著者
松里公孝編
出版者
講談社
巻号頁・発行日
2008
著者
望月 哲男 越野 剛 後藤 正憲 鈴木 正美 鳥山 祐介 長縄 宣博 中村 唯史 沼野 充義 野町 素己 松里 公孝
出版者
北海道大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2009

ヴォルガ地域の文化的な様態を、各流域の民族・宗教文化的特徴、および中世期から現代までの複雑な歴史的経緯を踏まえて整理し、包括的文化圏としてのヴォルガ地域像を解明した。ヴォルガ河の表象にみられる多義性・多面性とその変遷を、18世紀以降の文芸の諸ジャンルにおいて検討し、その特徴や文化的機能を分析した。近現代の宗教・文化思想を題材に、東西文化論におけるヴォルガ地域の特徴と機能を整理した。
著者
松里 公孝
出版者
ロシア・東欧学会
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2007, no.36, pp.17-29, 2007
被引用文献数
1

The European Union might possibly have overgrown. Obviously, it cannot play the progressive role in the Black Sea Rims which it has played in regard to Eastern Central Europe and the Baltic countries. This paper examines this hypothesis by focusing on the constitutional reform in Ukraine and petit imperialism in Turkey. In the midst of the Orange Revolution, the Orange forces and the former pro-Kuchma parliamentary majority had reached a compromise, a substantial component of which was the amendment of the constitution, targeted at modifying the existing semi-presidential system by strengthening the parliamentary oligarchy. For this purpose, they rudely violated the constitutional procedure for its amendments. This amendment failed to create a mechanism for balancing the president and prime minister and caused the endless disorder in Ukrainian politics in 2006-08. This process revealed that the Orange forces were not the torchbearers of European values, such as constitutionalism and rule of law. In the Eastern and Southern parts of Ukraine, the Party of Regions evolved into a modern organized party. This is exceptional since clientelist parties usually decline after losing power. Thus, there would seem to be no &ldquo;clashes of civilizations&rdquo; between the allegedly pro-European Western and pro-Eurasian Eastern parts of Ukraine.<BR>Despite the reforms achieved in Turkey during the last several years, Europe did not accelerate the EU accession process for Turkey, but, on the contrary, launched bashing of this country, referring to the Armenian genocide of 1915. Turkey's reaction to these double standards (in comparison with the EU's generous attitude towards no less problematic Romania and Bulgaria) differs from that of servile Eastern Europe. Turkish intellectuals proudly argue that their real purpose is to Europeanize Turkey, and the EU accession is no more than a way to achieve it. Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (<I>Diyanet</I>), representing Sunni Islam, is actively conducting Islamic diplomacy, in particular, in Muslim regions of the former USSR. Turkey cannot abandon its special concern in the Caucasus and Near East because of the existence of their brother nationalities, Turkomans and Azerbaijanis, as well as of their trans-border enemy, the Kurds. Overall, Turkey will remain a small empire, though this does not seem to contradict its democratizing endeavor.<BR>Thus, in Ukraine, those who pretend to be friends of Europe have discredited democracy and other European values. Europe's double standards regarding EU accession have not discouraged Turkey, which combines small imperialism with gradual democratization. Under such situation, the European Union seems unlikely to become a dominant political actor in the Black Sea Rims.

1 0 0 0 OA EUの過剰膨張?

著者
松里 公孝
出版者
ロシア・東欧学会
雑誌
ロシア・東欧研究 (ISSN:13486497)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2007, no.36, pp.17-29, 2007 (Released:2010-05-31)
被引用文献数
1

The European Union might possibly have overgrown. Obviously, it cannot play the progressive role in the Black Sea Rims which it has played in regard to Eastern Central Europe and the Baltic countries. This paper examines this hypothesis by focusing on the constitutional reform in Ukraine and petit imperialism in Turkey. In the midst of the Orange Revolution, the Orange forces and the former pro-Kuchma parliamentary majority had reached a compromise, a substantial component of which was the amendment of the constitution, targeted at modifying the existing semi-presidential system by strengthening the parliamentary oligarchy. For this purpose, they rudely violated the constitutional procedure for its amendments. This amendment failed to create a mechanism for balancing the president and prime minister and caused the endless disorder in Ukrainian politics in 2006-08. This process revealed that the Orange forces were not the torchbearers of European values, such as constitutionalism and rule of law. In the Eastern and Southern parts of Ukraine, the Party of Regions evolved into a modern organized party. This is exceptional since clientelist parties usually decline after losing power. Thus, there would seem to be no “clashes of civilizations” between the allegedly pro-European Western and pro-Eurasian Eastern parts of Ukraine.Despite the reforms achieved in Turkey during the last several years, Europe did not accelerate the EU accession process for Turkey, but, on the contrary, launched bashing of this country, referring to the Armenian genocide of 1915. Turkey's reaction to these double standards (in comparison with the EU's generous attitude towards no less problematic Romania and Bulgaria) differs from that of servile Eastern Europe. Turkish intellectuals proudly argue that their real purpose is to Europeanize Turkey, and the EU accession is no more than a way to achieve it. Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), representing Sunni Islam, is actively conducting Islamic diplomacy, in particular, in Muslim regions of the former USSR. Turkey cannot abandon its special concern in the Caucasus and Near East because of the existence of their brother nationalities, Turkomans and Azerbaijanis, as well as of their trans-border enemy, the Kurds. Overall, Turkey will remain a small empire, though this does not seem to contradict its democratizing endeavor.Thus, in Ukraine, those who pretend to be friends of Europe have discredited democracy and other European values. Europe's double standards regarding EU accession have not discouraged Turkey, which combines small imperialism with gradual democratization. Under such situation, the European Union seems unlikely to become a dominant political actor in the Black Sea Rims.
著者
家田 修 林 忠行 松里 公孝 月村 太郎 仙石 学
出版者
北海道大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2002

本研究では東欧(旧ソ連のロシア以外のヨーロッパ部分を含む)地域社会全般を射程に入れ、EU統合が及ぼす影響、そして逆にEU拡大がEUに与える影響について包括的な研究を組織した。その中でハンガリー地位法制定を契機として全欧州的な問題となった主権国家論争を取り上げ、欧州統合における主権国家と国民、そして少数民族問題という具体的な論題を巡る国際会議を、本研究計画の総決算という意味を込めて、2004年10月にハンガリーのブダペストで開催した。この会議には日欧米だけでなく、インドやトルコを含む世界12カ国から研究者が参集し、さらに欧州で民族問題を担当する実務専門家も招聘して議論を深めた。この会議は東欧の少数民族問題を理論的、包括的かつ具体的に論ずる貴重な機会であったため、OSCEなどの全欧州的な国際組織から多くの傍聴者が参集し、ハンガリーのマスメディアも大きく取り上げた。この会議では東欧における冷戦後の地域社会形成が国民形成、国家建設、少数民族共同体形成の三位一体として進行したこと、そして問題解決のためには従来のEU統合の枠を越えた新たな市民権概念(fuzzy citizenshipなど)、あるいは柔軟な国境という考え方(flexible border controlなど)、さらにはネオ・ミディーバリズムなどの複合的アイデンティティが必要とされる、などの具体的かつ新たな知見が示された。こうした国際的共同研究の成果の一部は既に本研究代表者を編著者とする英文著書The Hungarian Status Law : Nation building and/or Minority Protection, SRC, Hokkaido University, Slavic Eurasian Studies Series, No.4, 2004として刊行され、さらにThe Status Law Syndrome in Post-communist Eastern Europe, SRC, Hokkaido University, Slavic Eurasian Studies Series, 2005として新たな知見が国際的に発信される予定である。
著者
松里 公孝 長縄 宣博 赤尾 光春 藤原 潤子 井上 まどか 荒井 幸康 高橋 沙奈美
出版者
北海道大学
雑誌
基盤研究(B)
巻号頁・発行日
2009

ロシアの諸宗教を網羅的・多面的に研究した結果、宗教というプリズムを通じてロシア社会を観察することが可能であることが明らかになった。宗教の視点からは、ロシアはより広い地理的なまとまりの一部であり、キリスト教の「教会法上の領域」の観念、巡礼やディアスポラを含めて広域的な観点から分析する必要性が明らかになった。「脱世俗化」の傾向はロシアにも共通するが、その特殊な形態を明らかにする作業が行われた。
著者
望月 哲男 亀山 郁夫 松里 公孝 三谷 惠子 楯岡 求美 沼野 充義 貝澤 哉 杉浦 秀一 岩本 和久 鴻野 わか菜 宇山 智彦 前田 弘毅 中村 唯史 坂井 弘紀
出版者
北海道大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2005

ロシア、中央アジア、コーカサス地域など旧ソ連圏スラブ・ユーラシアの文化的アイデンティティの問題を、東西文化の対話と対抗という位相で性格づけるため、フィールドワークと文献研究の手法を併用して研究を行った。その結果、この地域の文化意識のダイナミズム、帝国イメージやオリエンタリズム現象の独自性、複数の社会統合イデオロギー間の相互関係、国家の空間イメージの重要性、歴史伝統と現代の表現文化との複雑な関係などに関して、豊かな認識を得ることが出来た。