出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.254, pp.112-125, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

著者

池上 俊三

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.129-142, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

---

The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of optical design technology of Japanese photographic lenses by analyzing some historical documents of optical designs, patent specifications and the correspondence between Ryozo Furukawa (an engineer of Nippon Kogaku K.K.) and Tatsuhiko Arakawa (an employee of Nippon Kogaku K.K.). The first Japanese photographic lens "Hexar " was developed by Hiroo Mouri of Rokuoh-sha with the assistance of Kogoro Yamada (an engineering officer of the Imperial Japanese Navy) in 1931. It was manufactured making use of Seidel's formulae and ray-tracing. Kakuya Sunayama (a designing manager of Nippon Kogaku K.K.) directed photographic lens technology in Nippon Kogaku K.K. from 1928 to 1937. Photographic lens technology is dual-use technology. In both cases, the demand by the military that needed aerial cameras advanced photographic lens technology. Later this outcome was transferred to civilian use. The military demanded high quality photographic lenses which met the high cost. Up until about 1935, private companies had sophisticated optical design technology and mass production facilities for photographic lenses. They also owned the data of the photographic lens designs and the technological accumulation of optical designing. It has become clear that the Japanese "original optical designs of photographic lenses " were established around 1938.

著者

安孫子 誠也

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.143-151, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

---

To exemplify that the level of Japanese physics during late-Meiji and Taisho era was higher than hitherto considered, the status in the history of early quantum theory of Jun Ishiwara's two papers published just before and after his studying in Europe is explored. The first one is his 1911-1912 paper, "Contributions to the Theory of Light-Quantum. " In Part II of this, he derived Planck's radiation formula, presuming not only individual light-quanta, but also their complex named "light-molecules. " His approach entailed already the essence of Bose statistics, with light molecules playing the role of Bose's phase-space cells presented in 1924. De Broglie utilized in 1922 the same term "light-molecule " and the same series expansion of Planck's radiation formula as Ishiwara used in 1911, which subsequently led de Broglie to introduce the concept of "phase-wave. " In Part IV of Ishiwara's 1911-12 paper, in order to explain the wave-like behavior of radiation, he associated to light-quanta minute electric and magnetic vectors, which played almost the same role as de Broglie's phase-waves. The second one is his 1915 paper, "The Universal Significance of the Quantum of Action, " where Ishiwara presented, for the first time, the generalized quantum condition explaining at once Planck's radiation formula and Bohr's theory of atomic constitution. In the same year, Wilson and Sommerfeld presented their own generalized quantum conditions, which Einstein criticized as not independent of the choice of coordinates. In contrast, Ishiwara's quantum condition, if unnecessary factor 1/f is omitted, reproduced essentially the same results as Einstein's quantum condition presented in 1917.

著者

夏目 賢一

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.255, pp.152-162, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

---

Michael Faraday introduced the idea of contiguous particles in order to explain the induction phenomena of electricity in 1837, thus denying the action-at-a-distance theory. However, he could not completely eliminate the possibility of action at a distance among particles, because he did not sufficiently consider rarefied air which could transmit electricity. He therefore had to assume the action at an insensible distance to account for the electric transmission in rarefied air. When he published his theory of induction, Faraday stated to consider the criterion of contact of particles only for a sensible distance, not discussing the action at an insensible distance. This idea of insensible distance came from the discussion of insensible distance stemmed from a similar argument in British empiricism, especially from the Scottish common-sense school tradition, e.g. John Robison and Thomas Thomson. They divided the qualities of matters into primary and secondary by invoking human senses as suitable criteria. While primary qualities were measurable quantities in mechanics, the secondary qualities consisted of primary qualities. Under the strong influence of Newtonian mechanics, these primary qualities included attraction and repulsion like universal gravity. Therefore it was not problematic to assume action at an insensible distance when the matters seemed to contact each other. Therefore, assuming action at an insensible distance was acceptable in the case of bodies contacting each other. This understanding led Faraday to the idea of contiguous particle.

著者

稲葉 肇

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.253, pp.1-10, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

---

This paper reveals that Josiah Willard Gibbs (1839-1903) attempted to explain certain chemical properties of matter, such as osmotic pressure of "diaphragms" (semi-permeable membranes) and electromotive force of chemical cells, from his theory of statistical mechanics, i.e., Elementary Principles in Statistical Mechanics (1902; EPSM). To begin with, I examine his thermodynamical theory developed in "On the Equilibrium of Heterogeneous Substances" (1876/78; EHS). Later, I attempt to support the above claim by analyzing his theory of statistical mechanics. In EHS and his later discussions on thermodynamics, Gibbs used thermodynamics to derive various properties of matter in equilibrium. Among others, "the fundamental equations" of thermodynamics and different "conditions of equilibrium," for both of which temperature, pressure and chemical potentials were essential, played a pivotal role in explaining these properties. With these two means, Gibbs explained a wide range of physicochemical phenomena such as diaphragms and chemical cells. In EPSM, Gibbs argued that some properties of ensembles corresponding to those of thermodynamical systems can be derived. I focus, in particular, on the properties of grand canonical ensembles, because he used them to deduce a formula analogical to one of the fundamental equations of thermodynamics, and to construct an analog of a diaphragm with corresponding conditions of equilibrium. Further, he included problems of chemical cells in the scope of statistical mechanics. Therefore, Gibbs' theory of statistical mechanics can be considered as a theory that attempted to explain the physicochemical domain.

著者

橋本 毅彦 中澤 聡 岡本 拓司 永平 幸雄 山口 まり

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.253, pp.26-43, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

著者

吉岡 斉 後藤 邦夫 桑原 雅子 綾部 広則

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.253, pp.44-56, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.253, pp.57-61, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

著者

小林 学

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.254, pp.65-77, 2010 (Released:2021-08-02)

---

Seikan Ishigai argued that the most critical innovation involving boilers was changing their shapes, for example from cylindrical to water-tube boilers. Poor material and processing technology made the development of the water-tube boiler difficult in the 19th century. Ishigai didn't pay enough attention to the material technology of boilers. In the late 1930's, H.W. Dickinson and E.C. Smith wrote a comprehensive history of the stationary and marine steam engine respectively. But they didn't pay proper attention to the relationship between engines and boilers. The author tries to explain the transition from cylindrical to water-tube boilers using steel for marine navigation. The popularization of thermodynamics among engineers and ship-owners stimulated the invention of the high-pressure marine steam engine. In the 1870's, Alexander Carnegie Kirk tried to make a water-tube boiler for the triple expansion engine. But it was too complex to put the water-tube boiler into practical use. Around the same time, William Siemens invented the open hearth steel process. In the 1880's, Kirk adopted cylindrical steel boilers and triple expansion engines. The practical application of the water-tube boilers required the invention of seamless steel tube. Understanding the transition from cylindrical to water-tube boilers alone isn't sufficient to understand the comprehensive history of the steam engine. Material and processing technology played a decisive role in the development of the marine boiler in that period.

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.251, pp.181-186, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.251, pp.187-189, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

著者

野澤 聡

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.252, pp.193-203, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

---

Daniel Bernoulli (1700-1772) is known for his masterpiece Hydrodynamica (1738), which presented the original formalism of "Bernoulli's Theorem," a fundamental law of fluid mechanics. Previous historical analyses have assumed that Daniel solely used the controversial principle of "conservation of vis viva" to introduce his theorem in this work. The "vis viva controversy" began in the 1680s between Cartesians, who defended the importance of momentum, and Leibnizians, who defended vis viva, as the basis of mechanics. In the 1720s, various Newtonians entered the dispute and sided with the crucial role of momentum. Since then, historians believed that 18th century natural philosophers regarded "vis viva" as incompatible with and opposed to Newtonian mechanics. This article argues that to introduce his theorem, Bernoulli not only used the principle of the conservation of vis viva but also the acceleration law, which originated in Newton's second law of motion. By looking at how eighteenth century scholars actually solved the challenging problems of their period instead of looking only at their philosophical claims, this paper shows the practice of mechanics at that time was far more pragmatic and dynamic than previously realized.

著者

今野 宏之

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.252, pp.204-213, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

---

In 1916 Einstein considered a thermal equilibrium between blackbody radiation and gas molecules in a cavity. On this occasion he introduced probability coefficients A and B of spontaneous and induced transitions, respectively. Then, he derived the ratio A/B (Eq. (4) in the text). With respect to this, Planck, in the fourth edition of his book (1921), Lectures on the Heat Radiation, derived the individual equation of A (Eq. (13)). Furthermore, it is quite interesting that in the course of derivation Planck introduced the substitution of a difference quotient (Eq. (11)) for a differential one (Eq. (9)). Thus, it should be noted that Planck employed this mathematical manipulation earlier than Kramers. This paper also argues that Planck's idea of difference quotient stems from the energy fluctuation based on the Fokker equation (7).

著者

坂本 邦暢

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.252, pp.214-223, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

---

This paper examines the theological dimension of Francis Bacon's atomistic theory of matter. This analysis shows that he was among those early modern atomists who modified the classical atomism from a theological perspective. To achieve this goal, the discussion first focuses on Bacon's criticism of Bernardino Telesio. Bacon criticized Telesio's natural philosophy for being theologically false. Trying to avoid this falsity, Bacon developed his atomism in the framework of Biblical Creation story. According to him, God first made the chaotic mass of atoms from nothing and then brought order to the world by giving divine power to each atom. Consequently, atoms came to be led by divine wisdom. This theory aimed at modifying the purely materialistic aspect of the ancient atomism, according to which God never intervenes in the world. The wording employed by Bacon for this modification has strongly suggested that he relied on the work of the Danish Paracelsian Petrus Severinus in developing this atomistic reading of the Bible. Utilizing Severinus's theory to harmonize atomism with the Christian doctrine was common among early modern atomists such as Nicholas Hill, Daniel Sennert and Pierre Gassendi. Therefore, it is on the basis of his reliance on Severinus that we can locate Bacon's matter theory in the history of atomism in the early modern era.

著者

石田 純郎

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.252, pp.224-227, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

著者

坂野 徹 菊地 暁 泉水 英計 アルノ ナンタ 木名瀬 高嗣 鶴見 太郎 愼 蒼健

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.252, pp.228-253, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.250, pp.124-125, 2009 (Released:2021-08-04)

著者

中根 美知代

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.251, pp.142-151, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

---

This paper clarifies Cauchy's and Weierstrass's contributions to the construction of differential calculus represented in terms of epsilonics. In the eighteenth century the limit concept had a geometrical image that is typically represented in >indefinitely approaching to a fixed value>. In 1820s Cauchy described this concept in terms of inequalities and defined the limit. Since his new calculus theory was based on this concept, he could transform previous results from calculus to his new theory developed only by algebraic techniques. He also defined his original concept of infinitesimals based on the limit concept. The relations between the infinitesimals and infinitely large numbers or infinitesimally small changes can be represented in term of epsilon-delta inequalities. Although Cauchy occasionally used the term of infinitesimals in the usual sense, he substantially developed his calculus theory in epsilonics using his infinitesimals. Weierstrass noted the differential calculus needs to apply neither Cauchy's limit nor infinitesimals, but the relations that involve them. Neither isolated limits nor infinitesimals can be written in terms of epsilon-delta inequalities, but their relations can. Weierstrass began his 1861 lectures on the differential calculus by defining the fundamental concepts in terms of epsilon-delta inequalities. His original limit concept was also defined in terms of these, without any geometrical image. In contrast to Cauchy, Weierstrass's theory was pure algebraic and had no geometrical background. Although both mathematicians basically developed their differential calculus in epsilonics, the essential difference between their approaches lies in this point.

著者

都築 正信

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.251, pp.152-155, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)

著者

中村 士

出版者

日本科学史学会

雑誌

科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.251, pp.156-161, 2009 (Released:2021-08-03)