著者

原口 剛

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.121-143, 2003-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

106

被引用文献数

10 7

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Kamagasaki, located in Nishinari Ward, Osaka city, is a daily-hire laborer's concentration area, and is the space where poverty and discrimination converge. Kamagasaki, as a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force (Yoseba), was 'produced' between the 1960s and the early 1970s when policies for Kamagasaki (Airin) were developed in order to cope with a series of protests by the day laborers following the "first riot" in August 1961. This paper employs discourse analysis based on the concept of the construction of place and institutional practice and examines the construction of exclusionary boundaries enclosing daily-hire laborers in the process of the 'production' of Kamagasaki as Yoseba.The mass media began to represent Sanno-cho as a "violence zone" focusing on the prostitution problem after the enforcement of the Anti-Prostitution Law in 1958. In this context, the mass media represented adjoining Kamagasaki as a slum, focusing on the problem of poor families. Nishinari became a place name to signify these areas as a whole. When the "first riot" took place in this context in August 1961, these representations were repeated and the "first riot" was reported as "violence".Moreover, the process of constructing place intensified the confrontation between daily-hire laborers and their neighbors. The neighbors also felt discrimination because these place names and their representations were extensively circulated by the media reports about the "riot" and the resultant policies. Therefore, it became necessary to stop using these symbols, and a new place name, Airin, was created and given to the place that was formerly called Nishinari or Kamagasaki.After 1960, institutional practices followed such discursive transformation. In the first stage (1960-1961), the objective of policy was to improve the living conditions of poor families. In the second stage (1961-1966), it became the objective of policy to distribute families and to institutionalize and to supervise the daily-hire labor market, because it was necessary to cope with the "riot". In the third stage after 1966, when Kamagasaki was specified as the Airin District, comprehensive planning to make Kamagasaki a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force was instituted. At this stage, the state promoted the policies and assessed the existence of day laborers positively from the viewpoint of the necessity to secure a labor force. The Airin General Center and The City Rehabilitation Clinic were embodied as the objective of such policies.Meanwhile, the cheap inns, as the habitation space of the daily-hire laborers, were renewed in the 1960s, in expectation of an inflow of the labor force which was needed to build the site of the International Exposition in 1970. That increased the capacity of the inns and narrowed their size. On the other hand, day payment apartments and squatter huts decreased in number at that time and, therefore, the habitation space for families was reduced. This change of space transformed Kamagasaki into a space exclusively for single daily-hire laborers.The boundaries of the Airin District reflected the representation of Kamagasaki created by discursive formation. It became institutionalized, which reproduced severe exploitation and poverty by being defined as a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force. This spatial boundary construction reproduced itself socially between the daily-hire laborers and their neighbors.

著者

坪井 塑太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.6, pp.515-531, 2003-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

1

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In this research, a case study was undertaken in Edogawa-ward in order to identify the change in water management organizations and water activity projects as a result of urbanization in the Tokyo metropolitan area. While some irrigation canals have either been filled in or converted into drainage ditches, other canals have been reevaluated as an important natural resource to be utilized for the improvement of the urban environment. In previous studies on water management, the main focus has been on the irrigation association's ability to cope with urban growth. Although it is recommended that there exists a need for the utilization of irrigation canals after the land improvement districts are dissolved and the canals have lost their primary irrigation function, there has not yet been a full investigation into the actual needs and conditions of such use. For this reason, it is important to consider a new approach to utilize the canals in association with the provision of water resource management in an urban setting.In this research, functional changes in water supply and the Edogawa-ward community's reactions to those changes are discussed as central issues. First, historical changes in water supply are examined in relation to agricultural activities. Second, the process of change in land improvement districts is examined from the viewpoint of financial characteristics, project changes and water rights. Changes in land improvement districts and the transfer conditions of water rights are also taken into account. Third, the transformation of irrigation canals, which at first were converted to urban sewage drainage after the dissolution of land improvement districts, is examined in "order to identify how the Edogawa-ward municipality re-converted the canals into a water activity facility, in relation to the city planning process.The urbanization of Edogawa-ward has influenced the irrigation association in this area in many ways. The land improvement districts were reformed after the excavation of Edo River irrigation water, and an agricultural cooperative association took control of the land improvement districts. When the canals lost their irrigation function as a result of the agricultural restructuring, the Edo-ward municipality undertook the responsibility of managing the canals. The canals were once severely polluted due to the construction delay in sewage lines. However, the municipality made an effort to improve the canals to be utilized as water activity facilities, recommended by the municipality's master plan. There have been a great many activities going on in the canals since then, and several groups have been organized to protect the canals' environment. Overall, the improvement of the canals is much appreciated by the community at present, although some issues concerning the existence of different administrative procedures to improve the canals as city parks still remain to be resolved. Moreover, the regulations for the canals' water rights have not yet been established; the water rights related "water activities" are neither defined nor articulated in the present river law. Thus, it is critical to establish laws and regulations on water rights for "water activities" in order to plan and implement the multiple usage of water resources in urban communities. In addition, it is said that water resources in an urban setting, such as canals in Edogawa-ward, are very effective in preventing or mitigating natural disasters. Much attention was paid to the utilization of water resources in the city after the Grate Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, for example. Therefore, it is very important to make the best use of the irrigation canals which have lost their original function, backed up by appropriate laws and regulations, in order to improve the community's natural and living environment as well as to incorporate prevention measures against natural disasters.

著者

笠間 悟

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.5, pp.550-571, 1976-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

1

著者

近藤 忠

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.117-132, 1967-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

44

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“Kishu” is a district situated on the Pacific coast of the central part of Japan. Taking up this district as an example, I made a study of the administrative village in the Edo Era (1603-1867). The administrative village in those days was a section which was locally composed of several natural villages, and it was jointly placed under the tax obligation. Some of the administrative villages were composed of one natural village, and others several natural villages. The former was found mostly in a plain area, and the latter in a mountainous area. An administrative village in a mountainous area included an increasing number of natural villages in the deeper area. The daily life of the villagers in the administrative village of the time was carried on under the system of self-government with a village master called Shoya as their leader, but with the exception of the tax obligation. Therefore one administrative village in a mountainous area included some communities in it, and each community was, moreover, divided into smaller communities. This kind of community was called Kona. Kona was, from the geographical point of view, a group of some natural villages or a natural village itself. Of all Konas a remotely situated Kona was called Edago, a branch village. Edago belonged to an administrative village, but the people living there carried on their daily life a little away from the other Konas.When the Meiji Era (1868-1912) began after the Edo Era, some of these administrative villages were as a group united, and a new administrative village was organized. And the new village was endowed with a modern administrative feature which was different from that of the Edo Era. The villagers, however, did not try to break the community organization right away to which they were accustomed in the Edo Era.

著者

喜多村 俊夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.4, pp.1-13,101, 1950-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

11

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In general, the region which fits barley or vegetable raising, in comparison with rice paddy distrcts, needs subsidiary work for its people and stimulates commercial activities. Yokaichi (which means Eight Day Market in Japanese letters) in Shiga Prefecture is its good example.At the close of Middle Age, compulsory concentralization of Rakuich and Rakuza (authorized markets which acquired several priviledges by land lord's favour) to the castle town, by Nobunaga Oda, gave fatal blow to the existence of local market, but Yokaichi was its scle exception. The reason was that it stood far from Nobunaga's castle town at Azuchi and there were no other town in the neibourhood of some several miles distaces, and also it was communication center in these districtsAt Tokugawa Era, the Shogunate Government took the divide and rule policy, and here the land was divided among three land lords, of whom Hikone landlord was chief. Even houses in the same town were divided by three lords, so houses under differeut soverenity were situated side by side here. Of course the merchant of town had to pay market-taxes to the three land-lords But only in case of Yokaichi, the merchant had common market tioket and thus they could make their trade smooth. They handled the freshfish and got them from Osaka, Ise and Wakasa. They also exchanged vegetabla here, so there appeared the tendency among near-by villages to produce their own characteristic vegetables. (for instance, water melon, pumpkin, Japanes tomats, melon, and jinger etc.)Ichj. Jin sha (Shrine of market god) of Yokaichi was the guardian deity only of those market merchants, and at appointed date, the shrine issued the special cakes and pictures to the near by villages and its distributing area was consistent with the influential sphere of Yokaichi merchants.Such phenomon that all commodities of daily use are sold at the appointed market day, at local market, is seen only in primitive economic age or at the place, where there is no opportunity of gaining cash except in a certain season. In Tohoku or Echigo Districts in Japan such phenomenon still exits, but in Kinki it disappeared long ago. And it owes upon above mentioned reasons.

著者

伊藤 郷平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.5, pp.325-343,405, 1954-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

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The author pointed the next following out in this essay.(1) The agriculture in Japan is consisted of family farm, and obtained 95% for family labour, 5% rest of it for employees. This 5% farm labour work concentrately about only 20 days in a year.According to the census in 1950, there were 17, 000 regular employees, 3, 336, 000 seasonal migrants as a number of day's work, 61, 624, 000 day's work for dayman and 17, 212, 000 as a number of day's work for heler. Then farmers who own much land show to have many employees than poors. The busy farming season is filled by the seasonal migrants who remove revolutionaly.(2) The demanded area for seasonal migrants is doted in Western Kanto, Tokai, Setouchi, Northern Kyushu and Hokkaido district. Then it is in civilized or modernized district for agriculture.The supply area of migrants labour is in Tohoku, Hokuriku and Tosan district in Eastern Japan, and then Shikoku, Southern Kyushu in Western Japan is the same to that part of it, too.Both of them is belong to un-civilized district and economicaly poor.(3) Five types of supply and demanded area of farm labourers.i) A type of the most largest area.This type is contained with semi-colonial and large scale farm. (as Hokkaido), The quantity is largest and period of employment is longest, from April to November. As area of supply, it demands them to far distance (1000K.M)ii) A type of the large area.This type is contained with commercialized agriculture, as Shizuoka, Gumma, Okayama Prefecture.Both it's quantity and period (1-3 months) is of the great. It demands, as area of supply, them to far distant place. The distance of migration is 100-700K.Miii) A type of middle area.This type is contained with suburban farm as Northern Kyushu.It demands much quantity of employees, that is regular, seasonal and dayman.And yet for the shortness for local labourers it demands them to for distant place. That is about 250K.Miv) A type of small area.This type is in area of paddy field in alluvial plains which is the most ordinal type in Japan.The quantity of employees are innumerable but the period is short only within a week.They are composed of almost of girls or women that is called “Saotome”The scope of supply is very small (10-20K.M) and the way of contract have had only by old manners to be accustomed like private connection. And the custom of “Yui” still remain.v) A type of the most smallest area.This type has a character of the feudal remnant. Employees engaged in all the year round is called “Wakaze” “Kerekko” and extra employees “Yatoi” or “Sukenin”.It remains un-modernized district in Tohoku and Southern Kyushu.Supply and demanded area is very small that is limited only in the same community.

著者

神田 孝治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.5, pp.430-451, 2001-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

149

被引用文献数

6 4

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This paper examines the development process of Nanki-Shirahama Spa Resort, located in southern Wakayama Prefecture in the modern period, in terms of its association with images of other places. In this paper, an attempt is made to examine the triple relationships of "tourism", "otherness", and the "spatiality of capitalism", current concepts stemming from the "cultural turn".To understand the images of other places in tourism space, such images are characterized into two dimensions and their mutual relationship is analyzed. In the first dimension, the image of the tourism space as an "other" place contrasts with images of ordinary and familiar places. In the second dimension, images of geographically remote "other" places are evoked in the imagination. Thus, tourism space becomes the site of "other" encounters. Since the modern period is an age of globalism and nationalism, images which imply a connection to distant "other" places tend to evoke desires and idyllic thoughts and contribute to national identity, and are thus more suitable as the core image of tourism space than one which merely contrasts with ordinary images. In addition, liminal place-myths are more easily formed by this core ima ge through combining a set of images in tourism space.This study aims to further understand the relationship between images of other places and the material creation of tourism space. H. Lefebvre's work (1991) on the outline of space recognition in "The production of space" was therefore consulted. In short, the production of tourism space is treated as a triple dialectic of spatial practice, representation of space and space of representation. Using R. W. Butler's hypothesis (1980) of a tourist area cycle of evolution, three evolutionary stages of the modern tourism space are distinguished: exploration, involvement, and development. The relationship between the images of other places and the process of producing tourism space is considered for each stage.In the Nara Period, the beginning of the exploration stage in this tourism space, Emperors visited Muro-no-onyu, which was called the Yusaki or Shirahama spa, and was counted among the three oldest Japanese hot springs after the modern term. Later, it became popular with spa and sightseeing guests from the Kishu clan in the Edo era. In the early modern period, because it could be reached by ship, explorer-type tourists came from the city. At that time, the spa, renowned for its therapeutic qualities, was called the Yusaki hot spring.The involvement stage began in 1919, when the Shirahama Land Development Company built a resort. Created by Honda Seiroku, the father of the Japanese national park system, this development project was modeled after the German-created beach resort of Qingdao. The Shirahama Land Development Company utilised modern development techniques, such as digging hot springs, creating a road, cottage and park area, and constructing recreational facilities. The core "other" image of this tourism space was the whiteness of "Shira-ra-hama", a clean, white, sandy beach in Shirahama, because it contrasted with the dark images of cities caused by smoke and labor. This whiteness image evoked liminal place-myths, such as making love, curing the body and healing the mind by connecting with other whiteness images of a modern woman's skin and modern infrastructure. Because of these modern white images, many tourists experienced European and American geographical images, which evoked ideal modern culture or free love place-myths. However, these modern and occidental images also evoked images of the modernized city, the "ordinary" place, which is destructive to nature and the whiteness of the beach. Therefore, white and occidental images gradually became poor symbols of "other",

著者

松井 貞雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.3, pp.237-265, 1967-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

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Along the coastal region on the eastern shore of Awaji Island, as of 1965, the horticulture of flowering plants a total of 19ha. has been distributed, as follows: a greenhouse of 9.9ha., a travelling greenhouse of 4.8ha, and a vinyl-house 4.4ha. The first of the subjects for study, as products of the Awaji Island, should be the formative factors of grouping greenhouses in horticulture regions close to a large city-in this case, Osaka. The second is to make a survey of the characteristics of the regions, especially greenhouse horticulture in Awaji Island; and then to study what specific characters influenced horticulture there.The greenhouse horticulture areas of Awaji Island are characterized by carnation cultivation. The characteristics of greenhouse horticulture in this area are, in addition, not only manifested by greenhouse construction and a method of floriculture, but also by the regional landscape, land utilization, and the management of agriculture extending over the whole land under floriculture. Constructed greenhouse types which are called “travelling greenhouses” are a method peculiar to this area. The areas under carnation cultivation are covered by the travelling greenhouses with glazed doors from November to April in the cold season, but are removed every year in these areas under carnation cultivation.The elements of regional formation in this area are not only well situated in mild winter, but terms are advantageous to the districts which stand close to a largescale market. There is also a close relation with the farm-houses which are based on the small land ownership of paddy fields. Besides, the land under cultivation drains well and is blessed with a sprinkling of water. Development of shelf rice fields has become the main promoting condition.Before the war, Awaji Island, standing close to a metropolitan city was an area of vegetable horticulture stands. The change into a region of greenhouse horticulture for flowering plants has resulted in competition for products between truck and garden farmings. This is a nation-wide tendency. By development of the travelling greenhouse, floriculture is rapidly being popularized. The horticulture of the flowering plants in Awaji Island has richly enlarged the scale of flower-growing land through the competition between producing districts.

著者

溝口 常俊

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.97-122, 1986-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

22

被引用文献数

2 3

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The purpose of this article is to document the changing process of the yakihata (shifting cultivation) villages from the early Edo Period to the present. The study area, Shirakawa-Go, is located in the northwest of Gifu Prefecture. There were 23 villages in Shirakawa-Go and all of them included many yakihata fields. The author discovered and studied some historical documents concerning yakihata in the Shirakawa village office. They are Genroku (1694) and An-ei (1774) Era kenchi-cho (cadasters in Edo Era), Kyoho (1720s) and Tempo (1830s) Era mountain drawings and Meiji Era cadasters (1888). The author examined the distribution of yakihata in every koaza (sub-division of village) from the Genroku Era onward, and the form and location of each unit of yakihata fields in the late Meiji Era when the greatest expansion of yakihata occurred. Also investigated were the historical changes of landownership of yakihata. The main results are summarized as follows:It has been believed in previous studies that yakihata had decreased with the passage of time. But the present study shows the opposite. That is to say, yakihata had rather increased from the early Edo Period to the late Meiji Era. Only after the late Meiji Era did they begin to decrease, becoming extinct in a fairly short time.The main location of yakihata moved from around the residential sections to land farther away, and also from gentle slopes to steeper slopes. As for the changing process of the agricultural land use, it has been hypothesized that the general tendency is that yakihata were transformed to paddy field. However, this tendency was not proven clearly in this study. Almost all the yakihata fields had turned into forest or wasteland, not to paddy fields.There were 630 units of yakihata fields in Shirakawa-Go in the late Meiji Era. The mean area of a unit was about 1ha. The typical yakihata fields were cleared at 700-1, 000m elevation, within a distance of 1-2km from the farmer's houses, and on the easterly slopes of the mountains with a gradient of 20-30 degrees.Next, in relation to the changes in landownership, the following findings were made: In the Genroku Era, some villages consisted only of honbyakusho (independent farmers), and others of honbyakusho and kakae (subordinate farmers). There was not a great difference in the landholdings among honbyakusho in each village. On the other hand, kakae owned less land than honbyakusho. However, during the latter half of Edo Period, both types of farmers were engaged in developing new land, especially of new yakihata fields. So, by the An-ei Era, the kakae came to own a considrable area of land and became independent of the honbyakusho. And at about the same time, many village-owned yakihata fields were cleared, and in these common yakihata fields, any farmer in the village was entitled to utilization at any time for their own profit. So we could not End the typical differentiation of social strata among farmers in the study area.Shirakawa-Go was characterized by its low agriculutural productivity in the Edo Period and Meiji Era. However, the population there grew during the same period of time. It can thus be inferred that the large area of yakihata fields cultivated in those days played an important role in supporting the growth of population.

著者

小葉田 淳

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.5-6, pp.59-70,A6, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

13

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Until 15th Century gold mining industry in Japan had mainly consisted in alluvial mining. It was in 16th Century that ways and means for digging deep mines and getting refined gold from ores developed. The Gold Mine of Kahi, in the former territory of the Takeda family, and the Surugaroku Gold Mine, in the former territory of the Imagawa family, were two of the first mines of this kind in the country.As for the two gold mines treated in the present paper, i, e., the Umegashima Gold Mine and the Igawa Gold Mine, both located in Abegun, Suruga, they too seem to be examples of the same kind. In the early part of 17th Century, when precious metal mining was at its height in our country, these two gold mines were developed under the direct management of the shogunate, but this situation had continued only less than 10 years.Both the Umegahima village and the Igawa village are situated in small valleys in the upper reaches of the Abe river and the Oi river respectively, and produce a small amount of wheat and other grains. After the gold mining in a comparatively large scale had become a thing of the past, the villagers took to placer mining, calling it “Oppori” in the case of disposing of remaining ores in old mines and “Sawanagashi” in the case of placer mining along the river-sides.Since the latter part of 17th Century, the tradesmen from Sumpu had occaisonally contracted for the mining but in such a case too, it was the village people who offered labor as miners or handy men. However, in most cases, villagers were directly engaged in mining under the so-called, village contract and paid to the shogunate taxes called “Oppori-eki”.Many were engaged in alluvial gold mining between harvest times but there were some who made “Oppori” in the old mines of Hikagezawa in the Umegashima village their occupation, and became almost specilized gold-diggers.In modern times, what with technical advancement in agricultural production, particularly in cultivation of crops as merchandise, and growing commercial traffic in fire-wood and timber, alluvial mining industry had gradually lost its meaning in the village life. Of course, decrease in the produced amount of gold contributed toward this phenomenon.Thus, in the Meiji era, the population in the abovementioned two villages increased remarkably despite the fact that production of grains went down. and articles of food had to be brought in from outside in great quantity.

著者

土井 仙吉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.6, pp.595-615, 1968-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

83

被引用文献数

3

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Japan fisheries have caught about 400-500 thousands tons of tuna per year recently-equivalent to 62%-65% of the world's total catch. Tuna fishing plays a major role in total, and, although it had an early origin, it has prospered greatly in recent years. Since the abolition of the McArthur Line in 1952 following World War II, Japanese fishermen built larger boats and expanded their fishing grounds to include the Eastern Pacific, the South Pacific Ocean, and the Indian Ocean. This expansion of the industry was due mainly to the following-governmental policy (support and promotion); technical progress; enlargement of the overseas market and of the internal processing market for fish sausage; and the enlarged fishing companies which developed to catch tuna following on World War II.The chief tuna ports are Misaki (Kanagawa prefecture), Yaizu, and Shimizu (both in Shizuoka prefecture) which together are responsible for 78% of Japan total tuna landing. I can find some facts illustrated in the table of the quantity of tuna landed at each port. While the amount landed in Misaki was the highest of three until 1954, it has declined in importance since 1957. Yaizu became pre-eminent in 1955. Shimizu began to increase after 1957 and left Misaki behind in 1961. Such changes in the volume of the tuna handled at these ports are caused by certain characteristics of each which reflect the growth of the tuna fishing industry.Misaki, With its many powerful brokers, was a distributing centre for fish to Edo (Tokyo). Having a good natural harbour and being near to the fishing grounds, this port grew to a large tuna fishing centre particularly after 1928 when the new harbour was constructed and motor-powered boats gathered there. Great fishing companies with head offices in Tokyo, made this port their base for operations.For this reason, and for the fact that Misaki was not damaged during World War II, it was the first to recover after the war. With the pioneer spirit brought from many old fishing villages before the war, the tuna fishermen expanded their fishing grounds to the Indian and Atlantic Oceans. Fishing boats catching tuna in the Atlantic, landed their catch directly to countries on the Atlantic sea-board. This resulted in a decline in the catch handled in Misaki, but, owing to changes in the cost structure of the Atlantic fishing, the boats again returned to Japan leading to an increase in 1966 and following years. However, Misaki handles mainly fresh and has poor facilities for precessing fish-a weak point.Shimizu is more of a seashore industrial city than a fishing port. Originally it was the main port of the Tokai region, and following on the Meiji period, harbour works were carried out on a large scale, and many great plants were located here. Being near fishing grounds, fishing boats entered the port for landing their catch-mainly albacore with white meat which the Japanese dislike. Canning of the albacore, combining with the orange cultuation near Shimizu, prospered especially after 1928 when the export to U.S.A. commenced. The existence of such industries and the famous ship yards for fishing boats are conditions which favour Shimizu as a tuna-landing port. But the processing of fish is not so prevalent, nor are the brokers so powerful here. Tuna fishing boats of this port are comparatively large, but there are not such a great number.As long-range fishing became common, and the landing of refrigerated tuna for export increased, Shimizu, of the three ports, became pre-eminent as a trading port. Many foreign trade companies extended their businesses to this port, and controlled many tuna fishing boats by loaning money to them. These companies land refrigerated tuna from fishing boats controlled by them to their own warehouses without passing through the fish market, and they export refrigerated tuna to Europe and North America by liners or their own

著者

川喜田 二郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.3, pp.25-36,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

20

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Eastern Siberia maintains an unique position in Boreal Forest as deciduous coniferous forest. It adapts to the dry and cold winter climate, and Larix spruce represents its characteritics so well. Here, also, there is no evidence of continental glaciers in the past, but permanent tundra exists in place of glaciers. Its main part seems to us as the product of diluvial deposits. From many points of view, the condition of formation is contradictory between glacier and tundra. If the glacial period of diluvium corresponds with the growth period of tundra, both would have maintained their influential spheres separately, without changing their mutual geographical orientation. If each formation periods differ, permanent tundra would due much to the second inter glacier period. In either case, Eastern Siberia experienced no great change since diluvium, but most flourishing period of tundra formation would be coinside with spreading period of loess accumulation and inland basin in southern part of continent.

著者

石川 友紀

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.456-473, 1973-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

3 2

著者

日野 尚志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.6, pp.656-669, 1967-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

23

著者

平野 昌繁 島津 俊之 野尻 亘 奥田 節夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.5, pp.493-503, 1991-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

21

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A large number of gigantic landslides were triggered by typhoon rain in 1889 over the Totsukawa area, Nara prefecture, resulting a serious hazard. Their localities are identified exactly based on the Koaza name in the historical record, the Yoshinogun-Suisaishi. The identification of landslide localities over South- and East-Totsukawa areas was tried this time, and the results were summarized.Landslide larger than 4×104m2 in area have been shown by cliff marks on the topographic map in 1911 (Meiji-44) as same as in the case of West-Totsukawa area reported before. Topograhic features of gigantic landslides are still recongnized clearly on the aerial photos in 1953 taken even 65 years after the hazard.Description of the localities by Koaza name is frequent at the portions near the settlements or along the trafic routes at that day. In addition, some exaggeration in total number of large landslides is detected, if compared with the number of criff marks in the topographic maps in, 1911, even taking into account of the difference in threshold magnitude for description. Despite these biassed nature, it is clearly true that the Yoshinogun-Suisaishi surves the extraordinarily detailed record of the landslide localities, and this has come from the timing that the hazard occurred just after the detailed survey and registration of land-owner relationship there.

著者

野田 只夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.5-6, pp.71-78,A7, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)

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In the social history of the middle ages “Bashaku Shudan” appear as the vaguard of “Do-ikki” (the peasants'revolts). What is of interest is the gangs demonstrate remarkable activities but with the end of peasants'revolts they too abruptly disappear.In the present paper which consists of four parts, actuality of “Bashaku” gangs in ordinary times is examined historically and geographically in connection with land.In the lst Part (Introduction): what is “Bashaku” and what is interesting of it are explained.In the 2nd Part: Gangs'activities are reviewed chronologically and according to places where they showed. The active part played by “Bashaku Shudan” as the core of the peasant movement that evolved from appeal to organized revolt is described.In the 3rd part: The organization and functions of the “Bashaku” Gang are studied with examples of a few gangs in the suburban districts of Kyoto, i. e., Shimo-toba, Yoko-oji, and Fushimi.In the 4th Part (Conclusion): Substance of “Bashaku Shudan” is discussed and its organization and classes and ranks pertaining thereto are explained. Why such an organization could have becomo the core of the peasants'revolts and why it could have demonstrated power are also studied. The reason for these gangs'abrupt disappearance is sought in the oppression that came from the class of the united commission merchants which grew with the birth of feudal lords.

著者

梅崎 秀治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.199-210,250, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

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In Yamato which advanced in civilization from old times, the type of development of villages is somewhat different from that of other less advanced districts. The writer of this paper endeavoured to investigate the derivation of villages in the Edo era, through the actual circumstances of villages today, documents, gazetteers, oral traditions and legends, and in this way to seek the character of villages in Yamato.1. The Yamato basin is a productive alluvial plain where agriculture has developed through periods. The density of population within the Basin is more than 1, 000 persons per 1 square kilometer today. It is supposed that villages developed from the bases of mountains at the circumference of the Basin to the low, swampy land of the western part. In the Basin, great and small farming villages of 20-100 houses lie scattered with a cultivated field at their circumferences.2. Villages in the Basin having been established for an age, there are many the origins of which are almost impossible to be traced. In this country, when a new village is formed, it is usually an independent one named “Shinden” which literally means “a newly-established village with reclaimed rice-field”. In the case of Yamato, however, small villages called “Komura” literally meaning “a baby-village” were born by separating from their mother-villages, just like cell-division, in the village areas before the municipality system was put in force.3. The baby-villages generally come about filling the spaces among the existing villages. The states of these villages form a slight contrast to each other in the east and in the west of the Basin. Mary of them are found in the east and very few in the west. In the former, babyvillages are not far from their mother-villages, while in the latter there is a long distance between these two kinds of villages.4. There are some types of derivation of the baby-villages, namely, one baby-village is born of one mother-village and one mother-village has several baby-villages and one baby-village is born of several mothervillages, etc. It is an interesting phenomenon that some types of mothervillages and baby-villages make communities of different social constructions.5. Most of these baby-villages were established by the fact that the number of houses gradually increased as the result of people's setting up a branch family for the sake of their living convenience. From the point of view of social structure, baby-villages are subordinate to their mother-villages.From what were mentioned above, it is understood that the development of villages in Yamato was iust like a cell-cleavage, without any reform of farming technics and management. Practical investigations are remained for further research in this subject.

著者

近藤 忠

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.1, pp.1-15,81, 1957-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

23

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Kishû is a district on the Pacific coast in the west of the Kii Peninsula in Japan. In the early years of the modern times it was governed by the feudal lord Asano. A system of local administrative sections called ‘shô’ was established in those days. This division of ‘shô’ originated in the medieval manor. Under the lordship of Asano ‘shô’ generally contained eight villages.When Tokugawa became the next lord of the district, the system of ‘shô’ was abolished, and in its stead the new system called ‘kumi’ was set down. ‘Kumi’ was much larger than ‘shô’, containing eighteen villages on the whole. In general, a village was composed of one comparatively large hamlet and several smaller ones. This large hamlet was called ‘honson’ or ‘hongô’, and smaller ones ‘shigô’ or ‘kona’.A village had to offer to its lord 60% of the products of rice fields as taxes. There were some villages the taxes of which were allotted for the financial resources of the lord himself, and others the taxes of which were applied to the rations of his retainers. The former villages were called ‘okurasho’, and the latter ‘kyusho’. Both the richest and the poorest villages were appropriated for ‘okurasho’, but those of moderate means were ‘kyusho’. The retainers had no right to govern their ‘kyusho’. But the two most powerful retainers, Andô and Mizuno, had many villages over which they had power to govern and collect their taxes. There were two groups of these villages, one of which was ‘Tanabe-han’ and the other ‘Shingû-han’.‘Shô’ established in the time of Asano lost its form as an administrative section in the Tokugawa era, but it retained some significance as religious atmosphere produced by a shrine in the life of villagers.When Japan developed into a modern state in the era of Meiji, the sections of towns and villages grew amazingly enlarged. The local administrative sections in Kishû became almost as broad as ‘shô’ in the time of Asano. After. World War II, Japan has been under the necessity of enlarging the sections of towns and villages. As a result their sections have become nearly as large as ‘kumi’ in the days of Tokugawa.

著者

有薗 正一郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.163-173, 1982-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

22

著者

森川 洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.97-117, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

53

被引用文献数

6 2

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Regional urban systems in Japan have a close relationship with prefectural territories which have continued without any changes since the proclamation of the prefectural system in 1890. The intra-prefectural administration and regional development policies of prefectural governments have affected the development of regional urban systems. The population of prefectural capitals has gradually been controlled by the population scale of the prefecture. Analyzing the migration flows among 649 cities in 1980, a city usually has a close connection to other cities within its own prefecture and forms a regional urban system with the hierarchical structure in which a prefectural capital is set up at the top. The hierarchical structure of the regional urban system in each prefecture mostly reflects features of its starting point, although regional differences between core and periphery areas have appeared in the process of urban growth.As shown in Figure 2 and Table 2 each regional urban system with hierarchical structure is classified into five groups: uni-center type, bi-polar type, split urban system type and metropolitan city type. In addition, the type dependent on a metropolitan city has gradually grown in the vicinity of a metropolitan center according to the developing urban system of a metropolitan city type. Moreover, it can be divided into early, intermediate and late stages due to the process of dependence. Figure 3 represents typical cases of each type shown in Table 2.From the point of view of the workers of central functions measured by the number of sale and service workers (Pop. Census 1985), most of cities can be classified into large (over 30, 000 workers), middle-size (7, 000 to 30, 000 workers) and small-size cities (3, 000 to 7, 000 workers). As a result, we can recognize that at least the central part of most prefectures are serviced by large cities of their own or nearby metropolitan cities. Tottori and Shimane prefectures are exceptional cases in which even the inhabitants of prefectural capitals are not supplied with the central services of a higher order.When we try to delimit the commuting area of a city by a commuting rate of more than five percent of workers and regard the commuting area as the city region in which inhabitants can enjoy central services of its city level, each prefectural territory is divided into four city regions: large, middle-size and small-size cities and the outlying area. Then, counting the rate of population involved in the city region of each level and classifying a prefecture by the dominance grade of the population rate, five types can be obtained as in Table 4 (vertical): standard type, metropolitan type, middle-size city type, small-size city type and outlying area type. While metropolitan prefectures or the prefectures near to them such as Saitama, Tokyo, Kanagawa, Aichi, Kyoto, Osaka, Hyogo, Nara and Chiba belong to the metropolitan type and the like, Hokkaido, Ibaragi, Tokushima, Kochi, Nagasaki and Kagoshima belong to the outlying area type. In comparison to the connection structure of regional urban systems in Table 2, it is difficult to clearly classify their spatial pattern. Although the spatial pattern of city regions can be classified into four levels by considering their development process (Table 4, across), there are several cases difficult to classify because of the areal differences of city regions within a prefecture. While such a spatial pattern is to some extent related to the types classified by the population rate of each level of city regions, it does not correspond to the hierarchical pattern of connection structure and it is difficult to explain the relation between the spatial and connection types.Cities are also classified into four types according to the relation to their city regions: standard type, half-dependent type, independent type city (Selbstversorgerort) and satellite city type.