著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.37-47,106, 1951-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

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Various tribes of old Germans crowded together in small villages dotted here and there in open spaces surrounded by woods consisting mainly of oak-trees. Caesar's Bello Gallico suggests us that the average population of each civitas belonging to Suebi League was between 15, 000 and 20, 000. According to Delbrück's calculation the density of population of old Germans was from 4 to 5 per square kilometre, and the average population of each tribe was 25, 000. A small number of natural villages, their smallest units of society, formed a “Hunderschaft” dnd several. Hunderschaft formed a Gau, a unit of local society. This Gau later developed into Grafschaft in Germany and had its law court. Hunderschaft developed into English hundred, subdivision of a county or a shire.Civitas in the South-west of Germany were small and many of them were crowded while in the Northeast Civitas had wide areas. In the South-west civitas consisted of settled people mainly occupying themselves in agriculture and cattle-raising, and developed into agricultural manors of the Middle Ages. The process by which these civitas solved aud formed into Stammstaaten is evident by Ptolemy, Peutingerische Tafel and so on.

著者

鶴田 英一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.66-84, 1994-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

158

被引用文献数

4 12

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The geography of tourism in Japan substantially began during the 1960's. At that time, tourism development spreading to rural area, was very marked. But, as it was just a speculative boom, tourism study has forced to staguate since then. The so-called ‘Resort Boom’ in the late 1980's, however, stimulated tourism study again, so that it brought about remarkable phenomena not only at a regional scale, but also at a national one. As a natural consequence, this boom subsided because it was also a speculative one. The geography of tourism in Japan today is now adrift just as it was 20 years ago. Now is a turning point, to see whether the geography of tourism in Japan will more towards a stagnation again or not.From a broad point of view, this paper, considering geography of tourism not only as a representation of tourism phenomena but also as a socia science, aims to inquire whether geography of tourism in Japan has any raison d'être the after ‘Resort Boom’. For this purpose, first of all, the author examines the problems and the socio-economic circumstances the in geography of tourism while comparing Angle-American studies with the Japanese ones.The subjects of Angle-American studies on geography of tourism can be generally classified as follows:(a) Tourist recognition of tourist areas and tourism resources, and tourist behavior.(b) Tourist flow analysis.(c) Location of tourism industries.(d) Tourism development.(e) Impacts of tourism on economy, society, culture and natural environment.(f) Evaluation of resources and landscape as tourist attractions.(g) Tourism planning and regulation.One of the features in these studies is that the each subject is divided according to geographical aspects of tourism while keeping in close contact with others. The other is that all the subjects show a strong intent for practical use within the limits of the results. Tourism development in Anglo-America except U.S.A., where soft tourism and political influence are dominant, may affect the strong practical intentions and the scholarly divisions of labor shaping holistic perspectives. As compared with the currents of human geography in Anglo-America, however, almost all the studies consisting of empirical research such as morphology, positivism or behaviorism still remain at the previous level of the 1960's or 1970's.As for the geography of tourism in Japan before ‘Resort Boom’, there are five research divisions as follows:(1) Analyses and descriptions of tourist flow and recreation facilities.(2) Distribution of tourist areas.(3) Locational development and development process of tourism areas.(4) Tourism development as a factor in regional development.(5) Tourism resources analysis.The political framework and regulations on tourism in Japan, unlike Anglo-America, has been, as it were, laissez-faire, and private companies have taken the lead in tourism development. Also, tourism development by private companies and their effects on a region have inevitably caught geographer's attention. The main currents were in (3) and (4) above, and the remaining research divisions were evaluated as subsideries. Compared with Anglo-America, Japanese studies have a good point concentrating on historical perspective, but they could hardly deal with the social and environmental problems because studies on the impacts on natural environment, planning and regulation were very few due to a lack of philosophy and social theory. Until the middle 1980's, the geography of tourism in Japan was generally inactive, and there was little controversy. In the late 1980's, studies on tourism development, its impact and relevant policy have appeared one after another in the context of the ‘Resort Boom’. They however are still an extension of the existing empirical perspectives.

著者

兼重 賢太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.68-81, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

3 1

著者

樋口 忠成

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.5-27, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

3

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A study of the residential structure of the American city has produced an increasing literature under the technique of factorial ecology. The study of large cities however is not enough compared to that of smaller cities because of the labor dealing vast information when taken a small area like a census tract as a observation unit.The auther investigated the residential structure and its spatial pattern for the Detroit metropolitan area by performing factor analysis upon 1960 and 1970 census data. Change in the structure and pattern is also studied by comparing the extracted factors and factor scores obtained at different points in time.The area studied is the entire Detroit Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area. (Fig. 1) The census tract is employed as a observation unit. After omission and consolidation a total of 762 tracts constitutes the analysis in 1960 and 986 in 1970. 56 variables from population characteristics available in the U.S. census of population were selected for the study. (Table 1) The same variables were chosen in the analysis for both 1960 and 1970. They are classified into 10 major categories: (1) sex and age, (2) family and household, (3) marrige status, (4) race and ethnicity, (5) mobility, (6) labor force, (7) occupation, (8) working status, (9) education and (10) family income.Product-moment correlation coefficients were computed for all variables. These matrixes were then subjected to principal factor method factor analysis. Eight factors were extracted in 1960 and nine in 1970, accounting cumulatively for 83% and 81% of the total variance respectively. Those factors were rotated to orthogonally to simple structure. Varimax rotation was employed. The matrixes of factor loadings are shown in Tables 2 and 3.The 1960 factors were interpreted as follows: (I) Family Life Cycle, (II) Racial Composition, (III) Socio-economic Status, (IV) Women in Labor Force, (V) Eastern European Immigrants, (VI) Youth Predominance, (VII) Sexual Composition and (VIII) Italians. The first three factors accounted cumulatively for more than 60% of the total variance and there was a sizable difference in significance between each of them and each of the rest.The 1970 factors were interpreted as follows: (I) Socio-economic Status, (II) Racial Composition, (III) Family Life Cycle, (IV) Women in Labor Force, (V) Residential Mobility, (VI) Eastern Europian Immigrants, (VIII) Sexual Composition, (IX) Youth Predominance/Italians. The first three factors were also observed as significant and accounted for about 58% of the total variance.In order to test the relationship between 1960 and 1970 factors, correlation coefficients were calculated and are shown in Table 4. Factor I in 1960 has strong correlation to Factor III in 1970, Factor II in 1960 to Factor II in 1970, and Factor III in 1960 to Factor I in 1970. Therefore it was confirmed that the first three factors of both years, which were Socio-economic Status, Racial Composition and Family Life Cycle were the major stable factors that explain the residential differentiation of Detroit. Minor factors of each year do not correspond clearly with each other except the factors of Women in Labor Force and East European Immigrants, which are considered to be the stable minor factors.The spatial patterns of the major three factors were then analysed. Prior to it the entire metropolitan area was devided into seven concentric zones numbered 1 through 7 from the C.B.D. outward and seven sectors numbered 1 through 7 from southwest to northeast, which made 49 cells. (Fig. 2) The spatial patterns of factor score distributions were examined by three steps. First, a series of analysis of variance were undertaken to judge objectively whether the factor score distributions of Socio-economic Status and Family Life Cycle correspond to concentric model or sector model.

著者

林 宏

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.2, pp.97-116,192, 1959-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1 1

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While comparing the ways of naming places in Japan, I have brought together data revealed in existing materials and by on the spot investigations made while in Java during the war. Place names in Java originally derive chiefly from the Djawa, Sunda, and Madura tongues of the Malay language groups, and the influence of the Hindu culture which was dominant until about the fifteenth century is quite pronounced. Over against this, Islam, the dominating religion of the present exercises but small influence. And the few place names from the Dutch were crased following independence.First, in connection with the roots of the name “Djawa” I have introduced the opinion set farth by Prof. Purbatjaraka in his “Rice” and the theory resting upon the common expression “pulo dawa” (long island). In what follows I shall explain the numerous and not so numerous origins of Javanese place names. Outstanding are the extreely large number of instances where village names come from coupling the names of plants and animals, particularly with river (kali, tji), spring (sumber) and pool (kedung).Severally it may be said that names are taken plain and simply directly from the surrounding natural scene and that many of them are directly linked with a naïvelife, very concrete, obvious, and without design. The Javanese tend to link auspicious names for historic places and principal towns (e.g. Djakarta=City of Success) and this manner of name-giving was favored even for the big plantations developed after the arrival of the Dutch. Their form and volcanic activity are reflected just as they are in the names of mountains. By connecting even bazzar (pasar) which are the heart of the farming village's economy to specific market days place names are formed. A want of interest in the sea is shown by the lack of place names alleeding to coves, harbars, ports and beaches. It is thus also with fisheries. The lack of place names having to do with communications and the military as well as with the names of crops including rice, beasts of burden, and particularly with paddies, fields and plains is altogether unexpected. Place names whose origins have to do with religions belief are to be seen occasionally (e.g. Priangan=Per-hijang-an Place of Gods) but rather than sacred terms of the Hindu era or even Islamic institutions giving names to villages, cases where villages lend their names to them are numerous. And there are no names associating religious edifices with villages. Even names connected with minig and the nature of the land practically nonexistant.

著者

小西 正雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.4, pp.312-327, 1980-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

4 3

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In Japan, the number of minshuku (private hostel) has increased after World War II, especially in the 1960s, when skiing, fishing and swimming became more popular, and farmers and fishers began to try another way to gain their income by offering their private rooms for tourist.Thus minshuku has increased and the region has spread at the foot of a mountain and along the seashore. This phenomenon is regarded by geographers as one aspect of the economic improvement of underdeveloped regions and of the inhabitants there. And the existence of non-minshuku households in the neighbourhood of minshuku households is often neglected and paid no attention to.The author, however, points out that such a phenomenon as mentioned above should not be dealt with only from the economic point of view, but also from the view point of total change in the social system of the community including non-minshuku households. Village that has not a few minshuku households in it is not a mere minshuku region but forms a “minshuku community.” The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the forming process and the inner structure of minshuku community.Suginosawa, the area studied, is one of the typical minshuku regions in Joshinetsu Highland National Park, located on a snowy mountain-side in Niigata prefecture. In this village, more than 100 minshuku households for skiers are found, which comprise 40% of the households. The new enterprise of minshuku is not necessarily effective enough to improve their economic conditions. The reason why minshuku has increased in Suginosawa should be considered from the social point of view; that is, the remarkable system of traditional society should also be taken into consideration. Its forming process is as follows.The leaders of this community found it desirable to increase the number of minshuku households, because they had already started minshuku and wished to expand the ski ground, but part of the lot for a new ski ground was under control of the community as a whole. By increasing the number of minshuku, they could easily change the land utilization from woods to a ski ground. In various ways, the leaders encouraged the non-minshuku households to set up minshuku.Still, 60% of the households in Suginosawa are non-minshuku. Yet most of them hold some relation to minshuku and ski ground management. In the first place, they often serve at the neighbouring minshuku managed by their relatives, just in the same way as they help them to farm the land. What is more, the rent of their common land for ski ground is used for the improvement of their residential environment, for example, pavement of the main road, construction of their community hall, etc., just in the same way as they made use of the common woods for the material of their houses.In consequence, to gain more income is not the only reason minshuku has increased in this village. And the increase of minshuku has influenced most of the households. The author, therefore, regards the case in Suginosawa as “minshuku community” rather than minshuku region, the village making up a “community for ski ground management.”It is often said in Japan that the traditional community system prevents the village (region) from developing or modernizing. But in Suginosawa, the system has had the function to develop and modernize the village. So, the author concludes that geographical research for minshuku and modernization of a rural region should be made having in mind the thought that a traditional social system can often bring a modern system into it.

著者

中口 毅博

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.5, pp.465-476, 1983-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

34

被引用文献数

3

著者

吉田 雄介

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.597-613, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

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Relying on the data gathered from field work, this research note aims to explore the spatial spread of zilu (cotton carpet) hand-weaving industry from the 1950's until the beginning of 1970's in Meybod of Yazd province, Iran.The division of labour of zilu weaving within each unit is articulated on the basis of skill seniority, i. e., unskilled and highly skilled labour. Young boys from the age 5 or 6 participate in unskilled tasks to help skilled workers or master weavers: they beat the weft with a beater comb. A weaver begins as a boy working for his master, and after several years, progresses to skilled work, and eventually becomes an independent master. This skill seniority plays a crucial role in the spatial dispersion of this industry.The author divided the development and change of zilu industry over the past two decades in Meybod into three stages. These three stages are as follows:(1) Zilu weaving industry have a long history in Meybod and can be traced from its history back to the Middle Age. But until the beginning of 1950's, zilu weaving industry had only existed in neighboring villages around Bashnighan which is a part of the center of Meybod region. The mode of zilu production was principally household-based and its labour supply was mainly provided by household members with additional apprentices from outside.(2) Since the beginning of the 1950's when zilu was in heavy demand suddenly, master weavers of Bashnighan have begun to utilize child labour in the surrounding villages to raise the productive capacity and to increase the number of looms within their workshops. These new children labour were literally wage labour rather than arduous apprentices. As a result of these changes, the mode of production of zilu weaving industry has been changed to the manufacture mode.(3) From the end of the 1950's zilu weaving workshops began to be located in surrounding villages of Bashnighan gradually. Practically there was no constraint for a young weaver who had learned weaving skills in Bashnighan to seek independence. Newly independent weavers could also acquire the necessary capital outlay to establish their own workshop and buy some materials with assistance from their family members or merchants. Eventually zilu workshops were widely distributed all over the Meybod region.

著者

西部 均

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.369-386, 2001-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

102

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper focuses on town planning in Osaka City in the 1920s from a socio-spatial dialectical perspective. When I looked back on town planning at that time, I realized the significance of the relationships between the central urban districts and the peripheral rural districts, between residential suburbs and Osaka City and between the state and Osaka City. Thus, I applied geographical ideas, such as geographical imagination, space, place and scale to the various aspects of town planning history. Through this approach, I make clear the process of the use of politics among Osaka municipal bureaucrats, State bureaucrats and Osaka councilmen. This process is represented in the form of conflicts concerning spatial scales within their geographical imaginations.In Osaka City during World War I, citizens had encountered capitalistic industrialization primarily dependent upon heavy industry, a mass influx of laborers and serious urban problems such as a housing shortage. In order to cope with those problems, Osaka municipal bureaucrats imagined Osaka City as an organism, dependent on the discourse of the Garden City, and projected the reorganization of urban space.However, with the establishment of the town planning area, the bureaucrats in the Ministry ent of Interior proposed the Province as an organism, the larger urban range containing Osaka City and some middle central places like Sakai City together, and forced Osaka City to compete with such central places in order to aim at moderating its demands against the state. Thereby, they attempted to maintain Osaka City under their control. Meanwhile, Osaka councilmen strenuously resisted the incorporation of rural districts into Osaka City and tried to scale down the urban range. In this sense, the conflicts between the geographical imaginations of three agents came to surface as the politics of spatial scale.This politics materialized in the network of the rapid transit system. Osaka municipal bureaucrats regarded the network as a facility to organically link each district within Osaka City. However, bureaucrats in the Ministry of Railways insisted on cutting down the network on the periphery for the benefit of the railway corporations that run along the planned system. Meanwhile, Osaka councilmen wanted to reduce it in the rural districts in the area.As a consequence of this conflictual process, the geographical imagination of Osaka municipal bureaucrats institutionalized the spatial scale which could come to guarantee the reorganization of Osaka City as an organism, and it has been manifest that their geographical imagination has the capacity to resolve the housing problem, to prevent population spillage and to claim self-government in great cities against the state. The material facilities established in town planning such as the rapid transit system were initiated in the context of the politics of the geographical imagination such as the one which has been outlined above.

著者

濱田 琢司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.5, pp.431-451, 2002-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

106

被引用文献数

1

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This paper is an investigation of the development and maintenance of tradition in a small pottery village, Onta Sarayama, in Kyushu, Japan. Onta pottery gained broad recognition when it was "discovered" by non-locals in the early part of the twentieth century, and these "outsiders" have been influential in fixing the image of traditional pottery from Onta since that time. However, potters in Onta have not always given in to external pressures with regard to their work, but rather subjectively select those aspects of tradition which they feel will be beneficial to them in the long-term. As a result, the contemporary pottery tradition of Onta is an amalgamation of influences from both internal and external sources. Using Onta as an example, I describe the processes through which local people subjectively insert images from outsiders into their own traditions and especially focus on how they regard authenticity.In the early 1930s, a member of the Japanese Folk Craft Movement visited Onta for the first time. Since then, the great value of its traditional potters and their works has been widely recognized and Onta has became one of the most famous folk craft pottery villages in Japan. The Onta pottery tradition has four important characteristics: 1. The number of pottery households within the community is fixed. 2. Potters produce clay themselves from raw materials. 3. Pots are made on kick wheels and fired in traditional kilns which use wood for fuel. Electric kilns, wheels, and clay processing mills are not used. 4. Work is done collectively, not by individual artists. Today, Onta is the only pottery village maintaining such a community-wide traditional production system in Japan.However, during the Mingei boom of 1960-70s, Onta experienced a period of transition. The popularity of the village and the demand for the pottery made there became very high. At that time, potters in Onta considered introducing electric machines, and some sought their own way as individual artists. However, in the end, they decided to continue with the traditional method outlined by the Folk Craft Movement above. At that time, in many Japanese potteries, the production system was changing and machines were introduced. I consider why only Onta maintained the traditional method.In the paper, I argue that the potters of Onta recognized the value of the external folkcraft ideals and employed them positively for their own purposes. This is one example of how local people act in such a situation, specifically the interaction between potters and members of the folk craft movement.In summary, this interaction helped potters recognize the images which outsiders have of them and their work and influenced them in shaping the direction their work has taken. Clearly, the tradition of Onta pottery has been produced and maintained through the interaction between outsiders and the local people.

著者

立岡 裕士

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.193-214, 1985-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

167

被引用文献数

2

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The purpose of this study is twofold; (1) to clarify the problems of introducing the method of neo-Kuhnian history of science into the history of geography, pointing out the defects of earlier arguments about the validity of paradigm concept in geography by some methodologists, and (2) to throw new light on a theme not so well studied so far, diffusion (i. e. advocacy, acceptance, transformation) of theories, with a case study of the Hartshornian paradigm.Although some critics have considered ‘paradigm’ in geography as a model of scientific development, paradigm is a device for grasping both social and intellectual aspects of science together. Actually such critics have paid attention to the social aspect of geography, but they identify it with external influences as though it were separable from its intellectual aspect. Scientific knowledge is dependent on the context of scientific community, which has become apparent after institutionalization.Obtained from studying natural sciences, the methods of the history of science must be modified in some degree so that they are applicable to geography. Institutionalized geography has two different aspects from academic science; one is that the codification in geography is less developed, and the other is that the circle of the profession is not closed. However, geography is not so deprived of autonomy as industrialised science. So, with alterations on some items which result from the above differences, such as social relevance and the undefined nature of groups of geographers, we could apply the framework used to analyze academic science to institutionalized geography.Under the condition of less developed codification, a theory with little concreteness has much room for various interpretation. And frequently this is the case with geography. Therefore, diffusion of a theory in geography always involves some transformation of its meaning. Nevertheless historians of geography have shown little interest in this aspect except in the transfer of a theory beyond the boundaries of disciplines or of nations. This is probably because they have seen the transformation as external and contingent noise, unconsciously assuming communication of a shared code. Yet we should view this process adopting a communication model in which sender and receiver have their own codes, respectively, which are dependent on their past experiences and present situations. At this point we can study such transformation and fixation of theories as social and essential phenomena, not as personal nor accidental. In sum, diffusion of theories should be examined in the following respects: the context of advocate, his intent, the context of accepters, and the condition of the medium.The context in which The Nature of Geography (NG) was brought forth consisted of two parts: 1) Hartshorne's career of study leading to NG, 2) the group into which he had been socialised and with which he had common experiences.Hartshorne was incorporated into the ‘invisible college’ of the field conferences (FC) which was organized by W. D. Jones and Sauer for studying methods of land-use survey. At the outset they treated this theme from the viewpoint of environmentalism, but with the expansion of the study they had gotten off environmentalism into regionalism by the early thirties. The central problem in their methodological debates was the conventionalisation of procedures for regional study. And with it there were theoretical problems, such as the necessity for and means of generalization and synthesis, visibility as the criterion for research, and treatment of the time-dimension. Some alternative sets of answers to these questions were presented.From 1924 to 1939 Hartshorne had changed his subjects of inquiry but nevertheless some traits were consistent

著者

山根 拓

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.1-24, 1987-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

64

被引用文献数

2 1

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The post office network has been developing in Japan since 1871. In the formation of this network, the post office has contributed to the formation of modern spatial organization in Japan. In order to explain this geographical situation concretely, the distribution of this communication facility during different development periods is compared with the growth of central places and the distribution of other public facilities, and so the hierarchical linkages in the postal system are presented as one example of a modern integrated system formed by rational interregional relations. This paper discusses these points based on a case study of Hiroshima Prefecture.The results obtained are as follows:(1) The history of the post office network can be divided into three phases (1871-1900; 1900-1945; 1945-), according to features of its growth.a) Before 1882, the post office network was developed in many places at the same time. This sudden expansion was caused by historical and political conditions in the Meiji era and the introduction of post office management by contractors. After 1882, a number of post offices were closed because of the contractors' financial difficulties. During the Meiji era, post offices developed in central places belonging to higher class than the lower order central places where primary schools and/or village offices were located.b) In the second phase (1900-1945) the post office network became denser. A number of non-collection-delivery post offices were concentrated in densely populated urban areas. On the other hand 70% of the settlements in rural areas having a town office or village office got post offices. The allocation of collection-delivery offices was nearly completed during this phase. The reformation of postal districts was carried out in order to bring them into conformity with administrative districts and the homogeneity of each area.c) The reopening of closed post offices in war-damaged cities (e. g. Hiroshima) characterized the locational development of these facilities in the postwar period. However the basic locational development pattern did not change. In urban areas the distribution of post offices has become denser in city centers and then expanded to suburban areas. Today most of the lower order central places in rural areas have also received post offices. Depopulation in rural mountainous areas has caused some closures of post offices in recent years. These closures will probably have an important effect on the locational development of post offices in the near future.(2) The hierarchical linkage among post offices is made clear by analyzing the internal organization of postal services. As indicators of this system, the grade of post offices, mail routes, the flow of funds used in post offices, and some designated post office were selected. As a result, it was found that the hierarchical linkage, which included the Hiroshima office as a first order center, and Kure, Fukuyama, Onomichi and Miyoshi offices as second order centers, has been formed and tightened in relation to modernization of the central place system. Especially, the centrality of the Fukuyama and Miyoshi offices has increased in recent years. Additionally, since the 1930's third order centers have began to appear, for example Mihara, Takehara, and Shobara offices. They have been established in central places reorganized as municipalities since the 1930's and had their status raised to ordinary post offices in the 1940's.Two aspects of the post office -its locational development and its hierarchical integration-were dealt with. These two aspects of the post office indicate effects of national policy and the reformation of the regional system at the same time.

著者

神原 哲郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.189-206, 1995-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the spatial organization of the postal network. For this purpose, this paper deals with the locational development of post offices (1871-1993) and the spatial change of the mail transportation network (1969-1993) in Nagasaki Prefecture, in which there are a large number of detached islands.The results of this analysis are summarized as follows:1) The postal services of Japan started between Tokyo and Osaka in March 1871, and the service areas expanded to Nagasaki in December of that year. Thereafter many post offices were established in Nagasaki Prefecture. Particularly in urban area (e. g. Nagasaki and Sasebo), the locational densities of post offices became crowded. On the other hand, the development of networks in rural areas (particularly detached islands) was slow, therefore many post offices had to be established by the requests of local administrations. At the end of World War II, 92% of the cities, towns and villages as of 1912 got post offices.2) After World War II, the locations of newly-established post offices were completely restricted within urban areas. On the contrary, postal agencies entrusted by the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications were established in rural areas. As a result, the allocation of post offices in urban areas became closer, and the postal network was promoted into the rural settlements, too. Recently, because of depopulation and improvement of transportation facilities, collection-delivery post offices in rural areas have been changed into non-collection-delivery ones, non-collection-delivery ones in the outlying settlements also having been changed into postal agencies.3) The main network of mail transportation had been formed by railways, and the branch network by automobiles and omnibuses until 1984. A drastic improvement of mail transportation network was carried out in 1984, and most of the mail-routes were formed by automobiles and airlines. The mail transportation network depended upon railway's schedules before 1984, however, it became possible to establish independent routes of mail transportation after that.4) Under the new system, the Nagasaki Central Post Office is operating as the regional sorting center of Nagasaki Prefecture except for Iki and Tsushima Islands. The routes between Nagasaki Central Post Office and large-scale offices (futsu post offices; e. g. Sasebo, Isahaya, etc.) consist of main lines by private-use trucks, the routes to small-scale offices (tokutei post offices) consisting of branch lines by private-use light vans. As a result, the network characterized by the Nagasaki Central Post Office as the first order center is organized, and the range where express mail from/to Nagasaki city can be deliveried in a day has expanded in most areas, but has been reduced in some parts.In the spatial organization of the postal network, the author may point out the existence of various regional differences: between urban areas and rural areas (particularly outlying settlements), between the mainland and detached islands, and between Nagasaki city and other areas.

著者

小川 都弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.5, pp.586-606, 1992-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

122

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this article is, based on a postmodervist perspective to attempt to reformulate the methodological framework for multiple-readings of the messages of picture-maps of manors (_??__??__??__??_, syoen-ezu) in medieval Japan. The author's approach, called‘sociocartology’, is broadly socio-linguistical or semiotical. The summary is as follows:The syoen-ezu as a socio-legal document in medieval Japan was explored here under five themes: the bibliographical background of each individual syoen-ezu; the cartographic conventions in medieval Japan; the syntax of each syoen-ezu as encoded text; the cartographic discourses in each syoen-ezu; the historico-sociological phase of geographical lore, from the viewpoint of the‘sociocartology’, in which the messages of the syoen-ezu in the context of the linguistic lifestyles and the political behaviour patterns of the medieval Japanese people were studied systematically.The primary function of the syoen-ezu, was to provide geographical information about various objects that exist cosynchronously in the manorial territory (called‘Function-A’), to represent the paticular events occuring there and the ruler's political attitude towards such (called‘Function-B’), and to convey not only the ideological contents, but also the ethos that were differentiated from the literal meanings which were manifest in these maps (called‘Function-C’). Function-B and Function-C had been neglected by historical geographers.As to the Function-B, using R. Bartes' methodology, the author considered distortions of the cartographic language which were deliberately induced by cartographic artifice, and reformulated the hidden rules of cartographic distortion (J. B. Harley, 1988) in the paradigm of cultural semiotics. On this basis the highly variegated cartographic discourse, made up from various social dialects among the map makers according to differences of the sociohistorical context, was reconstructed from the standpoint of both map-maker and mapreader.As to Function-C, the notion of geosophy as ideology of the lord of the manor was equivalent to that of fusui (_??__??_, geomantik) and inyo-gogyo (_??__??__??__??_) originated from ancient Chinese philosophy. The physical landscape of the syoen-ezu was, therefore, not due to what was seen in itself, but something to be reconstructed ideally in the medieval geosophical field. For the God of Wealth and Longevity of the manorial lord, some ideal landscape types and imagined genius loci types were prefered above all as the physical basis of manorial territory to be depicted.Reading maps from the view point of sociocartology is to elucidate the politics of meaning according to the manner in which objects and events had been expressed by forms under varying historical conditions. A manorial territory here may be seen as a construction of language as well as a land based novel, of economics, and sociopolitics (Tuan, 1991). Thus every reading of a syoen-ezu will offer us the possibility of challenging received ideas about the politics of place.

著者

作野 広和

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.6, pp.527-549, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

61

被引用文献数

3

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This paper aims to identify the changes in the structure of surviving lower order centers in rural-mountain regions where the population continues to decrease as a process of increasing control by cities over lower order centers; and to clarify the mechanisms of the control. A case study was made of site development of retail businesses, manufacturing industries, and branch establishments of the service industry in Maniwa district of Okayama Prefecture. What follows is a brief overview of this paper and its conclusions.Local shopping areas, composed of independent retail stores whose operations depended on local demand, have lost their economic role to large-scale retail stores with local capital. In addition, large-scale retail stores with outside capital, whose head offices are located in Okayama or cities in other prefectures, have recently entered Maniwa district. The development pattern of these stores is in accord with the level of the centers. It can, therefore, be assumed that, in the same way as chain stores have spread, capital from higher-ranked cities has been gradually spreading to lower-ranked centers; and, this phenomenon started affecting lower order centers in the 1990s.With manufacturing industries, the establishment of factories by major firms or their subcontractors has significant meaning for lower order centers in that it produces great employment opportunities. These factories, however, are controlled and managed by outside regions.This pattern can also be seen in the site development of branch establishments which have the function of office work for the service industry. That is, there is a hierarchical control structure in which business establishments in nearby cities or prefectural capital areas locate branch offices in lower-ranked centers. At the same time, a pattern in which business establishments that have their main offices in a metropolitan region locate branch offices directly in lower order centers in depopulated rural-mountain regions was also observed.Thus, it can be concluded that lower order centers function not just as relatively decentralized lower-ranked centers. Rather, they also function as a medium of direct control over rural-mountain regions by metropolitan regions, through the connections between main offices located in national centers and the branch offices.In conclusion, the power of higher-ranked cities to control lower order centers through various channels is growing. These channels include large-scale retail stores and chain stores, the factories of manufacturing industries and subcontractors, and branch establishments which have the function of office work. Consequently, the autonomous nature of these centers, which is based on serving local needs, is being lost; and in its stead, a heteronomous control by higher-ranked cities can increasingly be observed.

著者

中山 昭則

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.4, pp.372-384, 2000-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1 2

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In this paper, the author attempts to discuss the function of 'Shizenkyuyouson' (a farm village as it is best known in English) established for the purpose of regional tourism promotion in the Nakatsugawa district, Iide town, Yamagata prefecture.'Shizenkyuyouson' was founded in 1971 by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry in order to encourage regional promotion by using agricultural resources in tourism. Nakatsugawa district is characterized by the management of 'Shizenkyuyouson' by its local residents.'Shizenkyuyouson' was not hampered by a decline in the local population. The utilization of available regional resources, however, paved the way for tourism to flourish.The results of this study are summarized as follows:1) Some parts of the Nakatsugawa district faced a decline in local population during the construction of the Shirakawa dam. The residents of each settlement proposed a regional promotion plan. This led to the creation of a regional promotion policy by the community leaders for the entire Nakatsugawa district. In 1971, a residents' organization was founded and this served as a catalyst for regional promotion.2) The residents focused on regional promotion through agricultural development. As a result, 'Shizenkyuyouson' was introduced as a supplementary industry in 1980.3) 'Shizenkyuyouson' was then facilitated with accommodation, bracken gardens and fishing ponds. It attracted about 80, 000 tourists in 1998.4) The area around Shirakawa Lake has also developed into a tourist resort due to the introduction of 'Shizenkyuyouson'. Today, eight public facilities have been erected around this area. The total amount of investment has so far reached about 8 billion yen. The residents manage some portions of the project.5) The local government now manages many tourist public facilities. As a result, the local residents believe that the development of agricultural parks is too large compared with 'Shizenkyuyouson'. There are also concerns as to whether these agricultural parks are profitable to manage and whether they cause environmental deterioration.

著者

福本 拓

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.154-169, 2004-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

79

被引用文献数

1 5

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This paper analyzes the residential concentrations of Korean people in Osaka city and its changes from the end of the 1920s to the beginning of the 1950s. The statistical data and documents on Korean people in the city and their living conditions were obtained from the National Census, Police Survey and local administrative researches. Korean concentrations changed spatially and socially, and the economical and historical factors associated with these changes can be described as follows:(1) The formation of Korean concentrations during the 1920s.Since the beginning of the 1920s, a great number of Korean people migrated into Osaka city, and most of them were composed of single male workers. During this period, three concentrations were formed: (a) the southeastern ward, which was the biggest concentration of Korean workers who were employed in small factories; (b) the southwestern ward, where industrial, constructional, and odd-job workers were dominant, and (c) the ward south of the Yodo River, where most Koreans worked at medium-size glass and textile factories.(2) The expansion of the Korean concentrations during the 1930s to the end of World War II.During this period, the Korean population increased rapidly and was four times larger than it was at the end of the 1920s. Newly-arriving Korean people tended to settle into already-established Korean concentrations and surrounding areas. The actual Korean population distribution pattern and its occupational characteristics did not change. On the other hand, social differentiation within Korean communities became distinctive during this period. The most important development was that a few Korean entrepreneurs managed to establish their own businesses in the southeastern and southwestern concentrations.(3) The disappearance and remnants of the Korean concentrations in the US occupation period (1945-52).Shortly after World War II, many Korean people left Japan for their mother country. The number of Koreans in Osaka drastically and quickly decreased. Because most of the wards in central Osaka had been seriously damaged by the US forces' air attacks in WWII, the Koreans in those destroyed districts lost everything and had no reason to continue their residence in Japan. This situation resulted in the disappearance of the concentration on the south side of the Yodo River. On the other hand, the other Korean concentrations survived in the southwestern and southeastern areas due to less destruction from the air attacks. Fortunately, many Koreans in these areas did not lose their residences and workplaces. Moreover, Koreans who owned a property found it difficult to return to their home country because Korean repatriates were permitted to carry back only a limited amount of money and goods with them. In the remaining concentrations, most Koreans who owned their own business chose to stay in Osaka.Based on the above analyses, the following concluding remarks can be made: (a) Since the establishment of the Korean population concentrations in these three areas, local industrial activities were a major influential factor in determining the employment status of the Korean population; (b) During the US occupation period, residents whose homes were destroyed by the bombing in WWII tended to leave Osaka and their concentrations disappeared. The Korean people who were business-owners and who lived in the less-damaged areas remained in Osaka. Consequently, the southeastern and southwestern Korean concentrations still exist even until today.

著者

福田 新一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.326-343, 1973-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

62

著者

安田 順惠

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.68-83, 2005-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

57

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The author checked the full routes traveled by monk Xuanzang 玄奘 between Ch'ang-an 長安 and India during the period from the end of the Sui 隋 dynasty to the early Tang 唐 dynasty.Three routes from Lanzhou 蘭州 to Ch'ang-an, on the way return, are noted with special remarks as a highlight of this study on the monk's seventeen years journey to India. Although no final conclusion was made from my study, I indicate, however, one of them as a target to be seriously considered.I found descriptions of the geographical location of the ancient town of Xiaoguan Xincheng 蕭関新城 in two old books, XIN TANG SHU『新唐書』and YUAN HE JUN XIA ZHI『元和郡縣志』by which three routes could possibly be verified.These routes are important Tang dynasty traffic routes from Ch'ang-an to Lanzhou via Guyuan 固原 that follow the Qingshui River 清水河 northward along the eastern side of the Liuban Mountain Range 六盤山脈. As for the location of Xiaoguan Xincheng fortified town, historians like Prof. Yan Gengwang 嚴耕望 in his book, TANG DAI JIAO TONG TU KAO『唐代交通圖考』(RESEARCH ON TRANSPORTATION ROUTES OF THE TANG DYNASTY) specify the location to be at Liwangpu 李旺堡 at the northern part of Guyuan District in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Province 寧夏回族自治区.Although he also used the aforementioned old book that state that Xiaoguan Xincheng is on the east side of the river, he declared Liwangpu to be the site of ancient Xiaoguan Xincheng despite the fact that, in actuality, Liwangpu is located on the western bank. Therefore, the author checked Corona Satellite Photographs in detail and found three other sites, located Guanqiaopu 関橋堡, both north (Honggucheng 紅古城) and south (Caochenggucheng 草城古城) of Gao'ai Township 高崖郷.The relic site located some 20 kilometers north of Liwangpu in the area north Geo'ai is of a remarkable large scale with walledcity. And these are, as written in the two old books, on the eastern bank of the river, proving the information to be true. Having succeeded in reading the Corona Satellite Photographs, the author took an field investigation to the area in February 2004. When, by good luck, the area north of Gao'ai was being excavated for highway construction since December 2003.At the site known as Honggucheng, they found ruins from three periods from the Han 漢 dynasty, the Tang and the Sung 宋. Based on the above mentioned, the author finally considered that this Honggucheng site is the Xiaoguan Xincheng fortified town of Tang, and dismissed Liwangpu.Fragments dating from the Tang dynasty found in various ruins in the area, told the author that the area had been a very important place for traffic in Tang times. Information produced from research of Corona Satellite Photographs and on the field investigation of the site, pushed this study forward and shall be carried on by similar attempts in the future.

著者

阿部 和夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.4, pp.283-296,362, 1961-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

14

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In this research and investigation, by using labour force as indication, the author analysed the located factors of sericultural industry in Iwate Prefecture, situated in north-eastern Japan.1) Research of the region has been classified into three areal groups: (A) Northern dry-field farming area, where extensive agriculture is carried on, and spring cocoon crops are the main production. (B) Southern dry-field farming area, where intensive agriculture is carried on and spring cocoon crops are the main production. (C) Paddy-field farming area of Kitakami Basin, where the ratio of sericulturists is rather low and summer-autumn cocoon crops occupy more than half of the whole year cocoon production.2) The common characteristic in the each area of sericultural industry, classified into three group types, showed that most of the inhabitants in these areas can still get a decent livelihood from their own silkworm raising income, though cash income has fairly decreased compared with prewar days.3) On the position of management: there are a few dominant differences in these three areas, in respect to the basis and structure of productions.As the inhabitants keep on with the management, acting self-sufficiently, in the northern dry-field farming areas, there is no relation of competition that comes into existence between the sericultural industry and the cropped rotation of cereals (the order cropped cereals) and seasonal distribution of labour forces.The sericultural management, in the southern dry-field farming area, Iwate Prefecture, has been formed parallel with the commercial crops, ensuring a direct profit to the inhabitants and the rice-culture as a countermeasure in preparation for industrial fluctuation. A downward movement of the postwar boom, however, brought a change in the position of sericultural management. By the connection between arable land and labour force; on the other hand, the introduction of new efficient management is not easy. So, traditional silkworm raising is compelled to be carried on between the former, and a newly risen management methods, for the sake of increasing the cash income in the family budget.The sericultural management, in the paddy-field farming area, Kitakami Basin, is kept by the surplus labour of rice-culture. Because introduction of a new management method is difficult, in this area, with the exception of the normal rice-culture. This is a far cry from the pattern of dry-field farming areas.