著者

平岡 昭利

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.227-252, 1977-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

68

被引用文献数

3 5

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This is a study on historical development of Daito Islands. Daito Islands are highly detached archipelagoes on the Pacific Ocean, located to the east of the main island of Okinawa (Fig. 1). I started the survey on the supposition that the development of these islands was made under the influence of Japanese capitalism, which seems to present some important problems.The summary of the survey is as follows;Daito Islands had been uninhabited until the middle of the Meiji era and were explored. And it was not until 1900 that islanders of Hachijo settled there and made the islands ÖKUMENE. Thereafter the management of the islands was transferred from a trading capital (Tamaoki Company) to a monopolistic capital. And these islands became a single-enterprise-islands (the period of Toyo∼Dai-Nippon Sugar Manufacturing Company) after the sale of government property. Then through a large-scale capital investment, phosphate rock mining industry as well as sugar-manufacturing grew prosperous and attracted the suplus population of Okinawa who wanted to work away home (Fig. 8).In the process of time, agglomerated settlements turned into dispersed ones, which contributed to labor efficiency; houses were built in the center of cultivated field in order to increase the labor-efficiency (Fig. 4. 6. 9). It rested with the company to decide how to use the fields and tenants under a sever control of the company were compelled to grow sugarcanes exclusively. The company adopted the policy to take on many laborers from Okinawa at low wages to prevent deviding tenant lands. As a result, the society constituted a hierarchy of company, tenants (people from Hachijo island) and laborers (people from Okinawa). Even among the tenants rose great differences, social or economic, owing to their native places.A self-government system had not been established since the islands were colonized. It was after the war that the two municipal villages were organized, followed by a reconstruction of sugar manufacturing in 1951 (Fig. 10), and the conflict of more than ten years for the ownership of the land between DaiNippon Sugar Manufacturing Company and the villages. And at last in 1964 (64 years after the colonization) tenants became owner farmers.Now for me, the historical development seems to show the island have the phenomena common to other detached insular societies, that is, other detached islands like Daito Islands are easily subjecteted to the administratration which use the natural strong segregation. Daito Islands case, its phenomena were especially observed in the period of plantation management. Economically speaking, the islands were directly connected with Japan proper. In this sense, “detachedness” of the islands had been subdued. But this means the reinforcement of dependency on the economy of Japan proper and islanders themselves were still confined in the detached, closed society. To put it concretely, the company, taking advantage of “detachedness” of the islands, checked the flow-in and flow-out of labor, and issued private notes which circulated only in such a closed society. Then, disposal of national property without regard for the islanders profit had long driven settlers to miserable situation. Authorities, leaving the administration of the islands to the monopolistic capital, engaged the islanders as soldiers and imposed tax without any protection to them. Rigid company regulations worked as laws.The historical development of Daito Islands tells the administration was not satisfactory to the islanders. And this remark seems to apply not only to Daito Islands of past, but also to other island today. It is true that economic investment at large has not so much effect on general islands, but the policy for detached islands should be based on the fundamental fact that these islands are ÖKUMENE (people are living, working).

著者

内田 忠賢

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.365-373, 1985-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

稲見 悦治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.3, pp.225-246, 1964-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

1

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Many of Japanese cities rapidly changed their forms and structures through the disaster brought by the last war; and above all, the changes of castle towns were thought to be great enough to make them a particularly noticeable appearance in the history of the city development in Japan.In this paper, Himeji City, one of the typical Japanese castle towns, is taken up and the changing process which Himeji City has undergone since the end of the last war, has been investigated with the results as follows:1) As to the road forms, the narrow winding roads peculiar to a castle town thoroughly disappeared after the war, and modern road network has been constructed throughout the city, improving the traffic condition both inside and outside the city while giving it a new aspect.2) At the same time, the old city plannings inherited from old feudalistic times, has collapsed; and there arose the necessity of improving the mode of administration, giving up the old town-unit system.3) In Himeji City, at the beginning of Meiji Era, an army division was stationed and, therefore, the central part of the city was monopolized by military institutions. After Japan was defeated in the last war, however, the army disappeared and the central part of the city was reborn as a center of government, public services, city sanitation, culture and education.4) Teramachi (Temple Quarter) was one of the quarters which gave peculiar aspects to Himeji Castle Town, but now it brings about its remarkable decline as a result of the war, disaster and the following new city-reconstruction plan which includes removal of cemetery to the suburbs.5) In old Himeji, the institutes of finance and amusement centers had tended to be concentrated and prospered along the Saikokukaido and Miyuki-dori. But after the war, the commercial area has shown the tendency of regional division as a result of the appearance of newly opened Otemae-dori according to the reconstruction plan.6) In Himeji, the development of industries was the motive power for the development of the urbanised area but after the war, not a few factories in the old city center were abolished and those factory sites have been used for the residential areas in many places.7) Himeji lost about half of the houses due to the war disaster but reconstructed them again rather rapidly. Nowadays it is remarkable that civilian, not governmental, residences are made annually in great number, and recently there is a tendency that the residential area is spreading to the surrounding farm lands and mountainous regions of the city.

著者

リー ボントン

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.6, pp.482-500, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

108

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マレーシアにおける人文地理学は,クアラルンプールにあるマラヤ大学において,1959年に始まった。教室の外国人地理学者とマレーシア人研究者からなる初期のパイオニア達は協力しあい,教室は1970年代から80年代を経て90年代にかけて,絶頂期を迎えた。その後,英語を使用しない教員の採用や年長の人文地理学者の退職と代替雇用の政策的な遅延,それから教室規模の縮小などがあったために,少数の人文地理学者の研究活動は盛んであるが,以前ほどの隆盛はない。マレーシア国民大学(UKM)とマレーシア科学大学(USM)の2つの地理学教室は,総合的で学際的なプローチを採用したので,人文地理学の役割と機能は,むしろ限られたものとなった。例えば,UKMでは人文地理学のコースが他の学問分野と再統合され,地理学科は学科の中の1つのプログラムに変更されてしまった。このような多分野の統合は,USMの人文地理学の研究と出版活動も変質させた。マレー語による論文公表の拡大は,人文地理学者が世界の人文地理学者集団に参加したり,あるいは突出することを制限するように作用した。その他のマレーシアの大学では,人文地理学は人文および社会科学の中で重要な役割は果たしていない。最後に,高等教育機関における地理学専攻の学生数の減少は大きな課題であり,中等教育機関で地理学が必修化されなければ,人文地理学が持つ本来の価値とその貢献度が,充分に実現することはないだろう。

著者

辻 稜三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.374-384, 1985-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

17

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.579-610, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

2 2

---

This is a comparative study, from a micro-geographical viewpoint, on the village desertion process pattern in the case of two small hamlets-Ogose and Ohmi-in the mountainous tracts of Kyoto City (commonly called the Kitayama district), only 20km north of the center of the city. The examination has been made chiefly in terms of the change in the number of the households in each village that has taken place during the period of more than a century since the early years of the Meiji era.The two hamlets, now deserted and completely extinct, were located in the northern part of Kyoto City, on the eastern edge of the Tamba highland, topographycally a pene-plain, from which the Ado River rises and flows down into the Lake Biwa, the lagest in Japan. A chain of passes lie between the Kyoto basin and these villages.Ogose was situated at the altitude of 660m. above sea level and Ohmi 610m., they were among the highest of all the mountain villages in the Tamba highland. The average temperature is 0.2°C. in January and 25.8°C. in August, those settlements are colder by 7°C. than the Kyoto basin. As to the transportation, there are only two narrow motorable roads leading to the center of Kyoto, both in an extremely bad condition. It is a two or three hours' trudge to the nearest bus-stop.In 1885 the two villages had 15 households each, and after World War II there existed 7 in Ogose and 19 in Ohmi. However, a series of village desertion of the whole household type began in Ogose in 1969 and in Ohmi in 1971, and continued, until the former finally reached a state of complete desertion and extinction in 1972 and the latter in 1973.The difference in the number of households prior to this incident simply reflects the difference of population inflow from outside and branch families; in 1965 the household that had continued to exist ever since the time preceding 1885 untill the day of desertion was 5 in Ogose and 6 in Ohmi.The processes of desertion of settlement can be divided into three stages: the Meiji, the Taisho, and the Showa periods.(1) The Meiji period: 6 households in Ogose and 11 in Ohmi deserted their villages and half of them moved into Kyoto. The social status of the villagers who left their home was the lowest and they had to call themselves “drop-outs”. The ‘absorption power’ of the big city in those days was not yet great enough. Compared to Ohmi, Ogose remained more stable, as it was located further away from the city. It can be said that they were economically subject to Kyoto through charcoal business, whereas culturally they were still under the influence of the lake district with its long, deep-rooted tradition from the Edo period; Ogose rather thrived as a transit place, commercially and culturally.At the close of the Meiji there emerged a new transportation means of raft along a branch of the Ado River to carry out charcoal, which had made them involved in the big Kyoto culture area; Ogose was reduced to an unimportant position placed at the furthest edge of the great cultural and economic sphere of Kyoto.(2) The Taisho period: 6 households deserted each village (totaling 12), and 9 out of those moved into Kyoto. The group included a small number of what may be called positive job change type of desertion by the upper class villagers, but the majority were of the bankrupt type of desertion. This penomenon relates to the cultural and economic expansion of Kyoto, and its urbanizational effects were also felt upon those mountain villages.(3) The Showa period (up to 1965): the impact of Japan's social and economic disturbances was great to those hamlet and the ‘absorption power’ of Kyoto for some time seemed to cease and become less great. An epoch-making huge demand for charcoal and timber checked the trend of the outflowing of village populations.

著者

伊藤 健司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.435-448, 1994-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

34

被引用文献数

1 1

---

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the locational pattern and locational process of manufacturers' head offices giving due consideration to the relation between head office and plants. The study area is the city of Nagoya.Generally speaking, offices are agglomerated in the central business district of cities. In the case of the manufacturing industry, however, head offices have to control their plants as actual work-sites. Therefore it is better for the head offices to be located with their plants than separately. On the other hand, it is advantageous to locate head offices in the CBD to obtain information related to their business. That is to say, the locational pattern reflects each firm's decision.In this paper, manufacturer's head offices are divided into two locational types, head offices which depend on their plants (D-type head offices) and head offices which are independent of plants (I-type head office).The findings are summarized as follows:1. In considering the location of manufacturer's head offices, it is significant to classify the office into two types (D-type and I-type head offices).2. Concerning the locational pattern, it is true that there are many head offices in the CBD, but many are also located in a wider area of the city. In the CBD, I-type head offices are predominant. And it is evident that the ratio of D-type head officegoes up with distance.3. The ratio of I-type head rises with magnification of their scale. Although the ratio of I-type head office rose between 1972 and 1992, more than 40% of head offices still are located with their plants.4. The firms whose head offices are I-type have allocated their plants more widely in Japan than those whose head offices are D-type.5. In the latter type of firms the plants located with head offices still perform an important role in their production activities.

著者

碓井 照子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.6, pp.562-584, 1995-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

112

被引用文献数

2 1

---

1. GIS studies and the quantitative revolution in geographyThe early development of GIS studies originated at the University of Washington in which the quantitative revolution in geography took place in the late 1950's. Garrison's students including Bunge, W., Tobler, W. R. and Marble, D. F. had the original leadership in GIS study and have driven the top level initiatives for GIS development. The Garrison School was divided into two parties by different analytical concepts and approaches. One was a quantitative statistical geography whose conceptual keywords were spatial structure, spatial process and spatial interaction in Newtonian space, and the other was GIS studies based on topological space concepts.By the early 1970's, GIS studies were not dominant when compared with statistical analysis in geography because of the lack of technology in graphical facilities. But from the late 1970's GIS studies have been increasing by the development of some computer graphics technologies.2. GIS studies in the 1960's and 1970'sIn the late 1960's, the development of DIME files had a special influence in terms of topological data structure, geocoding and addressmatching. Fisher, H. made an important contribution to GIS study from the late 1960's to the middle 1970's and established the Harverd Laboratory for Computer Graphics and Spatial Analysis in which ODES-SEY as Vector GIS was desigend. A significant symposium about topological data structure was held in 1977 at this laboratory. The results of the symposium were published as Harvard Papers on Geographic Information System edited by Dutton, G. in 1978.A vector GIS model was traced to CGIS (Canada Geographic Information System) which Tomlinson, H. R. designed in the early 1960's. This vector model means that the space was defined by the set of spatial objects such as points, lines, and polygons with topological linkage and connection.A Raster GIS model also was developed in the 1970's in the field of grobal environmental studies such as environmental monitoring systems and resource management using remote sensing technology and Landsat data in large national projects.3. Systematization of GIS studies in the 1980's and 1990's and the concept of topological spaceWe can recognize the spatial patterns and shapes of geographic entities on a map which represents what we see and know about the real world as one of models of the surface of the earth. The nature of a map as a model of the real world that depends on the concept of space demonstrates a variety of underlying conceptual frameworks. Geographical spatial models are based on the concepts of absolute space or Newtonian space. In particular, since quantitative geography was advocated, it has been important to measure distance between geographical entities and to make a distance based spatial model using Euclidean geometry.But with the progress in GIS studies, spatial data structure stored as a database in a computer has been drastically shifted from a Euclidean space concept to a topological space concept. The concepts of topological space and topologically spatial analysis were made clear in the context of GIS Spatial Data Models in the 1980's and 1990's.

著者

水谷 盛光

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.297-310, 1969-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

39

著者

佐藤 英人 荒井 良雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.4, pp.367-382, 2003-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

58

被引用文献数

2 3

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In this paper, we try to focus the relationship between progress in information and communication technologies (ICTs) and the suburbanization of the office location.Information-related functions are located not only in the central business district (CBD) but also in the suburbs in Tokyo metropolitan area. Particularly conspicuous suburban locations are Yokohama area, Makuhari area and Tachikawa area, all of which are situated within some 30km from of the CBD.The Makuhari Shintoshin (new city) project has been successively promoted since 1989. To date, this new city is increasingly attracting information-related functions from the CBD, forming a new suburban office core. In terms of capital scale and business contents, these firms can be classified into the following three types. 1. Internet-related firms, 2. Back offices, 3. R&D sections of major firms.Taking into consideration factors of the suburbanization of internet-related firms and back offices, the push factor for internet-related firms have been a sharp rise in office overheads in the CBD, and the push factor for back offices an increase in the number of employees due to intensive investment by major firms in the information industry in the 1990s; the suburbanization has thus made headway in order to secure office space. The pull factor appears to be the same for both internet-related firms and for back offices; namely, an abundant supply of high-quality information infrastructure, specifically intelligent buildings in Makuhari Shintoshin, which has served as a significant pull.In cases where major firms have constructed their own buildings and established the R&D sector, in particular, it is necessary to introduce changes in the corporate organization, which is distinctly different from the situation where single business establishments are relocated. Firms have constructed in Makuhari Shintoshi, with existing offices using a large-volume broad-band communications network, smooth in-house electronic data exchange has become possible leading to the development of an environment in which telecommunications can be actively introduced. For this reason, it is assumed that the "R&D sector", the sector that necessitates relatively little direct contact with clients, has been relocated from the CBD to the suburbs.This paper considered that the relationship between new ICTs and the suburbanization of office location on the basis of practical case study. It is generally understood that new ICT represents one of the factors behind the suburbanization of office location. This conclusion is consistent with previous case studies in Europe and the United States.Future studies will focus on comparing with another suburban core cities, because we continue to discuss that the standardization of relationship between progress in ICTs and the suburbanization of the office location.

著者

矢ケ崎 典隆

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.1-22, 1983-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

50

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Floriculture has been one of the industries in which Japanese immigrants and their descendants successfully engaged in California. In their participation in this intensive type of agriculture, ethnic organizations emerged both in San Francisco and Los Angeles and played key roles in the immigrants' economy and society. The present paper is intended to describe and analyze the development and change of Japanese floriculture in southern California from its beginning before the turn of the century through the sudden interruption during World War II and the post-war transformation. Some comparison is attempted with the San Francisco Bay Area Japanese floriculture which experienced a similar pattern of development.Japanese flower production in Los Angeles began just before the turn of the century, several years after its initiation in the San Francisco Bay Area. The first formal organization of Japanese growers of Los Angeles, the Southern California Flower Market, played a central role in the development of the Japanese flower industry from its establishment in 1913. It not only was the focal point of the growers' economic activities but also functioned to promote socio-cultural cohesion among the Issei.While the entire southern California coast offers nealy optimal climatic conditions for flower production, most Japanese flower growers before World War II were located in the immediate vicinity of Los Angeles. The warmer winters encouraged field production. In contrast to the Bay Area, greenhouses were little used by the Japanese growers here. Annuals were grown chiefly from seed. The beach areas were particularly important for supplying the summer flowers while producers in inland areas grew winter flowers. In the early days many Japanese produced flowers alongside commercial plots of berries and vegetables. Many more types of flowers were grown in southern California than in the Bay Area where only roses, carnations and chrysanthemums were of significance.Japanese flower growers, like the Japanese truck farmers of southern California, usually leased their land. In the Bay Area, on the other hand, ownership of land was widespread. Plenty of open land was available for rent before World War II and growers had no difficulty finding the necessary space for their operations. The dominance of field production of annuals, however, to some extent may have reflected the absence of a guaranteed long-term access to the land.The Japanese evacuation during World War II brought about a sudden disruptiqn of Japanese activities on the West Coast and gave rise to multifaceted changes in the post-war Japanese community and economy. Floriculture was one of the few Japanese sub-economies which was rapidly and successfully reconstructed both in norhtern and southern California with the successful reestablishment of flower markets. Their firmly established pre-war basis had not been fully preempted by other groups during their absence. The ethnic alignment of the industry was reaffirmed.Although Japanese floriculture has been completety reconstructed and ethnic cooperativism revived, the industry has experienced both quantitative and qualitative changes. A substantial number of Japanese growers in the Los Angeles area moved away from this traditional center of production to escape increasing urban pressures. New developments have taken place in the coastal districts of San Diego, Ventura and Santa Barbara counties. In these new floricultural regions of southern California Nisei growers appear to have lost both the geographical and cultural closeness and cohesiveness that characterized those engaged in the industry prior to World Was II. The Southern California Flower Growers of Los Angeles, an ethnic organization, still plays an important economic role in the industry as a local wholesaling center.

著者

小方 登

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.129-148, 2000-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

84

被引用文献数

2 2

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This paper examines the city planning system of the ancient Bo-hai State using recently declassified intelligence satellite (CORONA satellite) photos acquired in the 1960s by the United States. Based on reconstructions made in my recent report, I have tried to make clear some principles shared by those in city planning. It is also intended to prove the usefulness of satellite images in historico-geographical and archaeological applications.The Bo-hai State was a kingdom which existed from 698 AD to 926 AD in the northeastern part of today's China. It was formed by the Tungusic people in association with refugees from Koguryo, which had fallen in 668. It actively imported Chinese culture and political system and boasted a high standard of civilization. While bringing tribute to Tang China, it dispatched envoys to Japan many times across the sea. Since records On Bo-hai itself have been lost, we can only obtain a glimpse of its prosperity through Chinese histories and records in Japan concerning envoys as well as archaeological evidence. Xin-Tang-shu, a history of Tang China compiled in 1060, praised Bo-hai as "a thriving country eastward across the sea" which has "five capitals".The five capitals of Bo-hai referred to in Xin-Tang-shu included Shang-jing Long-quan-fu (Northern Capital), Zhong-jing Xian-de-fu (Central Capital), Dong-jing Long-yuan-fu (Eastern Capital), Nan-jing Nan-hai-fu (Southern Capital) and Xi-jing Ya-lu-fu (Western Capital). Dong- jing was also referred to as the gateway to Japan. Among these capitals, Shang-jing (Ning-an, Heilongjiang Province), Zhong-jing (Helong, Jilin Province) and Dong-jing (Hunchun, Jilin Province) were researched and identified by Japanese archaeologists in the 1930s and in the early 1940s. From the reports of these researches, it is known that Shang-jing is the most important ruin having a triply nested structure consisting of rectangular innermost, inner and outer city and grid-pattern streets. This method of planning was borrowed from China's capital Chang-an and shared by the capitals of Korea and Japan of that period. As for Zhong-jing and Dong-jing, the remains of rectangular inner cities were evident, but the existence of the outer city and grid-pattern streets has been questioned.Based on my recent report, remains of the plans of Shang-jing, Zhong-jing and Dong-jing were reviewed using satellite photos. Shang-jing was said to be the king's capital of Bo-hai for the longest time. From the satellite photo over Shang-jing, the remains of the rectangular city walls and grid-pattern streets are very clear, reconfirming that it is the most important among the ruins of the Bo-hai State. It is evident that the main street from the palace gate to the main city gate is of considerable width. Among the lateral streets, the street adjacent to the southern side of the Palace site (innermost city) seems to be wider than the others. It demonstrates typical city planning shared by the East Asian ancient states. Fig. 2 shows my reconstruction of Shang-jing using satellite photos.Zhong-jing was said to be the king's capital for a short period circa 750. The existence of an outer city wall and grid-pattern streets around the already-known inner city was examined using satellite photos over Zhong-jing. Patterns of fields and snow marks show the remains of the main street and the lateral street along the southern side of the inner city. Patterns of the canals also suggest traces of the outer city wall. From these traces, the reconstruction of the whole city is presented (Fig. 4).Dong-jing was said to be the gateway to Japan and the king's capital for a short period circa 790.

著者

河本 大地

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.1-24, 2005-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

53

被引用文献数

5 2

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Organic agriculture is a global trend. In Japan, some local agricultural cooperatives, farmers, and local governments have tried to form organic agricultural production areas as a strategy for rural development.The aim of this study is to examine how farmers have accepted the promotion of organic agriculture in Aya Town, which has been one of the pioneering organic agricultural production areas in Japan.To attain this aim, the author investigated the agricultural structure of Aya Town. Then he undertook intensive interviews with farmers in the town, comprising 'natives' and 'newcomers'. Two communities were chosen for interviewing with the 'native' farmers; Odate, located in a hilly area where farmers tend to grow outdoor vegetables with no agricultural chemicals and chemical fertilizers; and Sakinota, located on a plain where most farmers engage in the production of hothouse cucumbers with 'less' chemicals. 'Newcomers' were chosen from all of the area of Aya Town and they had migrated there after 1986.In Aya Town, Mr. Gohda, the previous mayor served from 1966 to 1992, led the local government and the local agricultural cooperative to promote organic agriculture as a rural development strategy. The contexts were rapid depopulation in the town, and a lack of competitiveness from the management of the area and its agriculture in the 1960s.As a result of the promotion and the practice of organic agriculture, various changes have resulted in Aya Town. Firstly, the town has obtained a reputation as a pioneering organic production area. It has attracted new farmers and visitors from urban areas and this has become a source of pride for the residents. Secondly, the structure of agricultural production has changed. After failing to become a major production area for oranges in the 1960s, stock raising and hothouse cultivation of cucumbers have been the major agricultural products. Fruit and rice growing, which were originally smaller, have reduced. In this situation, organically grown outdoor vegetables have contributed to the conservation of farmland and the development of agriculture in the entire town, although the scale of the management is comparatively small. Thirdly, most native farmers have integrated into the system for the promotion of organic agriculture through registration to the public 'Organic Agriculture Development Center' since 1988. The promoters have given subsidies, advice, markets, and even organic certification services for farmers and they have reduced the gap with conventional agriculture. Moreover, collective changes in the practice of farming have given a sense of security to the farmers.However, farmers in Aya Town show differences in terms of attitudes toward the promoted organic agriculture. Notable differences were found between natives and newcomers, especially in attitudes towards the manner of promotion and the practices of the other farmers. Almost all newcomers are distrustful of the promotion and of native farmers' practices, and are critical of the lack of their frontier spirit. Such differences are caused by the dependence on public promotion, and thus some similarity is found among some native farmers who do not depend on it so much.Moreover, there are differences among local farmers' attitudes towards organic agriculture by area. In Odate, where the growing of outdoor vegetables is popular, farmers are more interested in organic agriculture than those in Sakinota are. In addition, in their narration the farmers in Odate refer to concrete issues about organic agriculture. In Sakinota, where most farmers engage in the growing of hothouse vegetables, farmers regard the promotion of organic agriculture positively but they do not see themselves as the main actors in developing organic agriculture.Such local differences are caused by existing local agricultural conditions especially in the main agricultural sectors.

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.6, pp.603-642, 1966-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

7 5

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Tango Peninsula is situated in the northwest corner of Kyoto prefecture. There were 100 rural settlements in the area more than 100 meters above sea level, in the early period of the Meiji Era. They consist of four types: in-valley, head-valley, top-valley and plateau settlements. The heighest level where the settlements were established was about 500 meters above the sea. The number of houses in one of these rural settlements varied according to the nature of soil and landform; in short, the space of arable land was the chief factor. In the case of 86 rural settlements, the number of houses has decreased, and in the case of the other six was the same until 1965. 18 out of the 86 settlements are now total “Ortswüstung” or absolute “Wüstung”, and 14 out of more than 50% of the houses which existed before 1872 have been lost.The rate of the loss of houses is influenced by the landform also and especially by the altitude. And then, top-valley and plateau settlements located more than 320 meters above sea level, and the in-valley settlements located below 280 meters above sea level have lost houses in the manner shown in the fig. 4. The gragh indicates the rate of loss in a straight line (the rate of loss=1/5 height). The head-valley and top-valley settlements below 280 meters above sea level have lost houses in a parabola (R=1/700h2).The loss of houses here began about 1880. The number of lost houses was remarkably large in the following 3 periods; 1907-21, 1928-33 and 1952-.A long distance movement (outside Tango region) of the people from these rural settlements began about 1897. More people moved with the opening of local railway in 1928. However, as a whole, it was small-scaled. Especially since 1952 fewer people move, relatively speaking. A short distance movement has been also small-scaled, but we can notice a large-scaled migration of this sort in 1928-33, which the writer should like to name ‘the first period of deserted villages’. A middle distance movement (toward the rural settlements on lower levels and local centers in the Tango region) has always been greater than the other two, except during the first period of deserted villages. About half of the middle distance migrators went mainly to nine local-towns (local centers) in Tango, especially to Amino (a textile manufacturing town) and Iwataki (a town with refined nickel industry, rubber shoes and texiles).In Tango Peninsula, total “Ortswüstung” or absolute “Wüstung” counted 18, and relative “Wüstung” 11 in 1965. The numbers mean about 30% of the rural settlements located more than 100 meters above the sea. Four of these appeared in ‘the first period of deserted villages’, and the other deserted villages appeared after 1956, which the writer should like to name ‘the second period of deserted villages’.A dominant factor of the deserted villages here was the difficulty of enjoying facilities for life until 1956, and after 1957 the lack of economic power to meat the gradually modenized ways of life.As for land utilization, there are three types-- (1) total “Ortswüstung” followed by no arable land abandonment, (2) total “Ortswüstung” followed by arable land aban-donment, (3) absolute “Wüstung”. Men are apt to abandon their homes before their cultivated land. Abandoned arable land is either left uncultivated or afforested. We can observe very few pastures made in the deserted arable land in Tango Peninsula.As for the new occupations of the migrators, those who lived in other places and came to work in their former farms could be found until about 1958.

著者

佐藤 甚次郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.6, pp.445-464, 1962-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1

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This is part of paper concerning the residental sites of Japanese farm house. In the building structure of farm houses, there are two distribution features in Japan: in the south-western provinces, a dwelling house is generally of small size, but has many affiliated facilities and other various faculties, according the design of peasant farming-life and they are dispersed in each construction. In the north-eastern provinces, however, farm houses are bigger, compared with the formers and all kinds of functions are agglomerated in the main house-particular attention is given to snowy and cold areas. In the former district, there is less disposition to accept social class distinctions among the inhabitants. On the other hand, in the latter area, constructions attached to the farm-house of a poor landed peasant are small in number. It is a matter of general knowledge that wealthy farmers have sufficient establishments on their premises, and their constructions are arranged on the place, in order that they may easily get into communication with the main house, on account of family affairs. In spite of these distinctions, there is little difference between the peasantry and the wealthy farmer, because sheds for field work in farming areas extend on a large scale in each farm. This is a result of farm-land reform, a favorable aspect of rural economy and mechanized farming since the end of the war.In districts along the Japan Sea coast, the main house is the nucleus of the arrangement of construction. In contrast with the district, the front yard centers on the Pacific sea board of Japan. The difference of arable areas in farming, caused by the climatic character, is probably due to the farming job and the stage of the farmers' activity in everyday life.On the grounds of a farm house and its constructional arrangement, local features are formed through the influence of seasonal winds in winter and typhoons in summer. The physiognomy of a house that has an abhorrence of the north-eastern wind, as in China, has no effect on them beyond expections. Owing to the development of agricultural techniques, the structure of construction underwent a conspicuous change in farm house which were carrying on rice crop and sericulture in the thirty year span, 1900-1930. It was the formative period of a local definite type. In addition to this, the family system exerts a far-reaching influence upon constructions, too.

著者

村上 雅康

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.5, pp.428-444, 1986-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

13

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

谷岡 武雄 福永 正三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.6, pp.561-578, 1964-12-20 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

15

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There are many subjects to make clear the agrarian system of the ancient Japan. It is still the first problem to reconstitute this old system called Jori in detail. Encouraged by such a motive, the authors have researched into the Jori system of the Iga province which was adjacent to Yamato as the cultural and political center of the ancient Japan. The results obtained are as follows:1) One can find the agrarian landscape of the ancient Jori system in the Iga and Nabari basins which constituted the Iga province. This system was executed in the paddy field of the alluvial plain more than 135 meters above the sea level, avoiding the very marshy land. However, it was not continuous by reason of the undulating landform and the direction of the Jori typed land division was not fixed.2) In the district where the Jori landscape can be seen, the paddy field is very dominant, usually can raise two crops a year and its productivity is very higher than any other districts.3) The authors reconstituted the method of allotment of “Tsubo” according to the Jori system, which belonged to the serial pattern as well as the township in United States. But it is to be regretted that they could not succeed in the complete reconstitution for every case of the ancient counties.4) The Jori system of the Iga province is divided into four blocks: the Tsuge valley (ancient Abe-gun), the Hattori valley (ancient Yamada-gun), the Nagata valley (ancient Iga-gun), the Nabari valley (ancient Nabari-gun). The authors consider that the “Jo” in the Jori system was numbered in the same directions as the rivers flowed and the “Ri” in the directions at right angles to the rivers.5) In the ancient Iga, the “Kokufu” was also established as the administrative center of the province. It was situated to the eastern quarter of the Ijiro village and its plan followed the Jori system.6) There were two castle towns in the feudal times. The plan of the Nabari town followed the ancient Jori, but in the case of Ueno town, one can not find the same fact.

著者

窪田 哲三郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.1-29, 1963-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

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The industrial location is generally changed in accordance with the transition of the social structure, the improvement of raw materials and the progress of technique. This article aims to prove how the progress of technique has changed the location, taking copper smelting industry as an example. Surveying the development of copper smelting in our country from the feudal age up to the present, the author has come to the following conclusions.(1) The copper smelting by means of the traditional technique at the Edo period was divided into the copper smelting at mines and the copper refining in Osaka. The former came out from the economic and technical reasons, and the latter from the political reason, that is, the feudal government allowed the refineries in Osaka to hold a monopoly of copper production in order to control the trade of copper.(2) After the Meiji Reformation, new techniques were introduced from the West. But, compared with the modernization of mining technique, smelting technique was very late to be modernized. Up to the days of the Sino-Japanese War the old technique had been dominant in smelting. As the control by the feudal government had been removed, copper refining began to leave Osaka and be carried out at refineries at each mine.(3) Pyritic smelting which began at the Kosaka Mine in the thirty-third year of Meiji was an excellent technique. Especially it was a profit for custom smelting that the process made the combined smelting of copper and gold or silver possible. From this time copper smelting became the core of metal smelting. On the basis of Pyritic smelting, a new copper smelting process (Pyritic smelting-converter smelting-electrolitic refining) was settled. And in the twenty-sixth year of Meiji the revised law of mining admitted the construction of smelters independent from mines. Then the monopolistic capitalists who had nearly established their bases advanced into custom smelting, mostly at the smelters belonging to large mines, in the prosperous days from the Russo-Japanese War till the First World War. Minor industrialists as well as the capitalists constructed custom smelters one by one on the coasts of the Seto Inland Sea that were convenient for collecting ores. These smelters were located on an island or at the end of a peninsula to avoid injury from smoke.(4) The world-wide panic and depression which followed the First World War caused minor industrialists to decline and the capitalists to accomplish the monopoly of copper smelting. And the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident brought the munitions boom and the copper smelting industry flourished again. But the technique remained fundamentally unchanged. Only the process of producing sulfic acid from withdrawn sulphurous acid gas made a remarkable progress, so the injury from smoke was greatly removed.(5) After the Second World War came the age of technical reform; the oxygen smelting at Hitachi, the flash smelting at Ashio and the fluidized bed roasting process at Kosaka were invented. Consequently a great deal of sulfic acid and raw material for iron manufacture was produced as by-products, and copper smelting got closely related with other industries. And the injury from smoke was almost removed. After the end of the war, a lot of ores and scraps were imported and used as raw material more than the ores produced in our country. In this way there is no longer a positive reason why copper smelters should be located in such inconvenient places, as mountains, small islands or peninsulas. New smelters are planned in the littoral industrial districts with a good harbour near the market.

著者

藤田 裕嗣

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.4, pp.316-334, 1986-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

93

被引用文献数

2 2

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The rural markets in medieval Japan have been examined but not clearly in detail in historical studies. Therefore, the central function and the sphere of influence of these markets or market towns have been inferred from the reconstructed landscape in historical geography. The present paper lays emphasis on flow itself and examines the types of flow processes from analysis of the activities of merchants who took part in flow between rural areas. This study places the markets in this flow process and deals with their functions. The study is limited to the latter medieval period.The flow processes of goods from the places of production to those of consumption are classified into twelve types (Figure 3; type a-type l). Altogether, these can be called the flow system. The simplest type is transport by a single producer (type k) or merchant (type a) and each type through retail market is type l or type b. Merchant types are subdivided as follows: Two merchants sharing flow in type a/b, who meet at markets collecting produce, form type e/f. After markets collecting produce, type g/h flows through shonin-yado (establishments where merchants gather and trade with each other). Adding wholesalers to type a/b or type g/h, we get type c/d or type i/j.Local flows, whose distances from the place of production to that of consumption are short, form type a/b or type k/l. The conditions of this type of local flow are, for example, that the produce is made everywhere. Flow not meeting these conditions can be called long distance flow (type a-type l).It can be concluded that the central function of rural markets, examined in view of these various flow process types is chiefly retail. However, flow types which bypass retail markets (satouri; type a, c, e, g, i, k) are found locally.Tsuminato (chief ports), shonin-yado and markets can be seen as nodal points in flow. In tsuminato all types of produce are gathered and merchants collect and buy it. Shonin-yado are located at not only tsuminato but also other spots along roads and there produce is traded between merchants. Markets as such, however, are thought to be distributed more densely. Flow can be found from the place of production to that of consumption in various types of flow processes through spatial organization of nodal points in flow.This study indicates various possibilities of examining commodity flow patterns from a new viewpoint.

著者

木下 良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.1-32, 1971-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

1

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In Fukushima, Miyagi and Iwate prefectures, so far as the author knows, there are 17 places named ‘Ho Hatcho’ which means eight cho square. The area covering these three prefectures used to be called Mutsu in ancient Japan as an eastern frontier of the country. In Yamagata and Akita prefectures which correspond to Dewa, a northern frontier of the same period, we do not find any ‘Ho Hatcho, ’ but quite a few sites named ‘Hatcho, ’ several of which are villages of the type similar to ‘Ho Hatcho.’ Neither ‘Ho Hatcho’ nor ‘Hatcho, ’ however, is to be seen in the most northern prefecture Aomori.Of the seventeen villages of the ‘Ho Hatcho’ type, eleven lie on the low land, three on the river terrace and three on the gently-sloping low upland. The basic form of the first eleven villages is described by their enclosures such as mounds, fences and trenches. The arable lands inside or outside these enclosures are considered to have been allotted on the grid pattern at intervals of one cho.I would regard the villages on the low land, therefore, as farm villages intentionally built for the purpose of cultivating the land. I also regard those on the upland as stations because they are scattered along traffic roads, and those on the river terrace as having had the function of a river port.From the later seventh century to the early ninth century, the Government sent many settlers to the frontiers from every part of the country.To cite the example of Izawa ‘gun’ which holds larger number of ‘Ho Hatcho’s than any other region, many of the ‘go’ names appearing within this ‘gun’ coincide with those of ‘kuni’ originally given to other parts of Japan, like Shinano ‘go’ corresponding to Shinano ‘kuni.’ The inhabitants of Izawa ‘gun’ are thus considered to have consisted of colonists from outside.The law enforced in the eighth century says, “Keep the people living on the frontier in a fort.” I think, for this reason, that it was in conformity with this law that the ‘Ho Hatcho’ plan was laid down.But the present Iwate prefecture, where villages of the ‘Ho Hatcho’ type are most found, is known to have come under Government control at the beginning of the ninth century. So it is my opinion that the villages of ‘Ho Hatcho’ type were actually established around that time.