著者

船田 善之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.11, pp.1900-1910, 2004-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

堤 一昭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2154, 1998-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

永原 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.10, pp.1760-1761, 1988-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

萩原 守

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.12, pp.1939-1976,2073-, 1988-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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A great deal of research has been done on the legal system in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. But most of it is concerned with interpreting the Mongol Code (meng gu li 蒙古例) enacted by the Ch'ing government and tries to understand the judicial system in Mongolia in that way. There is no research which utilizes any actual judicial precedents. So there has been no way to see, except by speculation, (1)which code was actually effective, (2)how judgment was actually achieved, or (3)how leagues (cirulran) and banners (qosiru) actually functioned as judicial organs. In this paper the author collects and analyzes materials on judicial precedents in order to determine the actual process of the judicial system. He uses a collection of official documents (dang an 〓案) written in Mongolian. It was transcribed into the Cyrillic alphabet, titled as The oppression of Mongolian females in the period of the Manju invaders, and published at Ulan-bator in 1958. He also uses some other official documents photoengraved and introduced by K.Sagaster. The second chapter of The oppression of Mongolian females contains three documents exchanged between banners and leagues concerning an attempted murder which occurred in the left-wing-right-end (zuo yi you mo 左翼右末) banner of the Han-uul league in the Halha region. Looking at them, we can see the actual process of judgment. The outline of this incident is as follows. Two brothers stole three horses from a tayiji, but the bannerhead (jasar) ignored the Mongol Code and judged them by himself without reporting to his superiors. A daughter of the younger brother was given illegally to the tayiji in return for the stolen three horses and became a slave of the banner-head afterwards. Six years later she attempted to murder the banner-head and his wife, after she was incited by a man who had a grudge against the banner-head. The banner court of law sat again. Because she disclosed the illegal action of the banner-head in the second court of the league, the incident involved the banner-head himself and was reported to the emperor Qianlong (乾隆) by way of the minister dealing with the affairs in Huree (ku lun ban shi da chen 庫倫辧事大臣) and the board of foreign affairs (li fan yuan 理藩院). Finally the banner-head was deposed because of his illegal procedure and failure to report to his superiors, while the daughter was exiled to Canton, and the principal offender of the theft, her uncle, was sent to Hunan or Fukien. From these incidents, we can point out many legal facts which have not yet been appreciated. The first significant fact is the positive proof that the Mongol Code was applied in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. And the second is the major principle that the Penal Code (xing lu・xing li 刑律・刑例) of the Ch'ing Code (da qing lu li 大清律例) was to be applied if there were no appropriate regulations in the Mongol Code. We can also bring out some other valuable facts : (1)the requirement that serious criminal cases had to be reported from banners to leagues and then to the board of foreign affairs, (2)the actual conditions at each level in which courts sat and the decisions were made and (3)the process of transporting criminals and witnesses from banners to leagues and then to Huree.

著者

新井 政美

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.467-509,583-58, 1984-04-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Unlike most of West European nation-states, the nationalism of non-Western countries, as Hans Kohn put it with a clear insight, "grew in protest and in conflict with the existing state pattern". Such conflict between the political integration of an existing state and the national integration of a rising nationality also existed in Turkish nationalism. There were two groups of people who supported Turkish nationalism : the Ottoman Turks who were rulers of the Ottoman Empire, and Turkic peoples under Russian rule. The most urgent problem for the latter was to free themselves from the czarist rule. On the other hand, as long as the Ottoman Empire existed, preserving the political integration of the Empire should be the most important consideration for the rulers. Now, one of the distinctive characters of Turkish nationalism becomes clear ; it was a nationalism that purgued two different interests : interests of the state (political integration) and those of nation (national integration). These two interests were not in complete accord. Consequently, the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish nation must be regarded as the keys to analysis of Turkish nationalism. We have to examine the formation and development of nationalist movements both inside and outside the Ottoman Empire, making a comparison among them. In this paper, I will analyze the Genc Kalemler (Young Pens), a nationalist periodical published in Salonica, and the first center of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism after the 1908 revolution. Nationalists who issued this periodical stuck to the political integration of the Ottoman state. They regarded it as more urgent than the national integration of the Turkish nation. Then, how should we interpret such characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism? Political integration requires a center of power which becomes its nucleus. All the people in the territory, the object of the integration, are united under this power. It was the Ottoman Turks who were expected to become the nucleus for reconstructing the Ottoman state. If they discovered their national identity as Turks, which had been lost for a long time, the political integration of the state would be facilitated. Our next theme is how the characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism, the idea of the leaders of the Genc Kalemler, appeared in the Turk Dernegi (Turkish Association) and the Turk Yurdu (Turkish Homeland). These organizations were mainly supported by the Turks from Russia. We must analyze them in our next paper.

著者

加藤 博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.1, pp.103-104, 1983-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

村上 淳一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.4, pp.487-493, 1981-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

木谷 勤

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.12, pp.1748-1755, 1977-12-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

肥前 栄一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.1, pp.102-107, 1978-01-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

矢田 俊隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.317-325, 1977-03-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

小寺 敦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.9, pp.1532-1555, 2005

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The Shijing 詩経, the ancient Chinese classic dealing with poetry, contains many verses ranging from popular songs to those sung by aristocrats at their feasts, indicating at what stage poetry was in at the time, what functions it performed, as well as how the Shijing itself came into existence and was compiled. Consequently, the actual places where the verses of the Shijing were recited as related in the historical accounts of the Zuozhuan 左伝 and the Guoyu 国語 were mainly confined to gatherings in the broad sense, including banquets, alliance negotiations, swearing in rituals, conversation, joint military action, etc. It is also clear that very important venues for poetry were communal ceremonies of both a religious and formal nature. According to the fables about how poetry was composed, the place where the Shijing itself was compiled was one of these ceremonial venues, closely related to where the kings of the Western Zhou would bestow bronze implements on their retainers as a symbol of their superordinate-subordinate relationship. During the Western Zhou period, marked by an era of city-states, the Shijing was composed of the oral tradition of musicians, when the Zhou kings dominated the rest of China in both knowledge and technology. However, after the move east by the Zhou, its intellectual monopoly ended as the knowledge and technology was disseminated far and wide by those same musicians to the other states, which soon adopted the ruling methods of the Western Zhou kings. From the last decades of the Spring and Autumn Period, regional rule progressed to the extent of governments with literate bureaucrats carrying on administration by documentation, and due to the fact that the Shijing had been utilized by the Western Zhou Dynasty and the other lords of the Spring and Autumn period, it came to play a valuable political role in legitimizing kingship during the following era characterized by rebellion and usurpation. It was also a time when the Shijing itself went through a transition from oral to written from, as the knowledge of it demonstrated by the followers of Confucius spread throughout the strata of would-be bureaucrats. It was under such a situation, as indicated by the archeological evidence, that during the Warring States Period, the Shijing became one of the ancient classics and changed along with Chinese society as a whole in the transition from the Zhou and Spring and Autumn Period to the world of the Qin and Han Dynasties.

著者

上田 純一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.3, pp.421, 2012-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

上田 純一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.3, 2012

著者

木下 龍馬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.1, pp.1-35, 2019

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鎌倉幕府裁判研究では、訴状を取り次ぐ挙状と、有利な判決を求める口入はまったく別物として扱われてきた。しかし、近年の院政期裁判研究において、裁判像そのものの見直しが進み、挙状や口入などが同じく働きかけ(権限に基づく命令とは異なる要請)として捉えられるようになった。本稿はこの動向を踏まえ、口入的要素(挙状、口入、申入など)から幕府裁判を再考する。<br>第1章の主要な検討対象である本所挙状は、本所被管の訴を幕府に取り次ぐ文書である。初期の鎌倉幕府は、これらの訴に応じ、さしたる審理をせず武家被管を処分していた。つまり、本所挙状の要請の程度は強く、命令に近いものだった。しかし、承久の乱や御成敗式目制定を経た中期になると、本所側と武家被管側を問答対決させ、理非を判断するようになり、武家被管が勝訴する確率は上がった。本所挙状の効力は低下し、訴を幕府に伝達する役割に近くなっていく。<br>第2章の主要な検討対象である関東御口入は、鎌倉幕府が管轄していない事項(本所進止領や西国堺相論)について本所の審理・裁許を要請する行為である。関東御口入を行う文書は、関東挙状と呼ばれた。鎌倉中期までは、武家被管の訴状を幕府が本所に挙達し、本所が審理を行って裁許を下していた。関東挙状と本所挙状は鏡写しの関係にあった。しかし鎌倉後期になり、鎌倉幕府の実態的勢力が増大するにつれ、幕府からの要請の程度が強まり、本所の審理・裁許の自律性は失われた。すると幕府は、本所被管側と武家被管側を召出して、口入を行うべきかどうかの事前審理を行うようになった。<br>かくして、"武家への挙状"と"武家の挙状"は対照的な軌跡を描いたことを明らかにした。そして、直接命令せず口入を行う固有の領域を幕府が持ったことの意義を論じた。

著者

谷口 雄太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, pp.95-96, 2011-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

殷 晴

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.12, pp.1-38, 2018 (Released:2019-12-20)

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邸報(邸抄・京報・京抄とも呼ばれる)とは、宮廷の動静、皇帝の諭旨、大臣の上奏文を日ごとにまとめて掲載した小冊子である。清代の官僚と知識人、そして中国に滞在していた宣教師や外交官にとって、邸報による中央情報の共有は、社会情勢を把握するための重要な手段であった。 しかし、邸報が実際に如何なる過程を通じ、誰の手によって発行され、流通させられたかについては、不明な点が数多く残されている。本稿では邸報の発行と流通過程を解明し、この過程に見られる清朝中央情報の伝播のあり方を考察した。 『大清会典』における邸報についての規定は、実際には遵守されていなかった。諭旨と上奏文を集めて筆写したのは中央官庁に勤務する書吏であり、邸報の印刷も清朝の約三分の二の時期において、民間の商業出版者に委ねられていた。また、邸報の内容には諭旨と上奏文のみならず、王公の従者が私的に探った非公式の政治情報も含まれていた。中央政府は邸報による情報伝播に対し、内容の編集・審査も、印刷と配達用の資金の提供も行わず、誤報が摘発された際に関係者を処罰するという最小限の関与にとどめる姿勢を貫いていた。中央政府が政令を邸報を通じて積極的に公布しようとしたというよりも、むしろ、書吏と業者は地方官をはじめとする人々の中央情報への渇望に応じる形で、政府内部でやり取りされた情報から邸報という商品を作り出し、中央政府がそれを許容したのである。 19世紀末になると、情報発信に対し受け身の姿勢にとどまっていた清朝中央の従来の方針は、近代化の要請に対応できなくなった。こうした状況の下、中央政府は1907年に『政治官報』を発刊し、さらには1911年にそれを『内閣官報』と改称して、「法律、命令の公布機関」と位置づけた。邸報と近代的な官報とでは、政策意図の面でも、発行と流通の仕組みの面でも、根本的に異なると言える。

著者

有山 輝雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.414-415, 1990-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.7, pp.1312-1323, 1994-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

鹿毛 敏夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.2, pp.153-190, 2003-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The Otomo family (大友氏), which dominated a large part of northern Kyushu (九州) had a firm intention to trade in Southeast Asia. The Muromachi shogunate (室町幕府) ordered them to remit sulfur for export. Then Otomo Ujitoki managed two sulfur mines in the mountain district of Bungo (豊後). Otomo Chikayo expanded the mining business geographically, and built a big ship called the "Kasuga-maru (春日丸)". The Otomos dispatched trade ships to Korea, China, the Ryukyus (琉球), and several countries of Southeast Asia. In particular, Otomo Yoshishige and Ouchi Yoshinaga, who were brothers, dispatched a fleet to China for trade, but they were considered as smugglers by the government. They went to the coastal areas of the South China Sea, and traded with the merchants who passed through there.

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.1, pp.1-41,143-144, 1988-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Robespierre, s'il a souvent ete lie a la Terreur, fut aussi l'un des principaux organisateurs de la fete de l'Etre Supreme. Le but de cet article est d'examiner la pensee de Robespierre (surtout sa pensee en matiere de religion) ainsi que le contexte de l'epoque, de maniere a saisir pourquoi il fut a l'initiative de ce culte. 1.La pensee religieuse de Robespierre comporte deux aspects. (1)des principes invariants durant la periode revolutionnaire. (2)une evolution, fruit de sa propre experience personnelle. (1)Robespierre croyait en un "Dieu" transcendant. Mais il ne s'agit pas du Dieu tel qu'il est defini dans le dogme chretien. En effet, Robespierre tenait pour verite l'idee que l'homme dans l'etat de nature est fondamentalement bon. Ceci implique la negation du fondement dogmatique du christianisme puisque dans la pensee chretienne, c'est le Dieu Sauveur qui permet a l'homme de racheter son peche originel a condition que celui-ci fasse preuve de repentir et de foi. Mais la negation du peche originel pour Robespierre entraine des consequences : la corruption de l'homme est due au vice des institutions sociales si bien que les problemes moraux, - la regeneration des moeurs -peuvent etre resolus par une pratique politique de reforme des institutions de la societe. C'est dans un tel contexte ideologique que furent organisees et meme quasiment institutionnalisees les fetes nationales puis la fete de l'Etre Supreme. (2)Lors d'un voyage a Arras, sa ville d'origine, Robespierre eut l'occasion d'assister a une scene de miracle et c'est alors qu'il prit conscience du danger que representait "le pouvoir des pretres". Sur la question des rapports entre les pretres et le peuple ainsi que sur le probleme des cultes, Robespierre modifia sa vision des choses et son attitude s'en ressentit. Outre une politique repressive a l'egard des pretres seditieux, Robespierre proposa deux moyens pour attenuer l'influence politique du "pouvoir des pretres". D'abord, le maintien des cultes, eu egard a l'interet qu'y attachent les gens du peuple. Ensuite, l'education populaire comme moyen pour balayer "l'ignorance", c'est-a-dire l'etat ou les moeurs populaires ne coincident pas avec les principes du nouveau regime. Robespierre pensait que les fetes nationales en faisant appel a l'emotion d'un peuple analphabete constituaient un bon moyen pedagogique. Cependant, les fetes avaient elles memes un aspect ambigu et leur organisation etait liee a la maniere dont Robespierre concevait la situation generale. 2.Au debut de la dictature jacobine quand sevissait la Vendee, Robespierre s'opposait a la liberte des cultes et il n'etait pas question pour lui de fetes. Cette attitude changea partiellement lorsque des rapports commencerent a annoncer la defaite des Vendeens et quand le projet de Lepeletier fut rejete, c'est a dire vers la fin octobre, debut novembre 1793. Mais son changement reel d'attitude date du mouvement de dechristianisation. Pensant que la dechristianisation etait un piege tendu par l'ennemi pour reveiller les fanatismes en s'attaquant aux croyances ancrees dans le peuple, Robespierre non seulement se porta defenseur de la liberte des cultes mais craignant une provocation ennemie visant a diviser l'opinion francaise, il proposa l'organisation de fetes nationales qu'il considerait comme un moyen pour ressouder la societe. En outre, Robespierre qui estimait que la dechristianisation en bannissant Dieu, finirait par corrompre la morale publique, proclama l'existence d'un Dieu ou Etre Supreme, ceci devant permettre la regeneration des moeurs du peuple et le retablissement de la morale publique. C'est ainsi que fut decretee la fete en l'honneur de l'Etre Supreme.