著者

金 栄吉

出版者

Japan Society of Corrosion Engineering

雑誌

防食技術 (ISSN:00109355)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.7, pp.413-420, 1986-07-15 (Released:2009-10-30)

参考文献数

7

被引用文献数

2 1

著者

實金 栄 橋本 優 井上 かおり 梅本 愛実 笠松 奈央 小薮 智子 白岩 千恵子 岡本 宣雄 竹田 恵子

出版者

日本臨床倫理学会

雑誌

臨床倫理 (ISSN:21876134)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, pp.18-31, 2018 (Released:2021-07-12)

参考文献数

73

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本研究は日本の看護師を対象に,スピリチュアルケアの実践指標(nurses’ spiritual care practices;NSCP)を開発し,その実践指標の尺度としての妥当性と信頼性を検討することを目的とした。対象は日本の看護師1,058人。尺度の妥当性は,前提となるケア,信じる・共にいる,協働,存在探求へのケアの4因子を一次因子,スピリチュアルケアを二次因子とするモデルを仮定し,このモデルの構成概念妥当性を検討した。さらに道徳的感受性との関連で併存的妥当性,ヒューマンケアとの関連で収束的妥当性を検討した。分析の結果,構成概念妥当性,併存的妥当性および収束的妥当性は検証された。NSCPにより測定された看護師のスピリチュアルケア実践は,存在探求へのケアが最も低く,この実践力向上が課題と考えられた。そのため,看護師自身がスピリチュアルケアに向き合うことへの覚悟を支える支援が求められる。

著者

高宮 成将 土屋 勝 久保田 光昭 金 栄智 乾 哲也 大野 隆一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本脊椎脊髄病学会

雑誌

Journal of Spine Research (ISSN:18847137)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.2, pp.126-131, 2022-02-20 (Released:2022-02-20)

参考文献数

9

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はじめに:Balloon Kyphoplasty(BKP)でのセメント漏出は,重大な合併症を引き起こす可能性があるが,術前画像で血管系への漏出リスクを予測する報告はなかった.本研究では,BKP術後のセメント漏出リスクを術前CTで予測可能か,また術後血管内塞栓について検討した.対象と方法:対象は2016年11月から2019年9月に急性期骨粗鬆症性椎体骨折に対しBKPを施行した81例.骨折分類に杉田分類を用いた.術前CTで椎体骨皮質破断の有無,術後CTでセメント漏出の有無を評価した.結果:セメント漏出群は23例(28.4%)だった.終板ずれ型は,他の型に比べ有意にセメント漏出が多く(p = 0.0072),椎体骨皮質破断ありでの漏出群の割合は35.6%であり,破断なしに比べ有意に高値だった(p=0.015).また,椎体周囲静脈叢へのセメント塞栓についても全例が終板ずれ型だった.結語:術前CTで椎体骨皮質破断が見られる場合は,セメント漏出が有意に多かった.血管内へのセメント塞栓については,終板ずれ型が危険因子である可能性が考えられる.

著者

金 栄鎬

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.177, pp.177_42-177_56, 2014-10-30 (Released:2015-11-13)

参考文献数

47

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This paper examines South Korea’s change of foreign policy toward Japan due to its changes of government since democratic transition in 1987 by taking into account the three points of view: First, I focus on the policy makers’ ideal inclination, conservative or progressive, as well as on power relations among ruling party, opposition party and public opinion; Second, South Korea’s policy toward Japan have to be analyzed in connection with ones toward North Korea and US; Third, I take the 1965 regime, under which diplomatic relations between South Korea and Japan was established with containing not merely communism but also post-colonial issues, as an indicator to classify continuity and change of the policy. The two conservative governments after the 1987 transition, Roh Tae-Woo and KIM Young-Sam administration, showed continuity of foreign policy toward Japan as seen from the perspective of the 1965 regime. The two administrations cooperated with Japan when Japan kept adopting hard-liner policy toward North Korea. The two also continued containing post-colonial issues although South Korea instead confronted Japan when Japan tried soft-liner policy toward North Korea. The change of power on election in 1997, unprecedented in the South Korean political history, brought about a significant change. Kim Dae-Jung’s “National Government” developed reconciliation and cooperation with North Korea and simultaneously maintained cooperation with Japan. Roh Moo-Hyun’s “Participatory Government” forged ahead with such a change. It pursued peace and prosperity with North Korea despite confronting US because a fear of entrapment was mounted among South Korean public opinion. Roh, moreover, promoted policy toward Japan to overcome the colonial past, which have had been contained under the 1965 regime. Lee Myung-Bak’s “Practical Government”, inaugurated in return of power to conservatives after 10 years’ progressives. Lee administration adopted again hard-liner policy toward North Korea and reintensified the alliance with US while adhered to the 1965 regime with Japan. Lee, however, confused coherence of policy and strategy toward Japan by sudden landing on Takeshima/Dokdo in just before his term expired. The present Park Geun-Hye administration, irrespective of her conservative ideal inclination, couldn’t but tackle with the post-colonial issues from the beginning of the term, as well as is trying a kind of soft-liner policy toward North Korea.

著者

上野 瑞子 實金 栄 川田 裕次郎 柴田 展人

出版者

日本応用心理学会

雑誌

応用心理学研究 (ISSN:03874605)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.47-57, 2019-07-31 (Released:2019-10-31)

参考文献数

33

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This study aimed at creating scales for measuring organizational retaliatory behaviors that would occur as a result of friction or conflict in human relationships between nurses in hospitals and may adversely affect patients, and finding the relationship of the organizational retaliatory behaviors with the emotional commitments and feelings of self-esteem.With 1439 nurses participating the survey, this study established a cause-and-effect model where the factors for nurse organizational retaliatory behaviors namely "enervation," "unskillfulness," "self-indulgence" were dependent variables, and feelings of self-esteem, emotional commitments, and affirmative feeling were the primary causes. Then, using the Structural Equation modeling, we examined if the model matched with the data. As a result, it was confirmed that the model matched with the data (CFI=0.945, RMSEA=0.049), suggesting that the factors reducing the organizational retaliatory behaviors should be considered.

著者

金 栄敏 波田野 節子

出版者

朝鮮学会

雑誌

朝鮮学報 = Journal of the Academic Association of Koreanology in Japan (ISSN:05779766)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.258, pp.1-28, 2021-12

著者

金 栄緑

出版者

熊本学園大学経済学会

雑誌

熊本学園大学経済論集 (ISSN:13410202)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.31-46, 2018-03

著者

金 栄春

出版者

統一評論新社

雑誌

統一評論

巻号頁・発行日

no.499, pp.88-91, 2007-05

著者

金 栄鎬

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima journal of international studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.1-22, 2017

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South Korea and Taiwan achieved salient economic growth and outstanding democratic transition which have attracted attention of many scholars as well as policy makers around East Asia. At the same time,there have been contrasts in the development of these nations' relations with the other parts of the divided nations, North Korea and Mainland China, since the late 1990s.South Korea's progressives set forth cooperation called "the Sunshine Policy" toward the North, on the other hand conservatives bore conflict against it. In contrast, Taiwan's progressives advocated for Taiwan's independence withstanding mainland China's hostility, whereas conservatives managed cooperation and exchanges based on "the 1992 Consensus" despite domestic controversy over its existence.The paper traces the process of national division, civil war or war, democratization, and the end of the cold war, and compares development and changes in political actors' perception of each South Korea and Taiwan to illustrate contrasts between Inter-Korean and Cross-Strait relations.

著者

金 栄鎬

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.132, pp.153-175,L14, 2003-02-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

84

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North Korea's foreign policy and its policy toward South Korea obviously wavered after the Cold War. Why did North Korea's policy toward the South seesaw between cooperation and conflict? The purpose of this article is to examine under what conditions North Korea cooperates with South Korea.Firstly, although during the Cold War North Korea had shown conflictive behavior toward the South, the U. S. and Japan, after the Cold War its policy distinctively shifted to cooperation. For balance of power on Korean peninsula in this period, South Korea was remarkably superior to the North. Was balance of power the causal element of North Korea's cooperation? An investigation of the article demonstrates that objective balance of power did not draw on the North's cooperative behavior. Change of South Korea's policy toward the North and cleavage in the South's domestic politics affected the North's policy, while the North reviewed its definition of “nation” and “nationalism” which could be seen as subjective element of the North's behavior toward the South.Secondly, North Korea's policy, in turn, shifted to conflict after its declaration of withdrawal from NPT. Strictly speaking, around its declaration of withdrawal North Korea explored cooperation with the South in contrast to confrontation against the U. S., but, as soon as the U. S. -North talk launched, the North intensified cooperation with the U. S. in reverse to conflict against the South. How can such a distortion of North Korea's policy be coherent? An examination of the article shows that South Korea's policy was reversed to a hard-line in terms of “legitimacy” of state, subsequently the North's policy also returned to conflictive and exclusive one. And here also balance of power did not necessarily affect the North's policy into cooperation as well as above-observation. Rather, above-mentioned subjective element produced the North's exclusive behavior against the South, which was regarded, according to a North Korean peculiar view, as “treacherous” or “a puppet of the American Imperialism”.Thirdly, there have been talks and agreements between North and South Korea, such as the North-South Joint Statement in July 1972, mutual visit of divided families in the mid 1980's, the basic Agreements between the South and the North in December 1991, and the North-South Summit Meeting in June 2000. A comparative analysis indicates the following: North Korea's policy and behavior in 1970's and the mid-1980's could not be seen cooperative in spite of some talks and agreements, because there had been prevailing view of “legitimacy” of state and “liberation of The South” with North Korea. After the Cold War, it was verified that North Korea's behavior and policy changed with the South's policy and their domestic politics, and more than anything-else, the North' cooperation with the South was conditioned under whether of appeasing “legitimacy” of state.

著者

金 栄 村上 修一

出版者

公益社団法人 日本造園学会

雑誌

ランドスケープ研究 (ISSN:13408984)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, no.5, pp.539-544, 2015 (Released:2015-12-22)

参考文献数

12

被引用文献数

3

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This study focused on the influences of the green spaces of the condominiums to their prices in the residential area of Wangjing in Beijing. Data of 88 second-hand apartments among the 33 condominiums were applied to the regression model analysis in order to estimate their prices. It became clear that the ratios of the green space area, the green space area adjacent to the residential buildings and the common green space area to the site area, and the level of maintenance of the green spaces exerted positive influences to the prices. The model estimated that the price rose 0.3% when the ratio of the green space area increased 5% specifically.

著者

金 栄鎮

巻号頁・発行日

2013

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Thesis (Ph. D. in Engineering)--University of Tsukuba, (A), no. 6423, 2013.3.25