著者

梅村 卓

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.2, pp.277-284, 2015

著者

熊谷 隆之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.7, pp.1262-1284, 2004-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The present article is an attempt to open a new line of discussion about the Kamakura Bakufu's functionary in Kyoto, the Rokuhara Tandai 六波羅探題, beginning with an examination of the term itself and a clarification of the context in which the position was placed.The term "tandai" indicated the highest ranking jurist in Kamakura, Rokuhara and Hakata ; however, it was by no means widely used during the period. At the time, the Kyoto functionary's post was described using such terms as shugo 守護 (protector, military governor) and kanrei 管領 (overseer, administrator). It was only during the Edo period that we find the term "Rokuhara Tandai" in a reference work entitled Buke Myomoku-Sho 武家名目抄 compiled by Hanawa Hokiichi 塙保己一. Given the above facts, the history of the Rokuhara Tandai may be laid out as follows. The post of "Rokuhara Tandai" was established in 1221 as the shugo of Kyoto, the imperial capital. Later, as the actual administrative structure of the office was set up, its executive officer came to occupy the position of kanrei. It was the judicial aspect of this administration that the Rokuhara functionary took on role of a tandai. Furthermore, the research to date has considered Rokuhara as a place secondary to the shogun's main residence in Kamakura. However, there is plenty of room for considering Rokuhara as the shogun's main or original residence. For example, the Lord of Kamakura (kamakura-dono 鎌倉殿) was originally dispatched by the emperor from Kyoto to Kamakura in the capacity of Shogun (seiitaishogun 征夷大将軍), and during the Kamakura period the term "buke" 武家 (the shogun and his entourage) referred geographically to Rokuhara, not Kamakura, thus making it impossible to consider "Rokuhara Tandai" on the same level as "Chinzei Tandai 鎮西探題, the Bakufu-appointed functionary in Hakata. During the late Kamakura period, when the Bakufu's control over western Japan became part of the pluralistic system of elites, including the aristocracy and religious institutions (kenmontaisei 権門体制), it was Rokuhara that represented the Bakufu in that system. In this sense, one could very well argue that Rokuhara existed as the headquarters of the Bakufu. The possibilities offered by the above discussion rest for the most part on the place and influence that Buke Myomoku-Sho has and will have in the historical study of the Kamakura period.

著者

相馬 和将

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.9, pp.68-97, 2021 (Released:2022-09-20)

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本稿は、中世後期にしばしばみられる公家衆や将軍家庶流の子弟が室町殿の猶子となって寺院に入室する現象(猶子入室)の意味を検討したものである。 猶子入室は、これまでの研究において、室町殿による「寺院統制策」の一環として理解されてきた。しかし、実際には入室先の寺院や出身母体たる公家衆の側からの申請によってなされた事例が多いことを明らかにし、その背景として、室町殿猶子になることで有利な待遇を得られたことや、門跡の後継にふさわしい「貴種」が払底していたという中世後期の社会状況があったことを指摘した。 また、猶子入室は王家や摂関家の猶子をはじめ、各身分階層において確認でき、室町殿猶子だけを取りあげて室町殿による「寺院統制策」であると評価することは難しいとしたうえで、王家猶子の微増と室町殿猶子の減少が相関関係にないことも論じた。 さらに、室町殿猶子の数量や、猶子の出身家門に着目したとき、義満・義持期は足利庶流を猶子にした事例が大半で、公家からの申請も二条流だけに限られていた。しかし、義教期・義政期は、猶子申請する家門が幅広い階層にわたっていたことから、将軍家の尊貴性・貴種性・権威が格段に上昇しており、特に義政期は猶子からみたとき、政治的には不安定ながらも、将軍家権威が最高潮に達していたと評価した。足利将軍家は「貴種」だから寺院・公家社会から猶子申請されたのと同時に、寺院・公家社会から猶子申請される構造が将軍家の権威をさらに上昇・固定させたものと考えられる。 最後に、本稿の要約と戦国期への展望を示し、門跡・出身家門・室町殿のつながりの分析は中世後期を考察するうえで不可欠の視座であることを述べ、その一例が猶子入室という現象だったことを指摘した。

著者

坂口 太助

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.10, pp.1718-1742, 2010-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Japan lost more than eighty percent of its vessels during the Pacific War (1941-1945), mostly due to submarine attacks. These massive losses caused not only the interruption of maritime communications, but also greatly contributed to the collapse of the Japan economy. Within the research to date, it has been pointed out that the Imperial Japanese Navy did not establish a command dedicated to protecting maritime communications until November 1943, leading to the conclusion that the prime cause of the massive losses was the Navy's focus on front line battles rather than protecting maritime communications. However, the author of this article argues that this research has not paid enough attention to the process by which the General Escort Command was formed and proceeds to reexamine that process and the Navy's response to the maritime communications issue through the perceptions of the Japanese government and Imperial Army. The number of vessels lost between December 1941 and March 1943 exceeded the prewar estimate. However, many of these losses were sustained in transport operations to the front; and the number of vessels destroyed by submarine attack while transporting resources back to the homeland was below expectations. Lacking one large fleet like an escort command at that time, the response of the Navy to Allied submarines was to assign groups of smaller units to each area. Rather than submarine attacks, it was the situation at the front that was more closely related to the loss of vessels, due to requisitions by both the Navy and the Army for vessels to replace ships lost at the front. The author argues that this was the main factor in the decrease of vessels available for transporting resources. The government, Army and Navy all attached their highest priorities to establishing dominance at the front and the promotion of building new ships. After the Allied Forces' counteroffensive and the commercial destruction being caused by submarines became more and more evident, the Navy decided to review its organization for protecting maritime communications and consequently established the General Escort Command to control existing units. According to the trends of vessel loss during the war, it is clear that organizing a special command had not been necessary until the spring of 1943. Therefore, the author concludes that the focus on the front did not necessarily mean slighting maritime communications and that the Navy responded to the issue at the appropriate time.

著者

中野目 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.8, pp.1433-1438, 2013

著者

沼田 哲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.7, pp.1297-1300, 1990

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.4, pp.464-465, 1977-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.12, pp.1967-2003, 2004-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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From the late 16^<th> to the early 17^<th> century, amidst the "Age of Commerce" in the East Asian maritime region, many Chinese, including merchants, smugglers, captives, and drifters, came to south-west Japan. Especially in Kyushu, where most of the Chinese arrived, not a few Chinese settlements were formed in various seaports and castle towns. In this paper, the author discusses emigrant Chinese intellectuals in this maritime region, by focusing on physicians who sojourned in south Kyushu. Nearby the castle town of Obi 飫肥, There are two epitaphs on gravestones of Xu Zhilin 徐之〓, who had served as a physician in Obi domain during the 17^<th> century. According to these epitaphs, Xu zhilin was borne in the gentry lineage of Shangyu 上虞 county of Zhejiang province. In 1619, He made a voyage to Beijing aspiring to pass the civil service examinations, but was captured by pirates along the way. He was first taken to Nagasaki, then later moved to Satsuma, where he learned medicine from a Chinese physician residing there. Five years later, He was invited by the lord of Obi domain to serve as one of his physicians until 1666. Concerning the pedigree of Xu Zhilin, except the two epitaphs, no available sources had been found in Japan. But I had found three editions of genealogies of Xu lineage in Shanghai Library which describe the family line of Xu Zhilin in detail, and accounts on ancestors of him are almost coincide with these of epitaphs. From these genealogies, we can ascertain that he actually was a member of elite, lineage producing numerous scholar officials from the 16^<th> century. From the late 16^<th> century onward, the lift of prohibition of private maritime trade remarkably stimulated the oversea trades with south Fujian as its node. Although the ban on voyages to Japan remained, many Fujian traders had sailed to Kyushu. Particularly, south Kyushu was gradually integrated into the network of Fujian merchants. Arrivals of many Chinese physicians were also one aspect of the expansion of the Fujian network, which accompanied transfers of culture, technology, and human resources. During 16^<th> and 17^<th> century, enormous amount of silver continued to flow onto the southeast coast region of China, particularly south Fujian, from Japan and the New World. The imported silver was gradually diffused all over China, and a considerable part of it went to Beijing as taxes, then thrown onto the frontier bases of the northern border region as military expenditures. As a result the influx of silver produced booming trade and economic prosperity in the maritime Asia and China's northern border. Numerous Chinese attracted by economic chances also flowed, into these regions as traders, peasants, soldiers, and various specialists. It should be noted that the Chinese who immigrated to foreign countries included marginal intellectuals such as lower literati, merchants, and physicians. They often served the military-commercial powers in those respective regions and countries, offered advanced Chinese cultures and technology, and mediated commercial or military negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and foreign powers. Arrivals of Chinese physicians in Japan were one phenomenon, of such emigration by Chinese marginal intellectuals during the "Age of Commerce" in East Asia.

著者

谷 憲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.6, pp.1041-1057,1144-, 1984-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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It is well-known that the nomadic tribes through Central and Northern Asia had the custom of injuring one's body---slashing one's face (〓面), cutting one's ear (割耳・截耳), or cutting off one's hair (剪髪)---, which description we can find in Chinese or Islamic sources, the inscription of ancient Turkey, wall paintings, et al. The custom of injuring one's body has hitherto been regarded as a rite conducted at a funeral as a sign of the self-immolation of an attendant on the death of his lord, and it has its origin in a magical invocation for the resurrection of the dead. It is an accepted opinion that by performing more than two acts of that kind at one time, not one by one, the nomadic tribes in the Inland Areas observed their custom to express their condolences or to pledge loyalty to the dead. All the acts of injuring one's body, however, are not described as concerned with funeral rites in the above-mentioned sources. By close examination of other possibilities, it was found out that the same kind of act was performed for the following purposes : first to pledge loyalty to a livng person, not the dead ; second to wish strongly something ; third to part from someone. The closer examination revealed that each case implicated "swearing an oath". At this point it became clear that when the nomadic people implied "swearing an oath", they slashed their faces and cut their ears, but did not cut off their hair. It is presumed, therefore, that the act of "shedding blood" showed some implication of "swearing an oath". This presumption is corroborated by descriptions of Scythian in "History" by Herodotus and those of "T'u-fan ch'uan (吐蕃 = Tibetans 伝)" in "Chiu T'ang-shu (旧唐書)" and "Hsin T'ang-shu (新唐書)". In consequence it has been supposed that among the nomadic tribes in the central and northern parts of Asia, the act of "shedding blood" by slashing one's face or cutting one's ear did not merely meant the formalization of a magical invocation for the resurrection of the dead, but also included some implication of "swearing an oath", and that the act of cutting off one's hair alone originated directly in the self-immolation of an attendant on the death of his lord. Furthermore with this supposition it became clear that the nomadic tribes such as "T'u-chueh (突厥 = Tur(u)k)" and "Hui-ho (回〓 = Uighur)" also used the custom of injuring one's body as a political means in order to flaunt their own tribal power by forcing foreign tribes to perform the same act.

著者

上田 純子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.11, pp.2014-2042, 2000

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This paper explores the decision-making process of the Hagi Domain government during their Bunkyu era reforms, which began in March 1863 and were brought to an end in September 1869 after the bombardment of Shimonoseki and the outbreak of violence in Kyoto. Before the reforms, policy-making functions were carried out by two members of the Karo家老 class, called Ryoshoku両職, who were supported by a small group of lower level officials, the Goyogatachu御用方中. After the reforms, policy-making activities and appeals to the daimyo were both carried out at a newly established Seijido(政事堂;Hall of governance). The officials of the Seijido routinely conducted policy meetings in the presence of the daimyo. These measures aimed at involving a larger range of the warrior class in the consultative process give that process more authority, or potency. The abolition of the Ryoshoku system also aimed at better preparing the domain for war, by emphasising the military role of Karo members and moving the former Goyogatachu officers into military administrative roles.

著者

服部 英雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1470-1499,1589, 2002

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Inu-Oumono 犬追物, the sport of shooting dogs with bow and arrow, was a popular martial art during the Middle Ages in Japan. Its popularity among not only the warrior elite of the shogunate and provincial magistrates (Shugo 守護) but also ordinary samurai during the Muromachi period is attested to by the large number of place names, Inu-no-Baba (the gaming field for the sport), that still exist in Japan. today. Inu-oumono has been mainly studied as a traditional custom among the samurai class but in this paper the author discusses it as a social phenomenon, dealing in particular with the role played by groups of social infe- riors, kawara-no-mono 河原ノ者, who were diseriminated against, in staging inu-oumono events. The task given to kawara-no-mono groups was to supply on the average 200-300 (sometimes as many as a thousand) target dogs for each event, manage the dogs during the game, then dispose of the wounded animals afterwards. They became involved in the sport due to the fact that the samurai promoters could not supply such large amounts of dogs on their own at such short notice. So they turned to kawara-no-mono who worked keeping streets clean and safe, which included capturing stray dogs. During the events, kawara-no-mono were put in charge of surrounding and freezing dogs that jumped out of the roped-off target circle running wild all over the 70 × 70-meter field. Despite that fact that the bamboo sticks that they carried marked them as inferior "dog-catchers" kawara-no-mono were well-paid for 'their services : in one case 350 kan 貫 (equivalent to about 50 million yen today). This was ample recognition of the hard work required to catch and keep enough dogs for muoumono events that could attract as many as ten thousand spectators and make large profits for the samurai who held them.

著者

斉藤 恵太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.6, pp.1108-1132, 2011-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

瀬野 精一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.5, pp.603-606, 1980

著者

上田 純子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.6, pp.1147-1176,1252-, 1998

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The purpose of this paper is to explore the various meetings held in the decision-making process (kaigi 会議) within the political structure of Hagi-han (present-day Yamaguchi-ken), and to suggest a new method for reconsidering some problems in the political history of last yers of the Tokugawa era.In the first section, the author investigates kaigi convened by the Edo-toyaku (senior retainer in charge of han political affairs), when Yoshichika, the daimyo was residing in Edo. She then foc

著者

池田 勇太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.6, pp.1041-1078, 2006

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The present article attempts to clarify the birth of monarchical constitutionalism on the occasion of a debate over a popularly elected parliament in 1874, by focusing on Motoda Nagazane (or Eifu) 元田永孚, who was Emperor Meiji's tutor in Confucianism. The introduction of a constitutional polity in the absence of a government not only displayed the strong character of a modernization measure and was thought to realize a political society supported by the masses and open public opinion, but also a parliament, constitution and separation of the legislative and administrative branches of government were expected to solve real problems that existed in local administration and politics at the time. The article begins with an examination of the actions taken by the Governor of Fukushima Prefecture Yasuba Yasukazu 安場保和 in order to clarify the era's parliamentary movement against the background of local administration and to argue that the fair and just nature (ko 公) of a constitutional polity was thought to be identical to traditional Confucian political ideals. Secondly, the introduction of a constitutional polity at that point in time was not the result of power politics fought along vertical, class lines, but was rather a specific political expression of what the Restoration bureaucracy thought desirable. On the other hand, the introduction of such a polity under well-meaning auspices from above also meant that the bureaucracy did not always seek broad pluralistic opinions on the subject, but rather tended to make policy decisions in a more theoretical manner. The 1874 debate over a popularly elected parliament brought the issue of mass popular political participation to the forefront in terms of "joint rule by king and citizen." It was here that Motoda Eifu suggested that in a monarchical state it was necessary to make a distinction between "public opinion" and "the just argument," arguing that it was the monarch who should employ the latter. Any parliamentary system in which the monarch enjoys ultimate prerogative, moreover, demands that the monarch have the ability to exercise that prerogative properly, which necessitated the development of a system of imperial advisors and educators. At that time there was also the idea that the position of senior political advisor (genro 元老) should be created outside of the cabinet to perform such a function. Motoda, on the other hand, reformed such an idea based on the necessity of a monarch performing his duties with the final say within a constitutional polity. This is why it can be said that both monarchical constitutionalism and the establishment of the emperor's prerogative within it was born out of the 1874 debate over a popularly elected parliament.

著者

野田 有紀子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.8, pp.1446-1470,1555-, 1998-08-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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In Ancient Japan, the emperor's Procession was called robo 鹵簿. In China, Lu-bu 鹵簿 meant not only the procession of the emperor, but also those of other royalty and nobility. This paper examines how imperial authority in ancient Japan and Tang 唐 China was displayed robo and related ceremonies. The Code of Processions (Lu-bu-ling 鹵簿令) of the Tang dynasty was characterized by the system and the emperor's large-scale Procession. The former outlined the system of carriages (lu 輅) to transport the Tang emperor and the crown prince which differed according to the type of ceremonies. Other royalty and nobility rode in the same types of carriage in which the emperor rode. The Chinese vehicular system was a symbol of the fact that the Chinese emperor was at the top of the rites (li 礼) order, which included social position. Rites were fundamentally established during the Qin 秦 and Han 漢 dynasties to coordinate land, but became larger and wider in scale with many guards on the right and left sides of the Tang dynasty aiming at centralistic officialism and strengthening the emperor's dictatorship. At the same time, a huge number of guards stood in lines on the court yard where the important national ceremonies was held. The large-scale imperial Procession and a number of lines of guards in its ceremony signified that the emperor monopolized political and military authority in Tang China. In ancient Japan, the system of the Chinese emperor's procession was partly introduced, but the formation of the Japanese emperor's Procession and the vehicular system were unique from those of the Tang dynasty. The emperor was the only male person to ride the sedan chair (koshi 輿), other male royalty and nobility used different types of vehicules Furthermore, in the important national ceremonies at the Daigoku-den 大極殿 hall and in the court yard (dentei 殿庭), the emperor was served mainly by ladies of the court on the hall, while the male court stood on the court yard. The Procession and its ceremonies in ancient Japan expressed that the Japanese emperor was exceptional and transcendental from others, especially male royalty and nobility, indicating that the nature of imperial authority, in ancient Japan was basically different from that of the Tang dynasty.

著者

吉原 弘道

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.7, pp.35-59,142-143, 2002-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The conventional research on the position held by Ashikaga Takauji 足利尊氏 within the government formed after the Kenmu 建武 imperial restoration (1334) tends to argue that the warrior leader was excluded from all of its affairs. However, Amino Yoshihiko 網野善彦 has proposed that such a view be reconsidered in the light that the Kenmu government officially gave Takauji charge over Chinzei 鎮西 (Kyushu) military affairs, a subject that is now being pursued by Mori Shigeaki 森茂暁 and Ito Kiyoshi 伊藤喜良. Nevertheless, the conventional skeptical view of Takauji's role has yet to be reconsidered ; and his involvement in the Kenmugovernment has by no means been thoroughly investigated. In the present article, the author conducts a detailed analysis of the time from Takauji's turn against the Kamakura Bakufu in the 4th month of Genko 3 (1333) through the post-coup de'etat settle ment. The research to date has tended to look upon Takauji's involvement in the settlement as anti-government in attitude ; however, it is a fact that 1) Takauji utilized his close relationship with Emperor Go-Daigo to raise troops during the conflict, and 2) petitions for Imperial recognition of deployment (chakuto-jo 着到状) to the battles fought in the Kanto and Chinzei regions were submitted to the Emperor through Takauji. Moreover, Takauji's receipt of these petitions stemmed not from any personal ambition, but rather from his position as an intermediary for the Emperor ; and the authority that Takauji assumed during the incident was not personally usurped, but always based on his relationship to the Emperor, and was finally officially recognized in his appointment as military commander-in-chief of Chinju-fu 鎮守府 on Genko 3/6/5. In addition, his investiture as a minister of state (kugyo 公卿) was an attempt by the Emperor to define his position within the imperial court's organization. The author concludes that rather than being excluded from the affairs of the Kenmu government, Ashikaga Takauji was placed in one of its positions of military responsibility, and from the standpoint of Takauji himself, this role was not the result of some move to expand his own political influence, but rather stemmed from the powers invested in him through his official appointment as commander-in-chief of Chinju-fu.

著者

大塚 紀弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.2, pp.199-226, 2012-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The present article focuses on changes that were taking place in the routes and forms of trade involving the transport of Chinese goods between the late Heian and late Kamakura period, in an attempt to clarify the character of the China trade in Japan and the involvement in it by the Kamakura Bakufu. During the Heian period, when Japan's foreign trade was managed under the directorship of hakata goshu 博多綱首, Chinese shipowners residing at the Song Dynasty quarters in the port of Hakata, shoen estate proprietors in Kyoto were obtaining Chinese goods through powerful local estate managers for the purpose of gift-giving. During the final years of the period, aristocrats, including imperial regent Taira-no-Kiyomori and cloistered emperor Goshirakawa, began to participate in foreign trade for the purpose of profiting from the import of Chinese copper coins, as connections were established between the shoen estate proprietary elite in Kyoto and the hakata goshu. Then during the early Kamakura period, such influential members of that Kyoto elite as the Saionji and Kujo Families invested such capital goods as lumber in the import of copper coins, etc., thus also forming contract trade relations with the hakata goshu. However, between the middle and late Kamakura period, a change occurred in the character of the China trade from contracting with Chinese shipowners to directly dispatching trade envoys from the Kamakura Bakufu and allied Buddhist temples as passengers on trade ships. The author argues that the reason behind such a transformation was that Japanese shippers were assuming a larger share of the traffic than their Chinese counterparts. Concerning shipping routes during the time in question, at its early stage, the Bakufu would entrust through the agency of the Dazaifu Imperial Headquarters of Kyushu such precious materials as sulphur and gold as capital to the hakata goshu, who would also act as the venture's Chinese interpreter (gobun tsuji 御分通事). Upon transaction of trade, the ship would return to Japan via Hakata headed for Wakaejima, a port island off the coast of Kamakura, with its cargo of copper coins, ceramics and the like. Although the account that the 3rd Shogun Minamoto-no-Sanetomo dispatched an envoy to Mt. Yandang in Zhejiang Province cannot be verified, it is true that by mid-period it became possible to dispatch trading ships directly from Kamakura. As goshu of Japanese descent increased in number from the mid-Kamakura period on, the Bakufu altered its trade arrangements from hiring designated Chinese contractors to entrusting capital to reliable Buddhist priests, who would be dispatched directly to China as importers of copper coins and other necessities of Chinese manufacture. The account alleging that Sanetomo dispatched these clerical merchants for the purpose of obtaining a tooth from the funeral ashes of Gautama Buddha of course embellishes upon this actual transformation that took place in trade policy.

著者

千葉 功

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.7, pp.38-73,161-162, 1996

著者

赤江 雄一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.7, pp.1257-1265, 2007-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)