著者
戸田山 祐 トダヤマ タスク Todayama Tasuku
出版者
同志社大学人文科学研究所
雑誌
社会科学 = The social sciences (ISSN:04196759)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.1, pp.33-64, 2016-05

論説(Article)本稿は,1940年代末から50年代にかけての米墨両国政府の移民・国境警備政策およびテキサスからの反応について論じた。メキシコ人非合法移民の流入を抑えるため,米墨両国はメキシコ人短期移民労働者の雇用を同州の農場経営者に促す一方で,米国移民帰化局は1954年に大規模な非合法移民の送還を実施した。1950年代後半には,短期移民労働者プログラムの拡充と国境警備の強化を両輪とする両国合同の政策枠組みにテキサスは完全に組み込まれたのである。This paper examines immigration and border control policies of Mexico and the United States from the late 1940s to the 1950s as well as reactions from Texas to such policies. While the United States and Mexico encouraged Texan growers to employ temporary workers from Mexico instead of undocumented workers, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service initiated mass deportations of undocumented immigrants in the mid-50s. By the late 1950s, Texas was fully incorporated into the binational policy framework, which was comprised of expansion of the temporary worker program and stricter control of the U.S.-Mexico border.特集 ラテンアメリカにおける国際労働移動の比較研究(Special issue: Comparative study of international labor migration in Latin America)
著者
三浦 順子
出版者
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科附属グローバル地域研究機構アメリカ太平洋地域研究センター
雑誌
アメリカ太平洋研究 = Pacific and American studies (ISSN:13462989)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.93-110, 2016-03

論文ArticlesThe phrase "the Mexican Problem" was invented in Texas during turn of the twentieth century, and it spread throughout the American political and social cultures through the 1910s and 1920s. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the creation of "the Mexican Problem" by focusing on the movement of changing social order in Texas during the 1910s. Since the turn of the twentieth century, Texas faced drastic social changes in its social, political, and economic structures. The rise of the political career of James E. Ferguson, governor of Texas, from 1914 to the middle of 1917 was seen as a symbol of those changes. Ferguson stated the importance of the Farming in Texas development and claimed to turn sharecroppers into independent capitalists. Also, he left the topic of prohibition out of political account and placed breweries that were mainly operated by German Americans in Texas urban areas, turning them into an industry that significantly contributed to the state's economic resources. On the other hand, Mexicans were treated as cheap laborers and temporary commuters working in Texas. Their numbers were huge, but they had limited functions as members of society. World War I institutionalized those Mexicans positioned in Texas during their Americanization program, and eventually they were spread throughout the entire country. Mexicans were identified and problematized, which had nothing to do with racial integration with Whites or their assimilation as immigrants; rather, it was a question of socially locating them as illegitimate citizens of American society.
著者
佐藤 夏樹 サトウ ナツキ Sato Natsuki
出版者
同志社大学人文科学研究所
雑誌
社会科学 = The social sciences (ISSN:04196759)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.1, pp.121-146, 2016-05

研究ノート(Note)1980年代に「ヒスパニック組織」となったLULACの視野はラテンアメリカ全域へと広がった。LULACは外交分野、特にエルサルバドル問題で合衆国政府を痛烈に批判し、そうした姿勢はラテンアメリカとの関係改善を望むイスラエル政府からの接触へとつながった。一方、LULACはイスラエル政府との関係を利用して合衆国内のユダヤ系コミュニティとの関係構築を目論んだ。「ヒスパニック組織」となったことで、LULACは新たな活動を展開していくこととなった。In 1980s, League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), the oldest and largest Mexican American Civil Rights Organization, expanded the scope of their activities to Latin America because they became "Hispanic" organization. LULAC criticized Reagan Administration's Foreign Policy in Latin America. LULAC's critical attitude to the U.S. policy in El Salvador attracted Israeli government's attention because they wanted to improve relations with Latin American Countries. Hispanic leaders including president of LULAC, Tony Bonilla, were invited by Israeli government and they planned to utilize this opportunity to build relations with Jewish community in the United States.特集 ラテンアメリカにおける国際労働移動の比較研究(Special issue: Comparative study of international labor migration in Latin America)