著者

山崎 修

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.6, pp.476-490,544, 1953-02-28 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

4

被引用文献数

1

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Twice crops of rice a year appeared in the middle of the Edo era owing to the favorable climatic condition to make for the staple food. But a period of decadence set in the end of Edo era and early in the Meiji due to the poor cultivation and the difficulty of the gradeimprovement. Since the middle of Meiji at the first crop the Kinugasa-wasa had been planted from the end of March to the end of July and at the second crop the Hayakawa shu had deen planted from early in August to early in Novemder. And from early in Taisho the management has been kept eqilibrium. Those days the twice crops a year was cultivated on the seashore plains but early in Showa it has been limited to the Kochi-Aki Plain, due to labor problem.For the twice crops of rice a year the climatic condition is essetial. It can be cultivated by utilization of the possible-climate, optimatic climate and the sunshiny-hour for grow and distribution of the Typhoon. The latter is the direct motive especially. Topography is the second condition. In Kochi Prefecture the rice-farm is scanty due to the mountainious topography, so the intesity of the rice-farm is very high. This geve impitus to appearance of the twice crops of rice a year. But the grade is low, and the fertilizer and the lador are much required. So there is a tendenoy that the second crop has changed in to the realization crop. The agricultural management of the twice crops of rice a year is changing its areal character. The growing area was most large and the crop was high in 7-8th of Showa.

著者

吉本 昌弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.363-376, 1981-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

45

著者

辻 稜三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.178-191, 1993-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

57

被引用文献数

4 3

著者

河地 貫一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1, pp.16-33,94, 1961-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

31

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1) The manufacturing industries in Nagasaki are forming a seaside-industrial area standing for an exclusive accumulation, in a limited area which is closely related with labour and production. This geographical fact in a spatially-occupied area shows the economic structure of industry, as described in the following 2), 3), and 4).2) Nagasaki is a mono-industrial city, in which the production of a metal-machine industry accounts for over 80% of all industrial productions.3) The main metal-machine industry is ship-building of all-round assembly ndustries, and nearly all of them are carried on by correlated enterprises or subcontracted enterprises.4) A colossal monopolistic enterprise, named “Mitsubishi”, is responsible for over 90% of all productions of the metal-machine industries, and over 80% of all manufacturing industries. This is a regional characteristic of Nagasaki depending upon authority, of course, though these structures are observed in Japanese economics as a general tendency.5) A specially fixed area as described in 1) is the old Fuchi Mura village, portion of Nagasaki City, which was incorporated with Nagasaki at the time of the expansion of the first municipal area, in the 31st year of the Meiji era: 1898. This area had already become an industrial area, at the time when the Mitsubishi ship-building yard and its correlated industries were located.6) As this area was incorporated with Nagasaki City, the port of Nagasaki, which was once a luxury-consuming city, began to show to signs of being newly reconverted to an industrial city in many sections. It was, so to speak, a spatial proclamation.7) The center of the present industrial area in the city is a district belonging to the old Fuchi Mura village, a portion of Nagasaki, just as it was. This indicates that only an exclusive accumulation by regional groups was set forward, not carrying out spatial expansion from the 31st year of the Meiji era: 1898, and later, notwithstanding the industrial extensive growth of Nagasaki after that.8) The industries of Nagasaki have been growing together with the Mitsubishi ship-building yard, and the correlated industries……especially the metal-machine industry, located in the interior of the ship-building yard or in the neighborhood. As other industries in this area repeated the rise and fall of prosperity in proportion to Japanese capitalism, there was no formation of an extensive industrial area with mentioning in this area.9) The industry did not expand spatially, the geographical facts setting forward the exclusive accumulation to the old Fuchi Mura village are nothing else but having a spatially-represented, historical process of which the interior structure of industries shows extreme patterns, as described in 2), 3), and 4).

著者

礒永 和貴

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.6, pp.596-611, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

著者

松井 武敏

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.3, pp.175-183,279, 1952-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

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(1) In order to clarify the nature of geography, it is necessary (a) to interpret it epistemologically, or methodologically, (b) to expound it from the standpoint of historical development, and (c) to examine it on the basis of real studies. The present essay deals with the nature of geography mainly from the first point of View above mentioned.(2) Science can be classified in to abstract and concrete sciences. Concrete science is further divided into sciences of time and space. Geography is a science of space which belongs to the category of conrete science. The Character of geography lies in the investigation and studying of the structure of a region in the concrete.(3) A region is a unity that is realized on the surface of the earth with which different phenomena are associated. It is a collective object having its own structure and exists in a different dimension from each seprate phenomenon. It forms an object of study peculiar to geography.(4) “To investigate the structure of region means to understand a region not as a simply united whole but as a compound whole made up of elements, and to grasp mechanism of such a make-up. What is characterisitc of geography in the most recent times is that the structure of a region is made clear functionally and the mutual relations of elements composing the whole are grasped in a numerical manner. In the understanding of the structure of a region, the most important subject of study is a correlation between nature and cultural phenomena. The ascertaining of how the component elements are distributed will prove essential in such a study.(5) By studying the structure of a region in the concrete is meant not only that a region is grasped mechanistically on basis of real facts but that a structure which is not be thoroughly understood in such a manner is clarified concretely. In this study the historical consideration plays an important role.

著者

藤井 正

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.6, pp.522-544, 1990-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

152

被引用文献数

20 12

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Recently there have been many studies about the structural change of the metropolitan area. The first approach to the theme was that from the view of counterurbanization in the United States. But in this study the districts which showed the highest rate of population growth were not remote rural areas but the nonmetropolitan areas adjacent to SMSAs. Then P. Gorden (1979) or P. Hall & D. Hay (1980) disputed that the counterurbanization could be explained in terms of the suburbanization. They found a problem with the structure of metropolitan areas in the study of national scale migration named ‘counterurbanization’.In the four stages of urban development, which Klaassen et al. (1979, 1980) showed, the critical point between the second stage, suburbanization, and the third new stage, desurbanization, was whether the population of the whole metropolitan area increases or decreases. It was the same condition as counterurbanization. When the most rapidly growing district of population then is an adjacent district to the metropolitan area, we can no longer grasp the urban growth within the framework of the metropolitan area. This population decreasing process of the whole metropolitan area is first explained by K. O'Conner (1980) and Y. Taguti (1981) as follows: The new urbanizing zone adjacent to the metropolitan area, exurb, in which more commuters work in the suburbs, does not belong to the metropolitan area defined as a commuting area to the central city. Then, if the population of the adjacent districts increases, the metropolitan area does not expand there as before.The structural change of the metropolitan area has also been analyzed in terms of the suburbanization of economic activities of the central city as by Muller, et al. In this point of view the population suburbanizes first, then manufacturing and retail activities of daily food necessities. In the third stage, large shopping centers are constructed in the suburbs and offices gravitate to them. However the question is the suburbanization of the decision making sector in offices. If that sector remains in the CBD as P. W. Daniels (1974) shows, the regional structure of economic activities in the metropolitan area never change. Economically it is the nodal region which has an apparent node CBD. But in terms of daily behavior of the people, not many people need to go to the CBD or central city frequently. It is an other region than an economic nodal region. Strictly speaking the metropolitan area now is the daily behavior area defined by commuting or shopping to the central city. It is the daily behavior in the area of the central city and around it that is changing now not only in the U. S., but in Japan and European countries.In Japan we don't yet find a decrease of metropolitan area population. However the suburbanization of the central city activities are of course under way just as R. A. Erickson (1983) and A. Kellerman (1985) have shown for the metropolitan areas in the United States of the 1950's. In the 1960's city centers rapidly declined in America though we can't conclude whether they are in an advanced stage of urban development or in circumstances peculiar to the metropolitan areas of the United Sates. But the suburbanization of employment now in Japan makes the commuting rate to the central city decrease and it means that factors are increasing which cannot be explained within the framework of the metropolitan area. We need a new framework which can explain those factors.We can cite two types given by E.J. Taaffe (1963) about the new structure of the region in order to understand the metropolitan area hitherto. One type is the ‘concentration of the peripheral laborsheds’ and the other is the ‘dispersion’ of these.

著者

由井 義通

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.56-77, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

6 1

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High buildings can have a multiplicity of functions. Their role is increasing more and more in land use of the city region. Recently, because of rapid increase in residential buildings, the residential structure of the whole city is changing. Residence in condominiums and apartment houses is a new life style in Japan, because traditionally Japanese did not have a habit of dwelling in high-rise housing. The characteristics of residents in residential buildings vary in relation to housing occupancy, the quality of house and so on. The purpose of this study is to clarify the development process of condominiums and the characteristics of the residents in residential buildings. The results of this study are summarised as follows:1. In Hiroshima City, there are some areas around the city center in which population showed an increase in the period 1975-80. Because private developers constructed many condominiums in those areas, there was an increase in home-owning households in the neighbourhoods of city center. After 1978, new condominiums which were constructed by private developers are concentrated in a 1-2km zone from the city center. In the central city regions, many offices, stores, and parking lots were converted into condominiums. On the other hand, in marginal city areas many warehouses and housing estates were converted into condominiums. The location and quality of condominiums vary according to their developers.2. Using the 1970, 1975 and 1980 Population Census of Japan, it was found that the structure of age, household members and occupations of residents varies according to the kind of housing. So a kind of segregation appears. The characteristics of residents in condominiums, public housing and company housing for employees are different.In private housing, there are rental housing in which many younger households with a few members reside and resident-owned housing in which many middle-aged households with 3-4 members reside. Many of these residents are engaged in white collar occupations. In public housing, there are many elderly people, especially in older units which are located near the central city area. And the ratio of elderly people who rent old public housing is increasing. By contrast, in new public housing in the suburbs the residents tend to be younger. Many of the residents in public housing engage in blue collar occupations. Blue collar workers living in company-provided housing tend to be younger than the civil servants living in officially-provided housing.It is thought that the in crease in condominiums in the inner city is inducing gentrification because residents of condominiums are white collar workers with a high socioeconomic status.3. By obtaining information through questionnaires given to residents in 34 samples of condominiums which were selected randomly in the old city region of Hiroshima City, the characteristics of the residents were clarified.There is a tendency for people to decide to migrate in order to increase their living space or because of work transfers. When they purchase a new house, they think much about living space, the convenience of traffic, access to their work place and convenience of shopping rather than the overall environment of the neighbourhood. People generally relocate a short distance, but there are variations in this pattern according the age and district.As is mentioned above, it is thought that development of condominiums will play an even greater role in urban renewal in the near future. So it is important to analyze their development process and the characteristics of their residents.

著者

田中 和子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.321-340, 1996-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

1 2

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Friedrich Ratzel wrote several papers (1878, 1879, 1895b, and 1895c) and book reviews (1881, 1887, 1894, 1895a, and 1897) relating to Japan, and during 1889-1902 at Reipzig University, he gave four lectures on the world outside Europe, including Japan (Fig. 1.). His notes (manuscripts and materials) for those lectures, which are listed in Tab. 1. A and B, have been preserved in the Archives of Geography, Institute of Regional Studies (Geographische Zentralbibliothek/Archiv für Geographie, Institüt für Länderkunde), Leipzig.The examination of his writings revealed Ratzel's discourse on Japan, which has never been investigated by geographers, in connection with his extensive geographical work. This paper makes it clear that:A) Ratzel was interested in Japan and maintained study and a material collection throughout his academic career (Tab. 2).B) At the watershed of 1895 when Japan won the Sino-Japanese War, his negative evaluation of Japan turned to a positive one. Parallel with this change, his research-focus in Japan itself was transferred, that is, his ethnographical and anthropological study shifted to the political geography of Japan as an island empire.C) In his writings before 1895, he pointed out that 1) the physical and mental features of the residents of the Japanese Islands were inferior to those of Europeans, 2)the strange social class system, which, essentially, the Meiji Restoration did not alter at all, and 3) the mysterious pluralistic jurisdiction among East Asian countries, which could easily cause a political dispute. Ratzel's sense of values with reference to European culture and his contempt for an uncivilized race in East Asia were obvious.D) With Japan's defeat of China, Ratzel realized the characteristics of a land of islands and a marine nation, which were common to England. After revisions and rearrangement (Tab. 3.), his discussion of the political geography of islands (1895c) was publishedas the chapter of ‘Islands (Inseln)’ in “Politische Geographie” (1897). Ratzel expected that Japan would follow the achievements of England in the near future. The most important reason why he changed his evaluation was that Japanese could master Western culture, technology, and social and political systems within a short term.E) According to Ratzel, because the Japanese were a marine nation with high learning-ability and followed Europe, they succeeded in the reexpansion of marine transport over the ocean, and exceeded thier neighbors China and Korea-China used to be accompanied by Japan and Korea respectively, in culture as well as politics.F) Ratzel's continuing study of Japan could be a synthetic chorography, which describes and explains a peculiar combination between a land of islands in the Pacific Ocean and a marine nation with high learning-ability. The possiblity that he preparedthe publication of “Japan” can not be denied.

著者

西山 志保

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.64-75, 1997-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

1

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This paper attempts to review the theoretical framework of the urban restructuring process proposed by M. Castells and D. Harvey, and to examine the effectiveness of their western theories through field survey of restructuring urban space and local communities in Tokyo.M. Castells and D. Harvey have explained the restructuring process of urban spaces focusing on the mechanism of capital accumulation, but their analytical concepts are different. Castells uses the concept of the Dual City. This concept means that residential segregation and segmentation of spaces do exist among classes according to whether they heve access to a high level of education and culture or not. Harvey uses the concept of Flexible Accumulation, which means almost all new societal systems have the aim of capital accumulation. Castells puts stress on a change of the social structure in the global cities, while on the other hand Harvey examines the urban space, focusing on the relationship between global cities and local communities.For research purposes, I picked two case study areas in downtown Tokyo. One is Misaki-cho where many residents own their own land and buildings, and the other is Kanda-Tsukasa-cho where almost all residents live on leased land. These two local communities are located near the heart of Tokyo, and they contain many small scale businesses. But the pattern of landownership and community history are completely different.The conclusions are as follows:1) The residential space in Tokyo has became more segregated and segmented by the occupation and income of the residents. So the concept of the Dual City is applicable to Tokyo to some extent. Also rapid increase of offices and big changes of land use in Tokyo have been a part of the urban process of Flexible Accumulation at the global level.During the 1980's, Tokyo was affected by the global changes in more or less the same way as New York and London.2) At the local community level, landowners in Misaki-cho rebuilt their own buildings before the bubble economy, so they could cope with the structural economic changes during the 1980's individually. On the contrary, in Kanda-Tsukasa-cho, rapid increase of land prices did force changes in the residential land use to offices. So, we may conclude that the global changes did not directly affect local changes, but the history, socio-economic characteristics and social relationship of the local communities was an influence upon the restructuring and transformation process of urban space.In the next stage of my research, I will try to make it clear how the local community responds to the huge global economic pressure and resists capital accumulation. This is none other than building a new theoretical framework to bridge the macro-global changes and micro-local changes of urban spaces.

著者

笠石 隆秀

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.65-73, 1951-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

10

著者

岡本 耕平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.23-42, 1998-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

183

被引用文献数

5 4

---

Behavioral geography, which started in the 1960s, had lost its impetus on account of internal division and various criticism from radicals and humanists in geography after about 1980. Because of its perceived lack of social relevance at a time when social issues had become the major focus of human geography, behavioral research was often relegated to a minor role within the discipline.Behavioral geography, however, has revitalized since 1990. This stems from two sources: the theoretical pluralism in post-modern geography and interdisciplinary studies with psychology, cognitive science, and GIS.This paper has three purposes. First, it outlines a history of behavioral geography and describes its revitalization in the 1990s. Second, the geographical studies on cognitive map and cognitive mapping, which has been the most important research theme in behavioral geography, are critically examined. Third, this paper pursues the future development of behavioral geography surveying the new ideas in recent psychology and examining the raison d'être of cognitive studies in human geography.In discussion, this paper makes the following pleas. 1) Behavioral studies in geography should look hard at routinized non-awareness activities in our daily lives in societal and cultural context. 2) The focus of the study should be on ‘behavior in space’, not on‘spatial behavior’, 3) The study on ‘vista’ will bring fertile perspectives to behavioral geography. 4) Behavioral geographers should notice that human spatial knowledge has various aspects.

著者

山岡 義昭

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.313-332, 1977-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

79

著者

横山 淳一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.43-65, 1994-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

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Thünen's“location theory”of agriculture is one of the basic principles in geography and economics. In this theory a visionary uniform space called“The Isolated State (Der isolierte Staat)”has already been established. This isolated state is 50 miles (deutsche meile; about 375km) in diameter, and the agricultural zones are arranged in a concentric circle. In the center only one large city is located, and the concentric circles of agriculture are, from inside, free agriculture (die freie Wirtschaft), forestry (Forstwirtschaft), crop rotation system agriculture (Fruchtwechselwirtschaft), field-grass agriculture (Koppelwirtschaft), three-field system (Dreifelderwirtschaft) and cattle breeding and dairy (Viehzucht). The boundary distances of each type outward from the large city are 4, 7, 24.7, and 31.5 miles respectively.In this article, I tried to reexamine the structure of Thünen's circles according to Thünen's logical point of view. The basic conditions are as follows: the farm acreage is 100, 000 square Rutes (217ha), the rye crop yield per 100 square Rutes is 8 Sheffels, and the price of 1 Sheffel of rye is 1.5 Taler at the city.The main problem is the conversion process from the Koppelwirtschaft to the three-field system. Thünen says that a crop of 8 Sheffels in the Koppelwirtschaft is proportional to 6.72 Sheffels in the three-field system. In the case of the Koppelwirtschaft divided into seven, the acreage of one section is about 14, 300 square Rutes, and in the three-field system, the acreage of one field is 12, 000 square Rutes (fields, 36, 000; permanent pasture, 64, 000). According to this, in the conversion process from the Koppelwirtschaft to the three-field system, the total fertilizer given to the rye fields increase 1.17 times. This indicates a larger increase of rye crop in the three-field system than in Koppelwirtschaft. In my calculation, 8 Sheffels in Koppelwirtschaft is proportional to 8.42 Sheffels in the three-field system.If this is true, the“Landrente”(bid rent) of Koppelwirtschaft is 1, 111 Taler, while the Landrente of the three-field system is 1, 137 Taler; and the dominance of Koppelwirtschaft is overthrown. In Thünen's circles, the Koppelwirtschaft would be replaced by the three-field system, and have to disappear. As a result, in my calculation, the structure of Thünen's circles consists of free agriculture, forestry, three-field system, and cattle breeding and dairy. The distances from the large city should be revised to 4, 7, and 33 miles respectively.

著者

吉田 敬市

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.5, pp.570-586, 1968-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

青木 栄一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.6, pp.522-536, 1987-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

38

被引用文献数

4 2

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Transport Geography has had a long history from the mid-19th Century onwards, being imported to Japan in the 1920's. In spite of such a long history, however, geographers' contributions in the form of comment or criticism on current transport problems have been rather few in Japan. The introduction of quantitative methods into transport geography after the 1960's has not changed the situation. There have seldom been discussions or coordinations with persons belonging to other related fields of study such as economics, sociology, engineering, and so on. In this paper, the author analyzes the stagnation of transport geography in regard to the study of current transport problems.The author points out the existence of two different types of transport geography. They are: (1) the analysis of transport phenomena through regional environment, and (2) the explanation of other phonomena using transport as indices or factors. While the first type remains a minority, the second type has played the leading role in transport geography in Japan after the 1950's, being of little use in analyzing or criticizing current transport problems, and some transport geographers have had little interest in current transport problems.The author suggests the importance of study for transport facilities and transport enterprises through regional environment, in both physical and social view-points, in the area of the former type of transport geography. The most important stress in such studies should be placed on the historical processes of decision-making for transport facilities and transport enterprises through an integrated system of technology, administration and policy, economics, and culture, each including its historical development. Through such an integrated system of study, transport geography will be able to contribute to practical analysis and criticism of current transport problems, and lead the study in the direction of policy-making. In other words, a transport geographer must become a transport generalist.The author also refers to the current study of transport geography in English-speaking regions, trying to analyze the process of decision-making in transport facilities and transport enterprises.

著者

三木 一彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.1-17, 2001-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

3 3

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From the 18th century, making a visit to sacred mountains became popular among Japanese people. Many such pilgrimages had a regionally distinctive sphere of religion. Mt. Mitsumine, in Chichibu County (nowadays in Saitama Prefecture), was one of the spiritual centers for such pilgrimages. It attracted people from Kanto and Koshin Districts from the middle of the 18th century. This study examines the cult of Mitsumine in Edo (present-day Tokyo), focusing especially on the social background behind its development.According to an account at the beginning of the 19th century, the Mt. Mitsumine shrine afforded facilities to receive visitors. Pilgrimages were generally undertaken by religious groups called "ko". In Edo, the cult of Mitsumine was believed to prevent misfortunes, such as fire and bandits. Visits to Mt. Mitsumine from Edo increased between the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The Mitsumine followers of Edo also evangelized their belief to its suburbs and more remote areas.The Mitsumine-ko in Edo tended to be organized by the trade guilds. Tatekawa-ko was the most influential supporter of the cult. The group consisted mainly of timber wholesale and commission merchants, and its members mostly lived in eastern Edo. A large volume of timber was transported from the mountains in the Kanto District to Edo, and Chichibu County, where Mt. Mitsumine is situated, had also become one of the sources of timber. The commercial relation between Chichibu and Edo is said to have facilitated the penetration of the cult into Edo.Since the early 19th century, the change in the distributive system loosened the unity among the timber merchants. Religious circles such as Tatekawa-ko played a crucial role in reestablishing a solid network among the merchants. Moreover in Edo, where fires frequently occurred, the merchants, particularly timber traders, were making a profit from them. Thus, the charms of Mitsumine were considered as an indulgence among the merchants. For these reasons, the Mitsumine cult in Edo was established and maintained.The study concludes that social background profoundly affected the development of belief.

著者

高橋 誠一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.5, pp.442-465, 1990-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

2 2

著者

松村 嘉久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.5, pp.491-514, 1993-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

73

被引用文献数

3 3

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Most modern nation states have been formed through their central governments' delimitation of national boundaries in frontier areas, which were often inhabited by ethnic minority groups. To relax possible ethnic tensions, the central governments have presented ethnic policies. Because the minority policy in a nation is one of the most important factors affecting the process of national integration, it is crucial to explore the development of the policy in detail.The ethnic minority people in China account for only 6.7% of the country's whole population However, since the area of their resident districts accounts for more than fifty percent of the nation, and are located at strategically important points, national integration of ethnic minorities has been an essential problem for the Chinese government. Whereas it is said that the government accomplished political equality, it admits the existence of ‘inequality as a matter of fact’: inter-ethnic differentials in both economic and cultural terms. To ameliorate this problem, the government has attempted to implement policies of economic development and ethnic education in the minority districts. To date, their specific circumstances have been rather unclear, however. In particular, with regard to Yunnan Province, Japanese scholars, including geographers, have thus far paid attention to cultural aspects almost exclusively. The purpose of this paper, keeping Yunnan's historical and geographical factors in mind, is to elucidate the development of ethnic minority policy by the Chinese goverment in the province.In the second section, the current situation of the minority ethnic groups is discussed briefly. The twenty-four groups with more than ten million people account for 31.7% of the province's whole population, and these compose eight autonomous prefectures and twenty-nine autonomous counties. Furthermore, the twenty-four groups can be divided into sub-groups. These imply the variety and complexty of the province's ethnic composition. Generally, the percentage of minority population is higher in the frontier districts than in the central districts of Yunnan, and particular minorities tend to concentrate partly according to altitude.The third section is devoted to an explanation of ethnic policy during the period between 1949 and 1958, when an essential aim of the Chinese government's policy was to integrate minority groups into the new system of the communist nation. Even at the time immediately after the foundation of the nation, the central Yunnan districts were under long-standing control of the Han Chinese in terms of socio-economic activities, suggesting a relatively easy integration of them by the Chinese Communist Party. However, the influence of the party in the frontier districts was negligible, because the districts formed a buffer zone, where the powers of Britain, France, the Kuomintang Government and native nationalist headmen were complicated. The Yunnan government sent there a minority maneuvering party in order to establish a better relationship with the minorities, support their lives and investigate their circumstances. In particular, integration policy in terms of economy and distribution was taken seriously at the beginning of this period. With regard to political matters, autonomous districts were established through the assumption of minority leaders to important posts in the Chinese Communist Party, and, as a result, a great part of the frontier districts came under the rule of the party. Minority groups were divided into four different types from the historical stage standpoint of social development. The Yunnan Government presented four land reform methods, correspondent to this minority grouping. Although the land reform based on this method and establishment of collective farms began in 1955, they have made less progress in the frontier districts than in the central parts of the province.

著者

立見 淳哉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.6, pp.552-574, 2000-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

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The author analyzes the historical change of agar's production area via a framework of study based on 'regional regulation (régulation régionale)'. This study deals with the development of Gifu and Shinshu agar's production areas by paying attention to the outbreak and collapse of local regulation mechanisms. The mode of regulation of the production areas that adheres to a structure of 'nestedness' in space is determined while mingling together with the coordination in spatial scale (global/national/regional/local and so on). However, the greatest impact on sustaining stable regimes of economic management (régimes économiques de fonctionnement) in production areas operates at the local level, since competition among industrial areas is coordinated by local institutional devices (dispositifs institutionnels).The competition in Gifu agar's production area is coordinated by 'domestic industrial coordination (coordination domestique)'. This is a mechanism coordinated by negotiation among firms and wholesale dealers concerning decisions on quality and prices. In Shinshu agar's area, in terms of price, it is coordinated by 'civil coordination (coordination civique)', which is characterized by a 'convention' determined by the enterprise union. In addition, this form is understood as coordination beyond the pursuit of individual profits through the sharing of common interests. On the other hand, in terms of quality, competition was coordinated by 'industrial coordination (coordination dite industrielle)', which is accomplished by the coordination of national standards. In this mechanism, competition was coordinated and stimulates the development of the production area by the induction of local industrial devices.In the meantime, there was great concern that agar's production area would decline because of an overseas production shift, competition, changes in the norms of consumption, decline in agricultural production, and the reluctance of agriculture to maintain business among young farmers.These global and national changes made the mode of local regulation extremely unstable. Strictly speaking, the most significant component of this decline was destined to be in the form of the coordination of each production area, so that the crisis arose in the face of environmental change at the global and national levels.In the case of the 'domestic coordination' of Gifu agar's production area, it was possible for the firms to keep their production stable. However, these firms have many problems such as the subordination to wholesale dealers, a lower rate of profit and the temporary business of the farmers. The existing crisis in this form was revealed in terms of decreases in income and the depletion of successors caused by the national decline of agriculture.Considering Shinshu agar's production area, the quality of agar was controlled by 'industrial coordination', but its demand diminished. This change was brought about by the lack of a concern and convention for quality. Therefore, each firm was unable to cope with changes in the norms of consumption, or competition in production.However, the coordination forms in this critical period began to change by struggling to grope for a new form of coordination, especially in the case of innovative firms.In Gifu agar's production area, the firms have changed their production term into a year, and have specialized agar's production to enlarge business. In Shinshu agar's area, firms have successfully coped with the crisis by setting up more innovative operations and by making use of the large customer network. Thus, the agar's production areas are coordinated by each local institution. Faced with losing the validity of existing coordinations, they transformed their system to revive their production.