in central Japan before World War II, based on increasing exports. The Suwa area in Nagano Prefecture was famous for this manufacturing. In the early days, many managers of this manufacturing weren't interested in electric power as their power source. But, later, they introduced electric power to increase their production, and they planned eagerly to establish many electric supply enterprises and manage these enterprises.Thus, electric power that was produced by these companies was mainly demanded by such raw silk making manufacturing in the Suwa area in the middle of Nagano Prefecture.(3) The third type was one located in the mountain areas, which was established by the public sector, managed by the authority of towns and villages. In peripheral areas, especially in the mountain areas in central Japan, the supply of electric power had to be managed by public sectors in each small village, because the larger electric supply enterprises could not economically supply electric power to these areas, due to their low demand for electric power. Kamisato Village in Nagano Prefecture was one such case. At first, all of the villagers wanted electric power to be supplied by one of the electric power enterprises. But the enterprise agreed to supply electric power only to a part of this village. Thus a conflict between the electric power enterprise and villagers occured.After this, the villagers made a decision to establish a new public enterprise to supply electric power to each household in the village. This could be accomplished because the village had extensive forest land and forest resources, and created a large fund by cutting and selling timbers.

著者

岡田 俊裕

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.5, pp.389-406, 1985-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

103

被引用文献数

1 2

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Koji Iizuka (1906∼1970) was a Japanese geographer and a critic of civilization. In this paper the writer reviews the transition of Iizuka's views of Asia from the time of World War II through the post war period. The writer states that this transition was accompanied by changes in Iizuka's views of Japan and West Europe. The beginning of this transition parallels the Great East Asia War, the surrender of Japan, the rise of nationalism in Asia and changes in the world situation. The transitions in Iizuka's views are summarized in the figure below: Iizuka's view of West Europe Iizuka's view of Asia Iizuka's view of Japan Transition of Koji Iizuka's views of West Europe, Asia and Japan

著者

松尾 容孝

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.352-362, 1981-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

26

著者

高橋 学

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.150-164, 1979-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

2 3

著者

山口 源吾

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.438-453, 1970-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

21

被引用文献数

2

著者

渡辺 久雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.6, pp.473-500,578, 1961-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29

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In ancient societies seas and rivers played an important role in spreading of the civilizations. In Japan seas and oceans have remained important even until now. The role of rivers in Japan, however, was gradually changed to that in irrigation and drinking, and its industrial importance has now become recognized in modern ages.There are two reasons for rivers retreating from the means of spreading of the civilization.1) Basins formed by one river system became complete as the space of life but lost their integration that had existed by means of a river. This was brought about by the new method of reclamation that came from China: For the management of paddy-field with rivers being the source of water supply it was necessary for rivers to be divided into small parts one system by one system.2) By using new method of reclamation powerful families in the provinces developed the space of life. As a result consanguineal societies were changed into territorial societies. Overland routes took the place of waterways as means of contact among many territorial societies formed in one water system. And rivers lost their importance as traffic routes and became important as the source of water supply (water for irrigaition).The purpose of this article is to make clear the history of the roles of such river systems, taking an example from Sumiyoshi Shrine that used to possess a large ancient dominion on the Hyogo River. As Sumyoshi Shrine was a tutelary god, its domain was on the Bay of Osaka (that was) next to the Inland Sea of Seto. However, by forming a connection with the Imperial Court of Yamato the shrine widened its domain along the river system and gained a vast area including woods and river valley inland. Because it was not originally the god of agriculture or forestry, it began to draw back when it lost the protection of the Imperial Court of Yamato, and finally retreated to the sea-side place which it had first possessed. The shrines that lost even their first domains have maintained only the buildings in which the faith in the gods of navigation and diplomacy is slightly kept.

著者

田中 豊治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.3, pp.12-25,94, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

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1. In mountain villages great owners of forests are also main owners of arable land. As the forests are still in the possession of those great landlords and not yet distributed among the poor peasants, feudal control of landlords over the peasants still remains. Without the Re-distribution of forests there is no complete agricultural Reformation. The author shows the real state of things in several districts.2. The San-in District.The larger area of forests a village has the stronger the remains of feudal tenant system is there, which imposes upon tenant-farmers overwork and high rent. The prosperity of Japan's capitalism has involved such miserable lives of peasants.3. The Southern Ou District. In this district also, the larger area of land and forests a landlord has. He is generally the owner of the larger farm land. This is the fundamental condition for the maintenance of nago (boss of village) system, since the farmers need forests as a source of manure, fuel, and timber.4. The Kiso valleyThe forests are in the possession of the Imperial Household. The forests here supply manure and forage.5. Oki Island.Pastures here are owned by individuals but have been offered for common use for the villagers. But as stress has been laid on the management by the individual farmers, this system has stood on the verge of ruin. The problem here is different from those of other districts.6. and 7. If landlords are left to possess large area of forests, feudalism will remain in the villages, and capitalistic aggression will come out. The poor peasants, who have become independent as the result of Re-distribution of farm land, still needs forests to be distributed among them, before the democratization of the villages are really possible, since without forests agriculture and stock-raising would be incomplete.

著者

山田 誠

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.6, pp.493-507, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

19

被引用文献数

1

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本稿は,日本の人文地理学の歩みと,今日それを取り巻く諸条件について紹介する。1910年代から欧米の方法論の咀嚼を通じてしだいに成果を積み上げてきた日本の人文地理学は,今日,新しい立場・対象・方法の研究が若い世代から現れ,また成果の海外への発信の機会も増えている。しかし,伝統的な人文地理学からの過度の断絶もときに見られるのは懸念材料である。

著者

南出 真助

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.5, pp.401-417, 1979-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1

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In medieval Japan a number of feudal manors were developed in certain parts of the country, and from those manors the tributes were despatched to the nobles' residences, temples, and shrines in Kyoto-Nara area and their vicinity. The interest of the author in this paper is focussed on sea-borne transportation of tributes from feudal manors in Aichi and Shizuoka areas to Ise Jingu Shrine in the present Mie prefecture, during the period from the 11th to the 15 th centuries. Since the manors in these areas were not linked directly with Kyoto, the sea-borne transportation routes have not been studied so far.The author made an examination of the following manors. Numbers (i) to (iii) were situated in the medieval province of Totomi, western section of the present Shizuoka Prefectue, and (iv) to (vi) in Mikawa, eastern section of Aichi Prefecture.(i) Hamana-Kanbe Manor(ii) Miyakoda-Mikuriya Manor(iii) Kamata-Mikuriya Manor(iv) Atsumi-Kanbe Manor(v) Akumi-Kanbe Manor(vi) Irako-Mikuriya ManorKanbe was a kind of manors which had originally been establihed in the ancient times, from which sake wine, silk, textiles, etc. as well as rice were sent as sacred tributes to Ise Jingu Shrine. The tributes from Mikuriya manors consisted mostly of rice and fish, whereas those from Misono manors were a variety of upland field products. In any case the medieval manors were developed either on the sea-coasts or along the river courses, and it is easily imaginable that some sort of facilities for water transportation were generally available to most manors.Through a study of selected manors, several points of interest seem to be disclosed. They are summarised below.1) Feudal manors of Ise Jingu Shrine situated in Mikawa and Totomi most probably depended on the sea-borne transportation as a means of despatching tributes.2) The tributes from Kanbe manors, which had been established earlier, were very much ceremonial in nature, and there remains a doubt as to actual importance of despatching goods.3) There were several newly developed Misono manors surrounding Kanbe. Harvests in Misono were sent to storehouses in Kanbe manors to be accumulated there.4) Each of Mikuriya manors had a group of fishermen, and these people were engaged in transporting tributed goods on board to Ise Jingu.5) A tribute transporting system covering those manors was formed at this early stage, and dispersed manors were organised in a network which was ultimately connected with Ise Jingu.

著者

中山 洋子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.103-118, 1972-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1 1

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After the war damage, Warsaw was already rebuilt and transfigured considerably. Nevertheless the present midtown area, of this city was formed nearly again within the Third Enceinte (the so-called Wary Lubomirskiego), which was built in 1770, and surrounded the former city. Respecting such a historical background, the main subject of this article aims at examining the role of the construction of the Third Enceinte and reorganization of the city in the Age of Stanishaw August (1764-94)For this purpose the very conditions of the location of the city are reffered to in the first part. Then attention is focused on the construction of the Second Enceinte (the so-called Wax Zygmuntowski), which was accomplished under the leadership of King Zygmunt III in 1621-24. Next, the process of the establishment of jurisdictions outside of this Second Enceinte with the approval of the king for the citizens under the oppression of the rising feudal lords is analyzed, and the development of iuvisdictions from the middle of seventeenth century is examined concretely by regional groups. In this part we point out the characteristic situation of the city just before the Age of Stanishaw August, where regality and the citizenry were weakening under the increasing jurisdictions of feudal lords and churches.From the apove-mentioned preliminary considerations we come to realize not only the motives of the construction of the Third Enceinte and the liquidation of jurisdictions under the leadership of the king with the rising power of citizen, but also the dynamic process of formation of the present midtown area. This article estimates highly the role of the Age of Stanishaw August and his initiative in this matter and brings forth the following assertions to understand some aspects on the formation of the present midtown area of Warsaw geographically:1. The location of Warsaw is worthy of evaluation in traffic, with regard to defense in these parts, throughout the course of history.2. Three time constructions of enceintes until the end of eighteenth century were not only for defense, but also for the unification of separate areas in this city.3. Jurisdictions prevented at first the unification of the whole city against the inclination of initiators, but just after the liquidation, these promoted the rapid and dynamic unification and development of Warsaw.

著者

谷岡 武雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.109-133, 1962-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

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A dominant rural landscape in the Vendée region called “bocage” is an expression of common characteristic culture and agricultural economics in Western France. The “bocage” is usually considered in contrast with the “plaine” or “campagne”. But for some 20 years, French geographers have remarked a small open field, named gagnerie or méjou in the “bocage” zone. This phenomenon contains problems difficult to solve for the scholars in this country. The writer, who had surveyed practically “Esch” at the Moraine Zone in Northern Germany, and Akker at the Campine region in Belgium, is in a position where he is able to try to compare it with gagnerie. In August 1958, the writer visited the Vendée's village and was concerened directly in practical investigation of the field. In writing this report, the author is sincerely grateful to Prof. G. Chabot, Prof. A. Perpillou, of the Sorbonne, and Mr. F. Verger, of Poitier Univ.The commune of St. Hilaire de Talmont and the castle town of Talmont, whose field was surveyed by the writer, is located at the south-western margin of “bocage vendéen”. On the south side of this, there are dominant regions of “plaine” and “marais” landscape zone. Accordingly, affected by the village-settlement's type from the south, at the commune investigated, the hamlets which are dotted with several groups of farms are remarkable. Farmers call them villages.Such “villages” have “gagneries” making a narrow strip among the “bocage”.These “villages” have exsisted from at least 14 centuries. In one of these “villages”, a church was built, and the village grew up to bourg. On the other hand, castle town was built before that time. In the 19th century, vast waste lands were cultivated and the farms spread all over. Thus in these communes the systematical structure of farms-villages-bourg-castle town are organized. From the historical point of view, the “village” is the older type and may be considered as the original form of the rural settlement in this region. There are the same hamlets and field's landscape as gagnerie∼village in the case of Akker and Esch, but their regions of distribution as well as the time of establishment are different, so a simple comparison is not advisable. Likewise, from the “village” with “gagnerie”, it is also difficult to guess similarly the original form of villages in the northeastern parts of France.As a result of the development of traffic, the growth of local cities and the recent agricultural evolution, the present farms and villages are fairly well connected with bourg; moreover, these are related to castle town Talmont and equally Les Sables-d'Olonne. In short, the farms, villages, bourg hold the fundamental unit in the urban net of Talmont-Les Sables d'Olonne or La Roche sur Yon-Nantes-Paris.

著者

島津 俊之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.6, pp.544-560, 1986-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

75

被引用文献数

1

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In der Siedlungsforschung in der Geographie Japans ist die Betrachtung der räumlichen Seite der die Ortschaft bildenden Sozialgruppen eins der Fächer, für die sich Forscher bisher interessiert haben. In diesem Bericht nennt der Verfasser die räumliche, hierarchische Anordnungsform der Sozialgruppen in der ganzen Ortschaft die räumliche Sozialstruktur der Ortschaft und macht sich die Erfassung der räumlichen Sozialstruktur und ihrer Verwandlung im Zenjoji-Dorf in der Kyoto-Präfektur zur Aufgabe.Anschaulich sind die kleine Ortschaft, das Dozokushudan (die Gruppe der Verwandtshaft), das Miyaza (die Gruppe mit einem Vorrecht für die Feier des Gottes) und das Kinringumi (die kleinste örtliche Gruppe) als die das Zenjoji-Dorf bildenden Sozialgruppen gefunden worden. Der Verfasser hat die Zeit von 1705 bis 1984 in vier Zeitabschnitte geteilt und die räumliche Sozialstruktur am Ende jeden Zeitabschnittes und ihren Verwandlungsprozeß geklärt (Abb. 8). Die Ergebnisse werden folgenderweise zusammengefaßt:(1) Der erste Zeitabschnitt (von 1705 bis 1845)Das Zenjoji-Dorf teilte sich in zwei kleine Ortschaften (Kamimura und Shimomura) und darin wurde ein Dualsystem entdeckt. Kamimura setzte sich aus etwa sechs Kinringumis (Goningumis) zusammen und Shimomura aus etwa acht Goningumis. Es gab je drei Miyazas in Kamimura und Shimomura, und in Kamimura wurden zwei Dozokushudans gefunden und in Shimomura vier Dozokushudans. Das Tempelchen des Sainokamis, das ein Grenzgott ist, lag am Punkt der Grenze zwischen Kamimura und Shimomura.(2) Der zweite Zeitabschnitt (nach 1845 bis vor 1906)Beide, Kamimura und Shimomura, verloren das Ujigami (der die Gemeinschaft vereinigende Gott), und jede von beiden Vereinigungen wurde schwach. Das Goningumi wurde neu ins Eiseigumi umgruppiert. Daher kam es, daß sich Kamimura aus vier Eiseigumi zusammensetzte und Shimomura aus sechs Eiseigumis. Die Vereinigung des Dozokushudans wurde schwach. Das Sainokami erlosch, und daher kam es, daß der Ort, an dem das Tempelchen lag, Sainokami genannt wird.(3) Der dritte Zeitabschnitt (von 1906 bis vor 1945)Kamimura und Shimomura als Sozialgruppen hörten auf zu existieren, und daher kam es, daß die beiden Räume, an denen Kamimura und Shimomura lagen, Kamide und Shimode genannt werden. Sainokami verlor die Funktion der Grenze, und neu war, daß der Seradani-Fluß als die Grenzlinie zwischen Kamide und Shimode erkannt wird. Das Dozokushudan erlosch. Das Eiseigumi wurde ins Tonarigumi umgruppiert, und daher kam es, daß je fünf Tonarigumis in Kamide und Shimode verteilt werden.(4) Der vierte Zeitabschnitt (von 1945 bis 1984)Das Miyaza verlor das Vorrecht für die Feier des Ujigamis, und seine Vereinigung wurde schwach. Dagegen verstärkte sich die Vereinigung des Tonarigumis. Darauf wurde die Vereinigung des Zenjoji-Dorfs relativ schwach.

著者

阪本 和仁

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.6, pp.545-561, 1990-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

36

被引用文献数

1 1

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Researchers of traditional nursery areas in the suburbs of metropolitan areas have reported that these areas are changing because of recent urbanization. In particular, the number of the nurseryman who pursues gardening as a side business increased in order to obtain more income. Although a few researchers have reported gardeners who pursues nurserywork as a side business, no one has get reported specialist gardeners.But, there are many gardeners who are not experienced in growing garden plants. Essentially, the gardener exists in the boundary territory between agricurture and the service industry, while the work of the nurseryman is agricultural. And, in the distribution system, the gardener takes a middle position between the nurseryman and consumers. So, we can't investigate gardeners as a subset of the tree-planting indusury using only the approach of the traditional nursery area.In this report we take up the gardening industry within the tree-planting industry, and investigate three problems in the Takayasu District and Ukyo-ku: 1) the formation process of gardening industry in both areas, 2) the change in distribution of gardener's offices and nurseries, 3) the production structure of the gardening industry.We have got the following results: 1) In Takayasu, some farmers started gardening as a side job in the Meiji Era, and the gardening industry has grown ever since owing to housing booms. In Ukyo-ku, gardeners appeared in the Heian Period, and the gardening industry has grown ever since because of temples and shrines. 2) The scale of agricultural land per gardener is small, and gardeners depend on distributors and agricultural lands that have gone out of use, because of recent urbanization. 3) The Earnings rate of the gardening industry is high, and many gardeners are engaged in not only landscape gardening but planning and maintaining of gardens. One of the reasons that the gardening industry exists in the suburbs of the metropolis is the high earnings rate.

著者

三上 正利

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.19-39, 1964-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

45

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On the basis of the “text” of the Siberian Map of 181 (1672-1673), it had been conjectured in Russia since the nineteenth century that the Siberian Map was made up around the years 1672-1673. The original Map of Siberia of 181 (1672-1673) has never discovered yet, but fortunately we have what are believed to be its threedifferent copies.L. Bagrow, regarding these copies as having much to do with the “text” of 181, asserted that they were reproductions of the original Map of Siberia of 181 (1672). In spite of some opposition, not a few scholars of the Soviet Union have followed Bagrow.B.P. Polevoy, at the February 1954 conference of the U.S.S.R. Geographical Society, held in Leningrad, presented a report, saying that at least the eastern half of the Map of Siberia of 181 was made by S.V. Polyakov in 1673, and that the author of the “text” of the Siberian Map of 181 was also Polyakov. A.I. Andreyev supports this opinion almost completely.This view is so plausible that most probably the Map of 181 will hereafter be called the “Map of Siberia of 1673.”However, I do not believe the view will survive criticism and become an established theory before Polevoy's report, still not made public, be published.

著者

田中 薫 山崎 禎一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.41-46, 1952-01-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

小川 佳子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.4, pp.313-334, 1995-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

3 3

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This paper's aim is to clarify the spatial organization of Nissan Ltd and its parts suppliers, especially first-tier suppliers in Japan. Nissan has built up a more deconcentrated production region, unlike Toyota and Mazda. Nissan has five car assembly plants and four engine and transmission plants in Japan. Three old assemly plants are located in the Kanto Region, including the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, one in the North-Kanto Region, and the newest in the Kyushu Region 1, 000km distant from Tokyo.Nissan organized its subcontractors and part suppliers into cooperative groups, “Takara-kai” in 1954 and “Shoho-kai” in 1966. The latter consisted of a large number of large-sized suppliers. In accordance with the rapid increase in car production in Japan since the 1960's, Nissan's parts makers enlarged production capacity with Nissan's financial and technological support. Nissan had almost no need to do business with new parts suppliers while demand.Many of Nissan's suppliers constructed large-sized plants in the suburbs of Tokyo, because of increased production in the 1960s. Old parts plants in Tokyo have reduced and stopped operations with the urbanization of Tokyo. The opening of new assembly plants, The Tochigi plant in 1971 and the Kyushu plant in 1975, caused suppliers to move. Many parts plants were built near Nissan's new plants in order to deliver components under the JIT system. Nissan's subsidiary companies, especially, seem to set up plants close to Nissan's new plants.Generally, spatial proximity to an assembly plant depends on business and capital relations with Nissan, division of production between branch plants, and characteristics of the products in transportation. Bulky components, like seats and bumpers, required relative higher transportation cost. Firms producing them, are more likely to locate close to the assemblers. Small-parts suppliers, such as bolt or nut manufacturers, need not locate near the customer, because of lower transportation cost. They produce in a large-volume to increase scale merit, rather than build plants near assembly plants.A number of parts manufacturers entrust JIT delivery to the forwarding agents. Almost all parts are delivered to the assemblers by truck several times a day while bulky components manufacturers often posses subsidiaries created for transportation.Nissan is now undergoing restructuring of domestic production. It invested in the Kyushu plant being as important for the future, while the Zama assembly plant, established in the Kanto Region in 1965 is closing down. But most suppliers still have their main factories located in the old production region, Kanto or North-Kanto. There is a mismatch in the strategy of division of production in domestic plants between Nissan and its suppliers.

著者

半澤 誠司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.587-602, 2004-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

4 5

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アニメーション産業と家庭用ビデオゲーム産業は, 現代日本の最も広く知られた文化産業のうち2つである。両産業は, 高い離職率と東京への集中という共通の特徴を有する。しかし, 詳細な立地や, 労働市場, 企業間関係という点では明らかに違いがある。ゲーム会社に比べてアニメーション会社の立地は, 国単位ではより東京に, 地域単位ではより東京西部に集中する。ゲーム産業の労働者は, 新卒であろうと中途であろうと公募を通じて採用され, 時折深刻な人間関係の悪化があるためしばしば企業間を移動する。逆に, アニメ産業では, 明らかな人間関係の悪化は少ない。アニメの離職者のほとんどは, フリーランサーになるか自分の会社を設立するかして, そうでなければ完全に当該産業から離れる。ゲーム会社は, アニメ会社に比べ取引関係が少なく, 取引先を替える柔軟性も小さい。これらの違いは, 特有の流通システム-アニメ産業における「合法寡占的」テレビキー局と, ゲーム産業におけるプラットフォームホルダーの存在-と特有の制作工程-前者の「ウォーターフォール工程」と後者の「リバイズド工程」-から生じる。それらは, 産業レベルで相互に影響するだけではなく, 個々の企業の行動にも影響を与える。