著者
沼野 充義 三谷 惠子 松里 公孝 柳原 孝敦 青島 陽子 小松 久男 乗松 亨平 楯岡 求美 井上 まどか 亀田 真澄 下斗米 伸夫 坂庭 淳史 池田 嘉郎 湯浅 剛 阿部 賢一 安達 祐子 加藤 有子 平野 恵美子 羽場 久美子 柴田 元幸
出版者
東京大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2013-04-01

ソ連解体後のスラヴ・ユーラシアの変容と越境の様々な様相に焦点を合わせた包括的な研究である。グローバル化時代の世界情勢を考慮に入れ、新たな研究の枠組みの構築を目指した。代表者および19名の分担者の専門は、地域的にはロシア、ウクライナ・コーカサス・中央アジア、中・東欧から、東アジアや南北アメリカに及び、分野も文学・言語・芸術・思想・宗教・歴史から政治・経済・国際関係に至るまで人文社会科学全体にわたる。このようなグループによる超域的・学際的アプローチを通じて、国際学会の組織に積極的に関わり、日本のスラヴ・ユーラシア研究の国際的発信力を高めるとともに、この分野における国際交流の活性化に努めた。
著者
湯浅 剛
出版者
ロシア・東欧学会
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2012, no.41, pp.19-27, 2012 (Released:2014-05-27)
参考文献数
23

The institution of the presidency in post-Soviet Central Asian countries is static, aside from the turmoil in Kyrgyzstan. The same person has held the post for a long time and is authorized by legislative procedures, such as referendums, to prolong his presidential term. In Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, there has been no change in the government since independence. However, presidential leadership in these two countries is a variable for understanding the mechanism of authoritarian regimes in the region. In this essay, the author argues several topics for research on governance in Central Asia, that have been insufficiently covered by previous works. First, trends of political transition in the region are better understood through analysis of leadership in competitive authoritarianism. Quoting Robert C. Tucker, the author identifies two types of presidents in Central Asia: “Event-making” leaders and “eventful” ones. Second, referring to Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way’s work, the author takes the position that leadership is less important than international and domestic structural variables such as leverage and linkage from the West (Europe and the United States). The author discusses the case of Kazakhstan to argue that state organizations and the ruling party have been strengthened in order to support presidential leadership. Other Central Asian countries are also developing the personalization of political power using these institutions for governance.
著者
湯浅 剛
出版者
ロシア・東欧学会
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2005, no.34, pp.37-47, 2005 (Released:2010-05-31)
被引用文献数
1

Changing framework or institution for people's identification after the collapse of the Soviet Union is one of main issues to understand political order in contemporary Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) . In this context, constructing suitable collective identity is important project for statebuilding process in this region. As long as surveying institutionalization of citizenship in each Central Asian countries, it consisted with relatively wide tolerance for minorities including Russian citizens or natives. On the other hand, through the institutionalization of border control and visa regime, discrimination among citizenships is getting strict. In Central Asia, there is no appropriate conception to construct institutions, in which combinations of several multi-level identities, such as national, state and regional, harmonize interactively. Region-wide level identities in Central Asia have less affected than state-level ones because of their lack of measures to develop their unity. Although several security frameworks (the former Central Asian Cooperation Organization [CACO], Eurasia Economic Community [EurAsES], Shanghai Cooperation Organization, etc.) are reconstructed with their geographical enlargement, they are too vulnerable to establish a regional security identity. Emerging of the cascading framework of EurAsES-ODKB (Collective Security Treaty Organization) would not be a revival of Soviet identity. It covers only eastern side of Caspian Sea as the area of influence, while GUAM countries ignoring the area for the shifting of their interest toward Baltic Sea region. The cascading framework also needs physical and moral support from China inevitably.