著者

菅谷 成子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.4, pp.374-396, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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About forty years ago, Edgar Wickberg, in his pioneering and seminal work on the nineteenth-century Philippines, established how the Chinese had emerged as a commercially powerful foreign group in a Spanish colonial setting, while the Chinese mestizos had risen as a “special kind of Filipino” to support Philippine national awakening toward the turn of the century. Recently, scholars such as Richard T. Chu have questioned the identity of the Chinese mestizo as a “special kind of Filipino.” Chu argues that Chinese mestizos at the turn of the century had multiple, fluid, and ambiguous identities and cannot be said to have had a simple Filipino identity. He concludes that the Filipino identity as a nation was only established definitely after 1910. This paper identifies some of the particular historical factors that brought about the social rise of the Chinese mestizo as an uniquely Spanish colonial being distinct from the “chhut-sì-á” or “tsut-sia” of later years. This paper also shows that the “Chinese mestizos” Wickberg had in mind were not the same “Chinese mestizos” that Chu deals in his recent works, and suggests that the study of overseas Chinese or Chinese overseas can be relevant to Southeast Asian Studies only when it is placed in a historical context and perspective.

著者

光成 歩

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.214-217, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-07-30)

参考文献数

1

著者

五十嵐 忠孝

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.593-624, 1988-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This report aims to establish the socialcultural contexts of fertility behavior common to ethnic Sundanese, who predominate in the Priangan Highlands, West Java, and have long been well-known for their very young marital age and high fertility, in the hope that an understanding of fertility-related social perceptions and cultural practices of a particular ethnic group will provide a basis for explaining regional and ethnic differences in levels and patterns of fertility in Indonesia. Here I will simply describe a number of institutions and practices involving the early stage of the reproductive period in women, i. e., from the attainment of adulthood to the consummation of the first marriage, which I observed during fieldwork in a Priangan Sundanese village. To compare social-cultural contexts of fertility, I also present a brief review of data on the fertility behavior of other Indonesian ethnic groups, particularly of ethnic Javanese, of which rather reliable data is available. Fertility-related practices in Sundanese society are distinct from those in Javanese society in many ways. For example: 1. A considerable proportion of rural Sundanese girls get married before menarche, indicating that marriageability for rural Sundanese girls predates menarche, even though rural Sundanese residents state that menarche signals the attainment of marriageable age. 2. Most marriages, including those of premenarcheal girls, take place at the girl's own wish, and are not arranged by parents or relatives. Almost all women interviewed showed a strong dislike for arranged marriage including “child marriage.” 3. A younger sister is strictly forbidden to marry before an elder sister. This practice naturally leads to the virtual universality of marriage at an early age. 4. Consummation of marriage, even “premenarcheal marriage,” takes place at a very early stage. This means that divorce without consummation has rarely occurred, even though many first marriages have ended in divorce.

著者

大野 徹

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2, pp.176-193, 1971-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

谷口 美代子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.75-79, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

参考文献数

8

著者

石井 米雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.3, pp.663-664, 1968-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

中西 嘉宏

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.240-246, 2019 (Released:2019-01-31)

参考文献数

11

著者

大木 昌

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.339-369, 1996-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This is an attempt to call attention to the history of disease and healing (or, simply, medical history) as an alternative approach to Indonesian history. Though this aspect of history has been studied very little, it is important and useful for the better understanding of history from broader perspectives. To begin with, disease (implicitly including death) and healing may have been the primary concern of the majority of people. Thus, it may be important to know what diseases people suffered from, how diseases were perceived, and what kinds of healing methods were applied at specific historical times. These issues are relevant to many other aspects, such as living conditions, the natural environment, demographic structure, and so forth. On the other hand, change in the healing system may occur with the introduction of a new religion and the acceptance of new medicine (e. g., Islamic and Western medicines). In political and economic history, the health and the size of the population were decisive factors of economic force and state power. Economic development might improve health conditions through improved nutrition, but the increase of population density and the development of transportation provided favorable conditions for the spread of diseases. Keeping these perspectives in mind, we will first see what kinds of diseases were prevalent in Indonesia, particularly Java and Sumatra. In describing this, I will try to relate certain diseases to social and economic conditions of the time concerned. Next, I will describe healing practice. Finally I will examine the use of herbal medicines in Java in the 1870s and around the beginning of the twentieth century.

著者

李 美智

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.3, pp.265-293, 2010-12-31

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Since 2000, the popularity of South Korean popular culture known as Korean Wave or Hallyu has increasedsignificantly in Southeast Asia. The Korean Government now recognizes cultural industries as one of thetop key industries of the nation. The purpose of this paper is to review the cultural export promotionpolicies of the South Korean Government which are the basic backgrounds of the spread of Korean Wave,and to investigate how Korean Wave is being accepted and developed in Southeast Asia by drawing on theexamples of Vietnam and Thailand. Among many genres, such as music and film, this paper focuses onKorean TV dramas as they are the most important driving force in the Korean Wave industries. Byexamining push and pull factors in both importing and exporting countries, it indicates that in Vietnam andThailand, the carefully-planned strategic economic support of the Korean government for these industriesand the rapid expansion of multi-channel TV and multi-media industries, which are in want of attractivecontent, are the most important factors that have contributed to the Hallyu expansion.

著者

津田 浩司

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.103-106, 2017 (Released:2017-08-24)

参考文献数

4

著者

吉川 利治

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.4, pp.363-387, 1982-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram, the Prime Minister of Thailand during the Pacific War, is said to have been a dictator, a chauvinist and a militarist, and to have erred in trying to revive old Siam by military means. But the minutes of the Cabinet conference, Phibun's speeches, the Ratthaniyom principles, Thai Code of Valour and Phibun's own behavior during his regime reveal his thoughts and actions as a campaign to foster the civilization of Thailand and to restore her honor and face among nations. He renamed the country "Thailand" on June 24,1939 because the old name Siam was associated with absolute monarchy, Westerner worship, arbitary Chinese action, a national inferiority complex and old customs. It was his aim to dispel these associations and to prompt constitutional monarchy, the civilization of the country and the modernization of the people. The Phibun regime intended to reduce Western political power and Chinese economic power. Japan also had an interest in destroying Western power in Southeast Asia and replacing it with her own. Phibun used Japanese power to carry out his policy. Japan treated Thailand as an important nation in Southeast Asia before the Pacific War, so she could move her forces through Thai territory and obtain necessary facilities. Phibun cooperated with Japan for only one year during the war, then switched to the promotion of an anti-Japanese strategic plan, because he thought that cooperation with Japan did not bring honor and face either to Thailand or to himself.

著者

岡本 正明

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.217-239, 2018 (Released:2018-02-09)

参考文献数

54

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Palm oil production has been rapidly increasing in Malaysia and Indonesia because of the strong demand for the cheap and versatile commodity. This increase has become a threat for countries and producers of other vegetable oils, such as France, which produces rapeseed oil, and the United States, which produces soybean oil. Therefore, those countries and producers have tried to impose limits on the import of palm oil, and environmental NGOs—mainly from Western countries—have conducted a series of negative campaigns against palm oil since the late 1990s. The most effective and continuously raised issue is the environmental one. However, the first negative campaign was not about the environment but about health. That campaign originated with US soybean producers in the early 1980s. To counter that campaign, the Malaysian government and palm oil producers started a positive one. This paper shows how this “oil war” between US soybean producers and the Malaysian government and palm oil producers started, developed, and ended; and how the Malaysian side created a strategy to fight the war, utilizing scientific data as well as academic networks and pro-small peasant discourse. This experience has become a lesson for Malaysian actors in dealing with the negative campaign about the environmental unfriendliness of palm oil since the late 1990s.

著者

南波 聖太郎

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.108-111, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

参考文献数

2

著者

柿崎 一郎

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.73-75, 2022-07-31 (Released:2022-07-31)

参考文献数

2

著者

田子内 進

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.145-203, 2006-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

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The magazine Soeara NIROM (Voice of Nederlands Indische Radio Omroep Maatschappji), was issued periodically from 1934 to 1942 to introduce its radio program specifically to Indonesian-reading Nederlandsch-Indie listeners. NIROM itself was established in 1934 as an official network, first broadcasting in Dutch and subsequently in Indonesian. This paper attempts to depict the musical culture of the time by quantifying the frequency of music programs for each broadcasting station in October 1936 and January 1942. This analysis of musical programming depicts a very diverse musical culture in Nederlandsch-Indie and indicates that radio broadcasting, as a new medium, promoted interaction amongthe musical genres. In October 1936, music constituted more than 70% of radio programming in number of programs and approximately 83% in programming hours. Of the various musical genres broadcast by NIROM, six were dominant: kroncong, Javanese music, Sundanese music, Malay music, Chinese music, and Arabic music. Kroncong was the most popular. It seems that kroncong actively incorporated a musical element of rumba popularized all around the world by the 1930 hit song El Manicero. Consequently, a new style of kroncong rumba was created. A good example is Rumba Tamang Mango, sung by the Eurasian singer Annie Landouw. The most famous kroncong singers were S. Abudullah and Miss Iem, well known in Singapore and British Malaya as well. There was little local music except Gambang Kromong, an ensemble based in and around Batavia (Jakarta) that combined Indonesian and Chinese instruments and styles. Malay music was represented by bangsawan, a modern style combining Indian, Arabic, Chinese, and Western elements into traditional Malay music. Female singers like Miss Maimoon and Miss Tjiah were popular. These singers belonged to bangsawan groups in Singapore and British Malaya, as well as Nederlandsch-Indie. The popularity of Arabic music arose mainly from Arabic films starring actors like Om Kalsum and featuring the gambus, a lute instrument brought by Hadhramaut immigrants residing in Surabaya. A gambus group led by Syech Albar enjoyed high popularity. In 1942, the popularity of these six musical genres continued, although music programming itself had been reduced to approximately 44% of programs and 69% of programming hours. This was due to an increase in other programming, including news coverage of the eruption of war in Europe. Kroncong declined in frequency and program hours, with few new styles or singers emerging. Several genres of local music, such as Minangkabau, Ambon, Batak, and Acehnese, which had hardly been broadcast in 1936, were on the air. Chinese, Arab, and Malay songs were relatively more popular than they had been. Malay music became more diverse, with domestic groups such as Penghiboer Hati, Sinar Medan, and Patjaran Muda seeming to perform different styles than bangsawan. In the gambus genre, while Syech Albar's popularity was still high, many new gambus groups were established at Batavia, Semarang, Medan, and Garut (in West Java) outside Surabaya. In addition, the new genre of harmonium music had emerged by 1940 and was frequently aired. The harmonium, a small reed organ set in a box, was an essential instrument of modern Malay music. Judging from the sound source, it seems that harmonium music was basically gambus, or Arabic music, but because it emphasized the sound of the harmonium, it was regarded as Malay music. In fact, the style of gambus and Malay groups in the 1940s indicates that interaction among them took pace flexibly and easily. Some gambus groups, as well as Malay music groups, called themselves harmonium groups. By the early 1950s, these harmonium groups were calling themselves orkes melayu ...

著者

内堀 基光

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.274-277, 2021-01-31 (Released:2021-01-29)

参考文献数

2

著者

佐藤 正範

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.4, pp.495-522, 1995-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

大泉 さやか

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.148-184, 2019 (Released:2019-01-31)

参考文献数

82

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In December 2016, the element titled “Practices related to the Viet beliefs in the Mother Goddesses of Three Realms” was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Under Vietnam’s socialist government, rituals and festivals related to the beliefs in Mother Goddesses had been prohibited as superstition before the Doi Moi period. Even though these beliefs and related practices were reevaluated and revived as a beautiful tradition, especially after the 1990s, there has been constant debate over whether beliefs in Mother Goddesses can be categorized as superstition. The question here is why Vietnam’s government applied for the inscription of this element while it had not yet concluded the debate. In this article, by considering this question we examine how Vietnam’s government intends to increase control over this element through naming, protecting, and avoiding its transformation. We also demonstrate that the framework for the heritagization of this element has been changed from theaterization to purization as beliefs, so that the government can criticize and prevent stage adaptation or theaterized rituals as an unintended transformation of heritage.

著者

鈴木 絢女

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.330-332, 2015-01-31

著者

福島 真人

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.4, pp.898-913, 1998-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。