著者

吉田 賢司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.4, pp.443-485, 2006

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This article is an attempt to clarify the transformation that took place in military operations under the Muromachi shogunate after the violent protests for the remission of the debts that took place around Kyoto in 1441 (Kakitsu-no-Ran), from the time when the shogun's administrative advisors (kanrei) took control of the shogunate until Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa assumed leadership. Day to day military affairs during the "kanrei regime" were administered by Bakufu functionaries (bugyonin) and members of the kanrei's personal entourage (uchishu). However, in the midst of the political instability that followed the uprising, it became difficult to gain a consensus among the feudal lords (daimyo) and thus organize an allied army made up of troops led by provincial military governors (shugo). There-fore, regional conflicts that arose during this time would be pacified by local samurai (kokujin) from the nearby provinces coming to the support of the military governor of the province in question. In 1455, when Yoshimasa established firm control of the shogunate, the military system was reorganized mainly by Kanrei Hosokawa Katsumoto and the shogun's close advisor Ise Sadachika, meaning that in addition to the conventional "kanrei route" of reporting incidents to the shogun, a new route was established through Sadachika. However, between 1456 and 1461, the former route gave way to the latter, to the extent that the kanrei's position in military affairs became unclear, while Sadachika became Yoshimasa's advisor in military decision making and information reporting. During that time, troops under allied command of military governors were often deployed to quell regional conflicts, a widespread practice which caused mutiny among troops discontented over conscription, as local-based samurai were being conscripted repeatedly, to a degree of exhaustion. The period from the beginning of Yoshimasa's regime until 1460 was also a time marked by dysfunctionality in the Bakufu's system of military mobilization. It was for the purpose of correcting this problem that coercion was used to muster local-based samurai into service for the shogunate. Yoshimasa's efforts to pacify unruly provincial feudal lords, take back and directly manage proprietorships of religious institutions and mobilize local-based samurai met with failure, and he wound up faced with the rebellion of 1467 (Onin-no-Ran) without a solid military organization made up of those political forces. Yoshimasa's over-reliance on Sadachika had sorely weakened the military role of the kanrei in the Bakufu and caused its eventual hollowing out by the outbreak of the rebellion. The Hosokawa family was forced to conduct its functions as kanrei in isolation from the Bakufu's central bureaucracy. And although Yoshimasa was able to regain his control of the Bakufu through such extreme polarization and the efforts of Ise Sadamune, the Muromachi shogunate would never again play the leading role in conducting military operations.

著者

西村 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.4, pp.513-550, 2009

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This article examines every aspect of the history of ninth and tenth century northern China based on the recently discovered Zhimo 支謨 Epitaph. During the ninth and tenth centuries, the region of Daibei 代北 (the northern part of what is now Shanxi 山西 province) was politically, militarily and commercially one of the most important regions throughout eastern Eurasia. It was the center of a military clique during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, and during that time, was the staging ground for repeated campaigns of advancing nomadic tribes. It is no exaggeration that the history of ninth and tenth century Daibei determined the China's historical development during the centuries that followed. Therefore, the task of decoding the Zhimo Epitaph and clarifying the movements of the nomadic powers of Daibei during the last decades of the Tang Dynasty will enable a more systematic understanding of those events occurring in ninth and tenth century northern China that would deeply influence the historical development of East Asia in the centuries to come. The author begins by transcribing the rubbed copy version Zhimo Epitaph into a text, in order to discuss 1) how the Shatuo 沙陀 Turks intended to seize the economic foundations of the Tang Dynasty from the very beginning of their territorial expansion during its last years, 2) how the historiography concerning that expansion was altered considerably as it was transmitted through the regimes formed by the Shatuo Turks during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, by comparing the Zhimo Epitaph with other extant sources, and 3) the concrete image of the upheaval staged by the Shatuo Turks at the end of the Tang period and how that upheaval influenced the history of East Asia during the following centuries. Therefore, due to the excavation of the Zhimo Epitaph, it has become possible to gain new perspectives on the formation of the Five Kingdoms.

著者

山田 康弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.11, pp.1790-1811, 2003-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In this study, article, the author investigates the meaning that commands issued by the Ashikaga Shoguns had for the daimyo during the Warring States period from two perspectives: the relationship between them out of "utilization and restriction", and the mutual relationship of confrontation among daimyo focusing primarily on those of Western Japan as well as the nature of the effect that trends in such commands had on the behavior. In other words, (1) even during this period, daimyo required a stable relationship with the Shogun due to various circumstances such as the need to obtain legitimacy and to keep hostile forces in check and there was a tendency for them to take advantage of the shogun. (2) While they took advantage of this relationship with the Shogun, however, daimyo were also subjected to various restrictions such as the need to honor the commands of the Shogun (or, the need to honor the wishes of third parties through such commands). This made the commands of the Shogun an important tool in diplomatic relations with daimyo as confrontations between them broadened in scale and increased in complexity during the period. (3) In addition, Daimyo in the Kinki area (Kinai) gained the ability to control these commands by cooperating in the existence of the Shogun and, thereby, promoted collaboration with various other daimyo through the commands, which had become an important tool in the diplomatic relations between daimyo or secured opportunities for them to exercise influence over other daimyo. Various factors such as (1)? (3) above acted to further draw many more daimyo to the side of the Shogun, even after the advent of the Warring States, becoming a factor in the maintenance of a certain degree of influence by the Shogun over the daimyo. This influence of the Shogun on the Daimyo was extremely useful for the daimyo in their diplomatic strategies and was an authority unique to the Shogun on a dimension completely different from the control of the daimyo over their territories. It was therefore not easy for the daimyo to acquire such authority. However, by backing the Shogun, Oda Nobunaga succeeded in gaining the influence 'that the Shogun had over the daimyo and, while gradually exercising that influence, he moved ahead with the task of unifying the nation.

著者

板垣 哲夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.11, pp.1597-1628,1689-, 1977

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By examining with whom and how frequently Okubo Toshimichi met with different people during the December 1867 (Keio 3)-March 1877 (Meiji 10) period, the author has come to the following conclusions about Okubo's political relationships. First, his political relations with court nobles and feudal lords (daimyo) who had held high places in the traditional hierarchy of status and authority, including Iwakura Tomomi and Sanjo Sanetomi, became gradually estranged. The decline of the influence of nobles and feudal lords in politics and the contrasting rise of Okubo's influence can be regarded as causes of that trend. Second, Okubo's relations with those who came from the same Kagoshima clan were very intimate throughout this period. After around January 1876, however, he came to rely slightly less on these relations, because with his rise in politics it became more and more possible for him to win over competent officials directly without using intermediaries based on factional ties. Third, those who came from the Yamaguchi, Saga and Kochi clans worked in cooperation with Okubo during the period of the Boshin Wars. After the Boshin Wars antagonism between Okubo and Kido Takayoshi increased. At the same time opposition to the government led by these two men increased from those outside the government. Many men from these three clans played important roles in this arena of political rivalry, and it seems that the inclination towards supporting Okubo was comparatively strong among those from Saga compared to the other two clans. As his relations with the Kido group improved from around December 1870 and the centralization of the government increased, the number of officials from the three clans who attempted to secure closer relations with Okubo increased gradually. However, this trend was also influenced by Okubo's rivalry with the Kido group, the Saigo group and others in the government. Especially after the debate on the expedition to Korea, the status of Okubo rose while the strength of those who had opposed him declined and officials from the three clans tried to consolidate their relations with Okubo. Fourth, clans other than Kagoshima, except for the above-mentioned three, had relatively few persons of importance in the government. Few from such clans played important roles in the political rivalries after the Boshin Wars to 1871. On the whole the relationships between Okubo and those from such clans were not intimate. But as his political status rose rapidly after the expedition to Korea debate, many of them developed closer relationships with him as officials in the middle rank. Fifth, those who had intimate political relations with Okubo shifted, from those who held a high rank in pre-Restoration organizations to those in lower ranks.

著者

草生 久嗣

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.7, pp.1280-1281, 2007-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

田崎 哲郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.11, pp.1710-1711, 1981

著者

高山 博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.11, pp.1883-1920,2048, 1992

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The baillis and seneschals were the key men in the field administration of Medieval France. It has been generally understood that despite their different denominations in the south and the north, they had almost identical functions in the royal administration. The author calls this general understanding into question, and makes clear differences in their administrative functions. He suggests that we should treat the baillis and seneschals as different officials, because the region of bailliages and that of senechaussees were under different administrative systems. He proposes a new framework to understand the administrative structure of Philip IV.

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1499-1521,1588, 2002-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Known as the greatest incident in Chines Muslim history, the Muslim rebellion in the Shaanxi and Gansu provinces (1862-1878) has also attracted attention as being one of the peasantry rebel. lions near the end of the Qing dynasty. However, by analyzing the outbreak and spread of the rumors frequently occurring before and during the rebellion, a different image of the Muslim re bellion can be conceived, There was orderly discipline between Han and Hui in the Wei River area before the rebellion, even though occasional strife, such as feuds, and a strong sense of having a different culture and society among each other existed. Focusing on the change of content of the rumors, the Muslim riots in the Wei River area in 1862 was the outbreak of the Han and Hui differentiating each other and destroying the order that had existed between them. Each society fighting for its survival, it can be said that this rebdlion had the characteristic of an "ethnic conflict". Also taking into account of the impact and spread. ing process of the "Wash away Muslims" rumors on the Han and Hui societies, this rebellion was closely related to the formation of militias. Occurring a midst of the militarization process, the Muslim rebellion of the Wei River area shared aspects similar to the other rebellions occurred all over China in this period.

著者

網野 善彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.5, pp.580-586, 1976-05-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

家永 遵嗣

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.10, pp.1847-1855, 2001-10-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

旗手 瞳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.38-63, 2014

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This article focuses attention on the Mgar Family, which during the late 7th century monopolized power within the Tibetan Empire (吐蕃) after it rose up on the Tibetan Plateau and embarked on the conquest of the kingdom of Tuyuhun 吐谷渾, which was accomplished in 670. Specifically, the author analyzes 1) how the Mgars were involved in ruling Tuyuhun, 2) what policies the Tufan Empire enacted after its invasion of Tuyuhun and 3) how the purge of the Mgars in 698 influenced the way in which Tuyuhun would be ruled. With respect to objective 1), Mgar Stong rtsan acted as commander-in-chief of the Tuyuhun expedition between 659 and 666; and after his death in 667, military activities in the occupied areas of Tuyuhun were commanded by his sons Mgar Khri 'bring and ^*Mgar Btsan ba. Next, regarding objective 2), after the conquest, the Tibetan Empire enthroned its own king of Tuyuhun, while at the same time embarking on a proactive agenda aiming at taking full advantage of Tuyuhun as a base of operations for the invasion of Tang China. The author argues that in the Mgars played a leading role, similar to their military command, in the implementation of this agenda. Finally, concerning objective 3), as the result of the 698 purge, the Mgar Family, which had taken charge of the Tibetan agenda for Tuyuhun, was for all intents and purposes completely removed from power, and the incident also provided the Tuyuhun people with the opportunity for a large scale estrangement from the Tibetan Empire. Consequently, the author argues that a major crisis in Tibetan rule over Tuyuhun followed from the 698 purge. After the fall of the Mgar Family, the 'Bro, Dba's and Cog ro Families took control of the Tibetan Empire's central government; and during almost every year between 706 and 714 dispatched ministers appointed from among their family members to Tuyuhun, in addition to arranging the marriage of a Cog ro woman to the king. The author argues that through these diplomatic moves, the Tibetan Empire was able to reestablish relations of trust with Tuyuhun. Consequently, around 714 the Tibetan Empire was once again able to reopen its invasion of Tang China with Tuyuhun as its front line base of operations.

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.2, pp.272-281, 2014-02-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

平井 上総

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.4, pp.576-589, 2009-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article attempts a textual criticism of the Chosokabe Motochika Shikimoku (hereafter Keicho Shikimoku) purported to have been promulgated in Tosa Province during the Toyotomi Hideyoshi regime in the second year of Keicho (1597). The article begins with a comparison between Chosokabe family institutions and the content of the Keicho Shikimoku, by focusing on a set of provincial-wide bylaws (Chosokabe-shi Okitegaki) promulgated during that same time. The comparison reveals marked differences between the two documents in both wording and institutional arrangements. The author concludes that the content of the Keicho Shikimoku conflicts with Chosokabe family custom in many ways. Next, a comparison is made between the Keicho Shikimoku and the legal codes promulgated by the Yamauchi family for it Tosa Han fief during the Tokugawa Period, revealing similarities between the two documents in both content and form. The author concludes that the so-called "Keicho Shikimoku" was not a legal code of the Chosokabes, but must have been compiled after the formation of Tosa Han sometime during the 17^<th> century or after. In order to pinpoint the date of compilation, the author compares the Keicho Shikimoku with revisions made in the Tosa Han legal codes between Kan'ei 18 (1641) and Genroku 3 (1690), and discovers that the greatest similarity occurs with respect to the revisions made in Kanbun 3 (1663). Moreover, the fact that the Keicho Shikimoku prohibition on samurai attending dance performances and sumo wrestling tournaments reflects the actual situation during the several years following Kanbun 3 also suggests that the 1663 legal code for Tosa Han was its source. As to the reason why the Keicho Shikimoku was written, the author argues that it was an attempt by local samurai facing extinction in the midst of the political upheaval that occurred in Tosa during Kanbun 3 to reinforce their legitimacy by emphasizing historical ties to the Chosokabe family. The author concludes that the Keicho Shikimoku was a fictitious legal code modeled after legal codes in force in Tosa Han during the late 17^<th> century and shows that the Chosokabe family did not use the phrase "ichiryo gusoku" 一領具足 (allowing cultivators to arm themselves; later how local samurai-cultivators referred to themselves) in any of the legal codes it promulgated or any official document it issued, indicating that ichiryo gusoku was merely a popular phrase, not an official legal institution.

著者

鈴木 蒼

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.3, pp.38-62, 2020 (Released:2021-09-09)

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本稿は、文化史上特に重要とされながら、これまで研究が僅少であった、平安時代における書筆に優れ文字を巧みに書いた人々、「能書」の性質について考察を行ったものである。当該期における「能書」は、種々の依頼(命令)に応じてさまざまな文書の清書を行うという、彼らにしか行い得ない独自の社会的役割を持っていた。こうした彼らの書に関する能力は、九世紀初頭より十世紀後葉頃までは、紀伝道を中心とする大学での学習、あるいは親族間による書の技術の伝習という、二つの方法を中心として育成された。この二つを巧みに利用した小野氏をはじめとするいくつかの一族は、能書の一族として九・十世紀の間勢力を保持した。また、彼らはその能力を、天皇・皇太子といった権力者と人格的関係を築く一助としても活用した。 十一世紀前後より、能書は自身の臣従する主君(権門)の命令による清書のみを行うようになる。また、十一世紀中葉までに摂関家に臣従した能書とその後裔以外の人物は、能書としては没落してしまう。こうした変化の背景として、十世紀後葉以降、権門が官人を掌握するようになるという、貴族社会の質的変容が考えられる。 またこの時期、故実や特定の血統といった単純な書の能力以外のものが、能書にも求められるようになる。その中で、藤原行成という優れた能書を祖に持ち、故実の創出を行った世尊寺家(藤原行成子孫)が、十一世紀後葉には有力な能書の一族として立ち現れてくる。しかしそのために、九・十世紀に比べ、大学出身者の能書は大幅に減少する。また、鳥羽・後白河院政期には、院近臣の一族である勧修寺流藤原氏が、摂関家の能書藤原忠通との人格的関係や、複数の権門と良好な関係を築いたことによって、書の一族として急成長する。しかし、後白河院政の終了後、彼らは急速に能書役から退いたため、平安時代以降に書の一族として残ったのは世尊寺家のみであった。

著者

上野 雅由樹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.11, pp.1870-1887, 2010-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

西田 友広

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.8, pp.35-51, 2018 (Released:2019-08-20)

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本稿では、日本の中世社会の特徴をよく示す法諺として知られる、「獄前死人、無レ訴者、無二検断一」(獄前の死人、訴え無くば、検断無し)という言葉の意味を再検討し、この法諺を、中世社会の検断の実態の中で、整合的に理解し、位置づけることを試みた。 この法諺はこれまで、日本中世の検断(刑事訴訟)における弾劾主義・当事者主義の原則の存在を、またさらに広く、中世社会が自力救済を原則としていたことを象徴的に示すものと理解されてきた。そして、「獄の前に死体があったとしても、訴えがなければ、検断は行われない」、さらには「行ってもらえない」という意味で理解されてきた。 しかし、一方で、訴えが無いにもかかわらず検断が行われ、それが不当であると訴えられたり、鎌倉幕府や朝廷などによって禁止されたりするという実例も多く存在する。 この法諺の「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われない/行ってもらえない」という通説的理解と、訴え無しに検断が行われ、それが非難されるという実例の存在は、どのように整合的に理解することができるのか、この点の解明が本稿の目的である。 まず第一章では、この法諺に関する先行研究にさかのぼり、「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われない/行ってもらえない」という通説的理解の成立過程とその問題点を確認した。その結果、通説的理解の形成過程とともに、一方で、当時の検断のあり方との間に矛盾も指摘されていたことを明らかにした。また、先行研究における史料解釈にも問題点が存在するものがあることが明らかになった。 次に第二章では、中世の検断の実態を確認し、訴えと検断との関係について、史料に即して検討し以下の事を明らかにした。まず、中世にあっては、様々な権力主体が、権利・利権として検断を行っており、それゆえに不当・過酷な検断が横行していた。これに対し、鎌倉時代中期以降、検断の執行を訴えがあった場合に制限しようとする動きが生じてくる。この動きは、撫民法として幕府や荘園領主にも採用され、地域社会レベルでの検断に規制が加えられていった。一方、悪党問題の発生にともない、特に幕府では、一定の形式と手続きの下、訴え無き検断の正当化が進められた。地域社会レベルでは訴え無き検断の制限が行われる一方、幕府や荘園領主レベルでは訴え無き検断の正当化が進められていったのである。 そして第三章では、「獄前死人、無レ訴者、無二検断一」という言葉が記された訴訟の経緯を確認し、この言葉が発せられた意図と、その意味内容を明らかにした。この言葉は、東寺の執行職をめぐる至徳二年の訴訟の中で発せられた。それは、訴訟の争点となった殺害について、検断の結果、その犯人は明らかになったという主張を否定するために発せられた言葉であった。よって、この言葉は「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われてはならない」と、訴え無き検断を否定・拒否する意味と解釈すべきである。 中世にあっては、様々な権力主体が、権利・利権として検断を行っていたため、不当・過酷な検断が横行していた。これに対し、鎌倉時代中期以降、検断を訴えがあった場合のみに制限しようとする動きが生じ、地域社会レベルでは訴え無き検断の制限が行われる一方、幕府や荘園領主レベルでは訴え無き検断の正当化が進められていった。訴えと検断をめぐるこのような状況と、「獄前死人、無レ訴者、無二検断一」という言葉が発せられた経緯を踏まえるならば、この法諺は「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われてはならない」と、訴え無き検断を否定・拒否する意味で解釈するべきである。そして、このように解釈することによって、この法諺は中世社会の検断の実態の中で、整合的に理解し、位置づけることができる。

著者

クラーマー スベン

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.8, pp.54-76, 2017 (Released:2018-10-20)

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1953年10月から実施された「昭和の大合併」は日本の第2次大規模市町村合併政策である。それは各都道府県の市町村を対象にし、市町村の数を3分の1に減らすという目標で実施された。主な目的は戦後の地方行政団体(兼自治体)の財政危機の解決だとされている。この「昭和の大合併」において以前には存在していなかった新しい市が数多く誕生した。その中では奈良県天理市が注目すべき事例である。 天理市は1954年4月1日に発足した。その前身町村は山辺郡丹波市町、同郡二階堂村、同郡朝和村、同郡福住村、磯城郡柳本町、添上郡櫟本町である。「天理」という市名の由来は新宗教団体の天理教である。天理教は1838年に発祥し、その本部は教祖中山みきの故郷である丹波市町の三島地区にある。天理教は19世紀末から丹波市町の発展に貢献し、天理教の巡礼などが町の経済発展を支えてきた。「昭和の大合併」の際、新市を天理教にちなもうとしたのである。 『改訂天理市史』は天理市を誕生させた合併について詳しく説明せず、問題点がなかったかのように協議の要点と市の発足だけ述べている。しかし、現地の行政資料と新聞記事を確認すると、天理市の発足を危うくするほどの問題点があったことが分かる。具体的には二階堂村と櫟本町が一時的に天理市合併に参加しない方針を示し、さらに「天理市」という名称を採用するために天理教の許可が必要であったが、合併協議会の議論でこの許可が下りるかについては、確実ではなかった。本論は以上の問題点とその解決を説明した上、天理教の役割について検討し、「昭和の大合併」中の天理市合併の意味について考察する。先行研究において宗教は合併に対して大きな要因として扱われていないが、天理市の事例が示すよう、場合によって宗教が重要な役割を果たせる。

著者

遠藤 慶太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.10, pp.55-76, 2020 (Released:2021-12-01)

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六世紀に即位した継体天皇は、応神天皇五世孫とされる出自、近江・越前と推測される政治基盤といった特徴から、関心の集まる古代天皇(大王)である。 継体天皇への着目は、近代では『日本書紀』の紀年論からスタートし、皇室内部の並立を想定する学説や陵墓の比定問題へと展開していった。これらの学説は戦後の古代史・考古学にも強い影響を与え、継体・欽明朝の内乱説や三王朝交替説などの議論をもたらしている。 その一方で継体天皇は、明治期の皇室典範制定において注目されたことも重要である。典範草案の起草者・井上毅は、天皇の正当性を支えるものを血統、すなわち「万世一系ノ天皇」(A line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal)に求めた。そのときに傍系10親等から即位した継体天皇の位置づけは、皇室典範が起草された当時の現実の課題なのであった。 歴史のなかで過去の天皇がどのように認識されていたのか、また天皇のイメージはどのような史料に依拠してきたのか。このことを考えるうえで、継体天皇をめぐる議論そのものが研究の題材となりうるだろう。 本論では、まず六世紀の王権のありかたから新しい王統とされる継体天皇の記事を再検討し、治世の重複を父子での共同統治として理解する仮説を提示した。続いて『神皇正統記』の記述をとりあげ、この段階で皇位の継承に神意をみる新たな視点が導入されたこと、それが継体天皇を思慕する越前の女性を題材とした謡曲「花筐(はながたみ)」や『椿葉記』で主張された崇光流での歴史叙述に反映されたことを論じる。 このように継体天皇のイメージは『古事記』『日本書紀』のような歴史叙述を枠組み(共通の認識)としながらも、大胆な読み替えや豊かな着想によって再構築され、時代ごとの要請に応じてさらなるイメージが築きあげられてきた。皇位継承の危機ではたびたび六世紀の「史実」が持ち出され、時には十九世紀の越前のように、国学者の実証研究を地域の側で受けいれ、地域の歴史像を確認する動きがみられたのである。 継体天皇像は受け手によって変容・増殖してきたのであって、それはイメージの運動とでも評しうる。系譜の実証研究が記念碑の建立として史跡を保証する機能を果たしていることをみれば、近代以降の歴史学もふくめてイメージの運動に関与しているといえるのではないか。また蓄積された「歴史」を資源として、地域や時代の要望に応じて柔軟に解釈・引用されることで、天皇のイメージは実感をともなって浸透・再生産されるのであろう。

著者

勝俣 鎭夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.2, pp.172-189,277-27, 1983-02-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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In this essay, the author attempts to reply to the criticism levelled at him by Mr.Araki Moriaki in a recent article entitled "The Land Survey by the Sengoku Daimyo (戦国大名) and the Sakuai (作合) (Subletting Rent)" (see Shigaku Zasshi, Vol XC, No 8: Aug. 1981). In that article, Mr.Araki judged as empirically unprovable the key point to the author's Sengoku daimyo land survey theory (see Katsumata Shizuo 勝俣鎭夫, Sengoku-ho Seiritsu-shiron 戦国法成立史論) which states that the fundamental principle underlying said surveys was to negate tax unit managers' rights under the previous shoen (荘園) system to reap supplementary land rent income and incorporate such income into a system of monetary evaluation of land yields (kandaka-sei 貫高制). That is to say, as opposed to the author's schema which equates tax additions gained by land surveying (kenchi mashibun 検地増分) tax unit manager appropriation of supplementary land rents tax unit field management income, Mr.Araki attempts to resurrect his outdated formula which equates gains by surveying tax unit management income "off the record" fields (onden 隠田) hidden from the shoen tax system. In the present essay, the author, after investigating Mr.Araki's own empirical evidence, makes clear the impossibility of proving the existence of such a formula. Howeverr Mr.Araki is mistaken not only because of the low level of his empirical proof, but mainly because he ignores the great historical significance which lay in the Sengoku daimyos' method of "on paper" surveying (sashi-dashi kenchi 指出検地) in favor of "field" surveys (joryo kenchi 丈量検地), which, he purports, were carried out in order to discover previously concealed taxable land. Moreover, because it is now possible to conceive of Hideyoshi's cadastres (Taiko Kenchi 太閤検地), which were fundamentally "on paper" surveys, as having adopted the Sengoku daimyos' method for carrying out their own land surveys -that is, as a grand finale to the surveying done by those feudal powers -the time has finally come for a radical re-investigation of the long established explanation proposed by Mr.Araki concerning the origins of Taiko Kenchi.

著者

島津 毅

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.8, pp.1-36, 2016 (Released:2018-10-10)

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中世京都では清水坂非人集団の奉行衆(ぶぎようしゆう)(以下、坂と記す)が京中の葬送を統轄していたと、これまでの研究では理解されてきた。そして坂が葬送を統轄するまでの経過は、次のように説明される。 ①十三世紀末、清水坂非人(以下、坂非人(さかひにん)と記す)は、葬送を担った対価として、葬場へ持ち込まれた諸道具類を没収する権利を持っていた。 ②十四世紀中頃、坂は京中の葬送を統轄しており、十五世紀、坂は京中の寺家(じけ)に免(めん)輿(よ)と言って三(さん)昧(まい)輿(こし)使用の免許を与え、寺家が独自に葬送を行える権限を与え得る存在であった。 以上のような理解は、現在も通説として用いられているが、少なくとも二つの問題を抱えていた。一つは坂非人が葬送で諸道具類を取得し得た権利の由来が解明されていないこと、二つに、中世後期における坂の権益が獲得された経緯や背景が解明されていないことである。そこで、本稿はこれら問題を解明するために検討を進め、次のようなことが明らかになった。 (1)少なくとも十世紀初め頃の葬送から行われていた、葬場での輿や調度品等の上(あげ)物(もの)を焼却する儀礼が十三世紀前半頃に廃れてゆき、代わって坂非人が上物を乞場(こつば)であった鳥(とり)辺(べ)野(の)で非人施行(せぎよう)の一環として受けるようになる。 (2)十三世紀後半、坂は鳥辺野を「縄張り」として支配権を強め、葬地へもたらされた「具足」を当然に取得できる権益として確立する。 (3)十五世紀頃、寺家の常住輿使用による葬送に坂が対処した結果、坂の得分が現物輿の取得から免輿措置としての金銭取得に変化する。 (4)十五世紀以降、寺家による境内墓地創設への対処として、坂は鳥辺野での既得権益を梃子として、鳥辺野以外の葬地における葬送へも輿をはじめとする葬具の使用料などを取得するようになる。 以上のように坂の得分の実態は、中世後期における葬送墓制の変化に対して、乞場・鳥辺野で得られなくなる輿等の葬具に対する補償を求めた坂の措置に過ぎなかった。