著者

古賀 康士

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.1, pp.42-68, 2016

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本稿の課題は、近世初期細川小倉藩の鋳銭事業の全体像を再構成し、その歴史的位置づけを明らかにすることである。小倉藩による鋳銭事業は短期間で頓挫したものの、幕府の寛永通宝の導入に先立つ大名領主の本格的な銭貨鋳造として、早くからその歴史的意義が注目されてきた。だが、既存の研究では新銭の流通開始直後に現れる「にせ銭」と不良銭の撰銭の問題などを始め、鋳銭事業の全体像はなお未解明であった。そこで本稿では、(一)新銭の鋳銭体制の復原、(二)新銭を含む銭貨の流通形態の解明、(三)新銭のベトナム輸出の実態分析という三つの分析課題につき検討した。<br>第一の新銭の鋳銭体制については、複数の銭屋による競争的な請負制が明らかとなった。銭屋の操業は分業による一元化がなされず、各自の採算性に基づいて鋳銭が行われた。そこでは新銭の競売による価格圧力も存在したため、低品質な銭貨が大量生産され、不良銭の撰銭現象が惹起した。これに対応し、小倉藩は新銭一貫文=銀五匁とする公定の固定相場制を導入し、価格競争的な鋳銭体制を修正した。<br>第二の新銭の流通形態については、流通開始直後の「にせ銭」の問題から、小倉藩が新銭を公式の銭貨とする専一流通策を採用したこと、また近世初頭の中国西部・九州北部において、新銭と同等ないしそれ以下の低品質な銭貨が地域的貨幣として広く鋳造・流通したことを導出した。<br>第三の新銭のベトナム輸出に関しては、ベトナム輸出の可能性が鋳銭事業の廃止を小倉藩に決定させる主要因となったことを示した。また日本では低品質な銭貨として位置づけられた新銭も、ベトナムでは精銭範疇に属する「大銭」として認識されたことが確認された。<br>以上の結論からは、寛永通宝の「銭座」体制の歴史的前提となる鋳銭体制の組織面・経営面での革新や初期藩札との貨幣政策上の類似性といった問題が新たな課題として示唆された。

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.2, pp.212-235, 2003-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Historians seem to regard the institution of the Caliphate as one of the most important problems in the Islamic political history. Even after the dissolution of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, that institution was still the main source of power and legitimacy, as seen in the Mamluk and Ottoman dynasties. It is generally understood that in the mid-ninth century when the amir al-umara' took over temporal power from the 'Abbasid Caliph, the Caliphate was reduced to a mere political symbol, granting legitimacy to the provincial regimes that were rising in various places at that time. A critical re-examination of the political relationships among the Buwayhid rulers and between the Caliph and the Buwayhid rulers, however, reveals that authorization by the 'Abbasid Caliph came not always into effect as the root of their legitimacy. In the earlier period, Buwayhid rulers were amirs appointed by the Caliph as his provincial officers. Acquiring the riyasa, which was the leadership of the Buwayhid family, became more important in claiming legitimacy after the struggle for power within that family. As a result, 'Adud al-Dawla, having won the riyasa of Buwayhid family, was no longer an amir appointed by the Caliph, but established himself as a "malik", meaning the holder of "mulk (sovereignty)", which did not originate from the 'Abbasid Caliphate. Judging from the above, the authority of the Caliphate as a political symbol was not always absolute, but rather was one of the several resources by which provincial regimes could legitimize their domination. So, when studying the development of political institutions after the emergence of the Saljuqid dynasty, must take the existence of malik and mulk into consideration.

著者

村井 章介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.411-453,552-55, 1978-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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The machinery which the Kamakura Bakufu set up in Kyushu to govern a large area has been much studied from the point of view of institutional history, with priority given to its judicial aspect. In the present article, attention is given to two aspects which have been largely overlooked, namely, its close relationship with the office of county shugo 守護 (Protector) in Kyushu, and its connection with the "tokusei" (徳政 : political innovation), especially the protection of the estates of Shinto shrines. As to the first point, at least eleven counties saw their shugo replaced at the same time towards the end of 1275. This reshuffle formed part of the plan for a counter-attack on Ko-ryo, which had been used by the Yuan as a base for their invasion of Japan. In the reshuffle, the arrival in Kyushu of Kanesawa Sanemasa 金沢実政 as deputy for the shugo of the county of Buzen 豊前 was the starting-point of the political process leading to the establishment of the office of Chinzei-tandai 鎮西探題. There followed the arrival of Hojo Tokisada 北条時貞 as shugo of Hizen 肥前 in 1281 and the exercise of military power over the whole of Kyushu by Hojo Kanetoki 北条兼時, who was appointed shugo of Higo 肥後 in 1293. These appointments were made directly in response to the external tension caused by the Mongol invasion, and resulted in the extension of the influence of the Hojo clan. This process reached its peak when in a short space of time the offices of shugo of four counties, Hizen, Higo, Buzen and Osumi 大隅, were monopolized by Kanesawa Sanemasa, who returned to Kyushu as Chinzei-tandai in 1296, and his close relatives. The development of regional power, pointing to the future territorial government system under the shugo, had already begun. As for the second point, the Tokuso (得宗 : head of the Hojo clan) government, which dominated the Kamakura Bakufu, framed a series of policies called Koan-tokusei 弘安徳政 in 1284 after the Mongol invasion. These policies were an attempt to elevate the Bakufu into a central power ruling over the whole of Japan by having the Bakufu decide cases concerning the land-tenure problems of shrine estates and by organizing the people under the control of manor lords into a new feudal hierarchy. The policies were, however, upset by a coup-d'etat in November 1285 in which the leader of the innovatory movement, Adachi Yasumori 安達泰盛, was killed. What the post-coup Tokuso government inherited from the Koan-tokusei and developed still further was a policy of almost blind protection of the Shinto shrines. Although the Tokuso government was prematurely possessed of several characteristics of the Muromachi Bakufu, it did not attempt to reform the shogun-gokenin (将軍-御家人 : lord-vassal) relationship which was the institutional backbone of the Kamakura Bakufu. Lacking any legitimate claim to exercise domination over the gokenin, it sought to enhance its power by obtaining a huge material base. But this was only to estrange the vassals and to intensify the isolation of the government. The Tokuso government even feared that the Kanesawa family, which belonged to the Hojo clan, might extend its influence in Kyushu, and a step was taken to check the process by which the Kanesawa were becoming a territorial power. In this way, the government could not avoid continually giving rise to its own critics and opponents, and so it deepened its reliance on divine protection in order to escape from the sense of isolation.

著者

安部 聡一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.10, pp.1591-1620,1732-, 2002-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In order to find a clue to a new understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin 魏晋,the author reex-amines descriptions of Dang Gu 党錮,the oppression of the members of the so-called "faction" in the last decades of the Eastern Han Dynasty. This is based on the difference between the Eastern Han and the Wei-Jin, to which some scholars have already called attention, and what the author examined in previous papers on the transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions from Dong Guan Han Ji 『東觀漢記』 to Fan Hua 范曄's Hou Han Shu 『後漢書』 , via Xie Cheng 謝承's Hou Han Shu and six other Hou Han Shu, influenced by the consciousness and understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin. That oppression has been an important point in the research on the historical development from the late Eastern Han to the Wei-Jin and the formation of aristocratic social institutions during that period. In particular, the research of KAWAKATSU Yoshio 川勝義雄 has had a great deal of influence. KAWAKATSU argues that the so-called "upright-literati" 清流士大夫, which took the lead in the so-called "upright-group" 清流勢力, which was the origin of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin, was organized autonomously into a pyramidal system of assessing persons 郷論関節の重層構造. His argument is principally based on the "ranking" personages 名士の「番付」, which is described in Dang Gu Lie Zhuan 党錮列伝 of Fan Hua's Hou Han Shu. However, reexamining the description of that "ranking" process with the above-mentioned transfiguration of Eastern Han-related descriptions in mind, it is obvious that on the one hand, the title in the Zhang Jian 張儉's group must have really existed in the period of Dang Gu, but on the other, the "ranking" personages in the world 天下名士の「番付」 and titles in this "ranking", such as San Jun 三君 and Ba Jun 八俊, must have appeared between the Western Jin to the Eastern Jin Dynasties. This means that the "ranking" personages in the world based on the understanding of the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty in the Wei-Jin, therefore, cannot overrate the relationship of literati 士大夫 in the period of Dang Gu. This brings up the subjects of local powerful families, and Wang Fa 王法, the idea of rule which spread from the center to the local level, the provinces Jun 郡 in which the rule of Wang Fa appeared, and, moreover, reconsidering various subjects of the formation of aristocratic institutions from the view of the relation between local powerful families and the Wang Fa. This also brings up the subjects of the self-identification of the aristocracy in the Wei-Jin and the legitimacy of these dynasties, through the way in which these descriptions were made. These points need to be investigated when researching in the history of the Eastern Han Dynasty and the Wei-Jin in the future.

著者

大葉 昇一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.7, pp.1135-1172,1286-, 1986-07-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Chinghis khan reorganized his troops in accordance with the decimal system in 1204 before he attacked the Naiman tribe. This formation was a military unit, but on the other hand, it was also an administrative unit. This system is called the Ch'ien-hu-zhi 千戸制, which has remained the standard system in the Mongol Empire since then. The features of this formation are a simple chain of command, a simple style of organization and ease of mobilization. It functioned very effectively. But this formation had irregular characteristics and various ploblems. For example, the chief of the Ch'ien-hu 千戸 (chiliarchs) posessed a Po-hu 百戸 (centurions) which was under his direct control. He held the post of the chief of the Po-hu concurrently. And the chief of the Po-hu posessed a Shi-hu 十戸 (decurions), which was under his direct control. He held the post of the chief of the Shi-hu concurrently. In these cases, we find the traces remaining of the body guard formation of clan faction organization. These cases do not describe the usual military formation of the Mongol empire. At least in the period of the Yuan dynasty, the hierarchy of officers was systematized bureaucratically and the officer's compentence was restricted reasonably. However, in the cace of the Shih-wei-ch'in-chun 侍衛親軍 (the imperial personal army), there was not a solitary commander who could lead the whole army in the bureaucratic system, in order to prevent an army clique from appearing. On the contrary, high officers of the central government were able to occupy the post of the solitary commander. It was too difficult to prevent men from concentrating power. They were the Mongolian and the Se-mu-ren 色目人 who stood on the basis of the Shih-wei-ch'in-chun. There are various explanations about the Ch'ien-hu. The correct explanation is that it was organized with one thousand hu 戸 (households), which were able to offer one thousand soldiers. In Mongol, the general idea of hu was that it was a kinship group, each such group with one manhood was counted as one hu, whose man was destined to be a soldier. A group with two soldiers was counted as too hu, and so on. Therefore, every hu had only one male member who should be a soldier. In Mongol it was the social custom that they counted the number of hu this way. The Ch'ien-hu was the military and administrative unit organized with one thousand hu each of which offered one soldier. However the number of members or hu was not mathematically strict. The Yuan dynasty used the system of Ch'ien-hu when it organized the Chinese into the Han-chun 漢軍. But the households of Han-chun could not stand the military economic burden. Therefore, the Yuan dynasty had to allow military households, which could not offer a soldier, to mainly bear military expenses. Consequently, the capacity for mobilization did not correspond to the fixed numbers in accordance with the decimal system. This difference resulted from the fact that the military formation of the nomadic society was applied without revision to the farming society. However, after the middle of the Yuan period, the formations of Han-chun were completed relatively, resulting in the military of the Mongols and the Se-mu-ren severely lacking in soldiers. This paper aims at describing the general idea of the military formation of the Mongol empire and the Yuan dynasty and how to solve it's structural deficiencies from the viewpoint of both the chain of command system and the style of organization.

著者

池上 俊一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2160, 1998-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

渡辺 滋

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.64-89, 2014

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This article examines the early stages of the widespread acceptance and use in Japan of a new indicator of ranked status in the attachment of the prefix "yomei" 揚名 to the names of bureaucratic posts, a practice that is first seen in 10th century. The author takes up the actual case of attaching the prefix yomei to the post of provincial governor (kokushi 国司), clarifying its origins and historical development. Yomei-kokushi was used in the case of appointees who were considered to be of equal rank to a provincial governor, but were not entrusted with the actual duties of the post. Beginning with their appearance in the mid-Heian period, there is no doubt that the earliest yomei-prefixed appointments included neither official duties nor salaries. However, concerning the situation from the late Heian period on, the research to date diverges in opinion, leaving no solid conclusions. This state of affairs is what prompts the author to reexamine the related source materials from the period and in so doing finding three different definitions of "yomei", on of which consists of the prefix attached to the name of office and meaning, "an official title with no actual authority". The custom of attempting to obtain such a title began in the capital (Kinai 畿内) region during the 10th century, then spread to the outer provinces during the 11th century. The motives by which such a title was obtained were not only pecuniary through outright sale of the office, but also the desire on the part of patrons to bestow titles upon their subordinates for the purpose of strengthening ties of clientship. Up through the 11th century, the number of available yomei appointments was limited to less than the number of qualified applicants and involved a continuous turnover rate of from several months to a year. Later on, the title gradually decreased in value, until even yomei titles of low level local administrators became viewed as worthless. That being said, titles based on the bureaucracy defined by the ancient Ritsuryo legal codes, which by the beginning of the medieval period had long been empty of meaning, now became worth obtaining as expressions of ranked status throughout medieval society. The appearance of the title yomei-kokushi in the 10th century can therefore be placed within the context of symbols determining ways of thinking about how medieval Japanese society was supposed to function.

著者

後藤 裕加子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.6, pp.1152-1153, 1991-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

向井 伸哉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.10, pp.1-30, 2018 (Released:2019-10-20)

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本稿は、南仏ラングドック地方の中央に位置するベジエ市とその南九キロメートルに位置するヴァンドレス村を対象に、十四世紀後半の都市文書と村落文書を組み合わせ、都市=農村関係の政治的側面について解明を行う。 十四世紀後半、ベジエのエリート(都市自治体の役職経験者)は、①ベジエの国王役人、②一時的な司法的・行政的任務の遂行者、③国王税・地方税の徴税人、④ベジエのコンシュル(執政官=自治体代表)、⑤金貸し、村の所得税収・資産税収ならびに農作物の購入者、⑥個人的協力者・助言者、⑦自治体弁護士など、様々な資格・役割で村落共同体の前に現れる。 ①②の資格では村に対して司法・行政上の決定権を行使し、③⑤の資格では村に対して財政上の決定権や影響力を行使しつつ、金銭的援助や営利目的の投資を行い、④の資格ではヴァンドレスのコンシュルにある時は対等な関係で助力を与え、ある時は上位の立場からこれを指導し、⑥⑦の資格ではヴァンドレスのコンシュルに様々な助言・助力を与えた。職業の観点からすると、①②には大土地所有者と法曹、③⑤には実業家(商工業)が多く、⑦は法曹が占めている。 彼ら都市エリートは、ヴァンドレスのエリートに対して、経済的、学識的、政治的資本の所有という点で圧倒的優位に立っており、これらの資本を利用しながら、村を時に支配し、時に保護した。 十四世紀後半の過酷な戦争環境を生き延びる上で、たしかに村は外部からの軍事的保護を頼りにせず自衛機能を強化した。しかしながら、軍事以外の分野では卓越した経済的・学識的・政治的資本を有する都市エリートの保護を必要とした。領主制から王朝国家へと統治レジームが移行する一方で、戦争による治安悪化が常態化し外部権力からの軍事的保護が無効になった中世後期南フランスにおいて、村落の保護者の役割は、もはや領主ではなく、いまだ君主でもなく、他ならぬ地域首府の都市エリートによって担われたのだ。

著者

荒木田 岳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.8, pp.1430-1454,1548-, 1999-08-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The conventional research on the large / small administrative districting system of the Meiji period known as the daiku-shoku-sei 大区小区制 explains that the passage of the "Three New Acts" (sanshimpo 三新法 ; a new four-district system, rule for prefectural assemblies, and taxation guidelines) in 1878 was in direct response to various forms of nationwide resistance to the system's "bizarre" character. On the other hand, in the midst of increasing administrative problems after the abolition of the Tokugawa era fiefs and the establishment of prefectures, in addition to expanding administrative districts in the hope of governmental rationalization, a method allowing either "consolidation" or "alliance" of local villages and towns was being sought. While consolidation was being aggressively pursued in some prefectures, almost nothing was being done in others, thus causing much regional diversity. Therefore, the early Meiji era's local administration system has been characterized as "different depending on both time and place," resulting in an institutional history portrayed within both temporal and spatial discontinuity. In recent years, scholars have focused on villages and towns under this large / small districting system in terms of its continuity with the "Three New Acts" of 1878 ; however, the conventional methodology is incapable of explaining changes implemented in the Three New Acts regime after 1878. In the present article, the author searches for away of understanding the large / small districting system by building a systematic structure of its temporal and spatial differences, a methodology to examine the continuity of the two systems in question by focusing particularly on the administrative districts headed by kocho 戸長 under the large / small districting system and their counterparts under the Three New Acts regime. The main findings are as follows ; 1) the large / small districting system involved the "alliance" of towns and villages ; 2) "alliance" was convenient for implementing the new land tax system ; 3) however, under the system, " consolidation" was pursued to expand administrative jurisdiction ; 4) regional discrepancies in consolidation efforts led to regional diversity in terms of both scale and character ; 5) in order to eliminate such discrepancies, the Three New Acts established an administrative district headed by kocho to continue the "alliance" process ; 6) here lies the continuity before and after 1878 ; and 7) all of these events amounted to preparation for the establishment of "Allied Kocho Administered Districts" in 1884 and the large scale consolidation of towns and villages after the establishment of City, Town and Village Districts Law (shisei-chosonsei 市制町村制) in 1888.

著者

樋口 雄彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.3, pp.445-451, 2009

著者

山田 義顕

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.3, pp.455-456, 1992

著者

新免 康

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.12, pp.1973-2014,2129-, 1990

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Since the middle of the 18th century, Sinkiang (= Eastern Turkistan) had been ruled by Ch'ing Dynasty. After the Chinese Revolution in 1911, the Han Chinese rulers continued an administration which was an ossified version of the Imperial administration. The local Turkic-speaking Muslims rose against the Han Chinese rulers in 1931, and finally established a separate "Islamic Republic of Eastern Turkestan" at Kashgar in 1933. Their activities during this period have been treated as ancillary in the history of political events, or regarded as the result of the influence of the foreign ideologies. In this paper, the author attempts to clarify the actual situation of their activities in the Muslim rebellion in the early half of the 1930s by discussing the secret organizations which led the revolts, and to examine the character of the nationalism of the Turkic-speaking Muslims in Sinkiang. During the 1910s and 1920s, the Turkic-speaking bourgeoisie and progressive 'ulamas started and developed he reformist movements all around Sinkiang, which were blocked by the oppression of the Han Chinese officials and conservative 'ulamas. During the early half of the 1930s, at Turfan and Khotan the Muslims rose up in. rebellion to overthrow the Han Chinese authorities under the control of secret organizations formed by the bourgeoisie and progressive 'ulamas. At Turfan, the leaders of the revolt aimed to modernize Sinkiang and to protect it from the influence of U.S.S.R. However, they were defeated. On the other hand, at Khotan the secret organization played an important role in achieving its aim to sweep away the Han Chinese authorities through a "sacred war". The rebellion leaders, basing their nationalism on Eastern Turkistan, generally aimed to set their "motherland" (=Eastern Turkistan) free from the rule of the Han Chinese authorities, but their thought and activities concerning the formation of a separatist policy at that time varied according to differences in their understanding of the external situation. And it is important to note that the activities for establishing the independent state of the Turkic-speaking people and the proposal for provincial autonomy emerged from within these leaders. On the other hand, their inclination toward the reforms contained two forms. Their aim to modernize local society were partially sttemed from their feeling that they were being ruled by the uncivilized Han Chinese, which strengthened their desire to overthrow the Han Chinese authorities. But they found it difficult to actually carry out the reforms because of political fluctuations. In contrast, the reformist policy adopted by the new Khotan government established under the leadership of the 'ulamas after the successful rising had a tendency to strengthen the Islamic character of local Khotan society. However, such movements were frustrated when the "Islamic Republic of Eastern Turkestan" which was the fruit of the separatist activities of the Turkic-speaking Muslims was dismantled, and the rule of the warlord Sheng Shih-tsai was established in 1934.

著者

上島 有

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.11, pp.1829-1868,1936-, 1988-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Many attempts have been made to classify ancient and medieval documents written in Japanese. The method which best reflects the essential nature of the documents is classification according to the document style (様式). In Japan, the following document styles have been generally adopted : (1)Kushikiyo-monjo (公式様文書), (2)Kugeyo-monjo (公家様文書) and (3)Bukeyo-monjo (武家様文書). This method of classification corresponds to the three major political systems from ancient to medieval times, namely, (1)the Ritsuryo state (律令国家), (2)the aristocratic (Ocho) state (王朝国家) and (3)the warrior (Buke) political regime (武家政権). However, if we think of a particular document style as consisting of a common writing style (書式) and overall form, for example, not only do we find many differences between Kansenji (官宣旨) / Senji (宣旨) and Inzen (院宣) / Rinji (綸旨), which have been classified as Kugeyo-monjo (公家様文書), but we also fail to find any common features among these documents. The same is also true of documents classified under Bukeyo-monjo (武家様文書). Therefore, the author proposes that the following classification may be more. suitable : (1)Kushikiyo-monjo (公式様文書), (2)Kudashibumiyo-monjo (下文様文書) and (3)Shosatsuyo-monjo (書札様文書). The author attempts to confirm this point by investigating such aspects of writing style as (1)the sentence structure (文体), (2)the identification of the sender (差出書), (3)the name of the addressee (宛名), (4)the identification of official ranks (位署書) and (5)the method of signing the document (署名の仕方) ; such aspects of form as (6)the calligraphy style (書体), (7)how the paper is ornamented (紙面の飾り方), (8)the choice of paper type (料紙の使い方) and (9)how the sheets are pieced together (紙継目の固定の仕方) ; as well as such procedural practices as (10)the transmission of orders (遵行手続) and (11)rules for drafting the documents (書式作成手続規定). The classification proposed here corresponds to the division of the ancient and medieval state into (1)the Ritsuryo state (律令国家), (2)the early oligarchic (kenmon) state (前期権門国家) and (3)the later oligarchic state (後期権門国家).

著者

中田 美絵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.3, pp.322-347, 2006

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The Commission by the Tang court of the translation of the Renwang Sutra and conduction of related Buddhist ceremonies to the eminent monk Bukong (Skt Amoghavajra) in AD 765 during the reign of Emperor Daizong has heretofore been considered in the research as countermeasures taken by the court to deal with such national crises as the rebellion of Pugu Huaien, which occurred that same year. The translation project was carried by Bukong in conjunction with the eunuchs who had seized power after the rebellion of An Lushan in 755 and corresponds to the expansion of eunuch political influence from the inner court to the outer court. Therefore, we need to reconsider the meaning of such Buddhist activities in the context of Tang period political history. The inner court faction, which included the eunuchs, probably first made contact with Bukong before 765, when Empress Zhang and eunuch Li Fuguo began intervening in political affairs on the pretext to their contribution to the enthronement of Emperor Suzong in 756. This was also the time that they became interested in Buddhism and began forming alliances with such persons as Bukong, not out of any personal belief, but rather the need to legitimize their authority over the bureaucracy of the outer court. Later, during the last years of Suzong's reign, the eunuchs ousted the Empress and assumed the role of the official promoters of Buddhism at court. Then the Renwang Sutra translation and related Buddhist ceremonies are conducted under the cooperation of eunuch Yu Chaoen who inherited the authority of Li Fuguo and the monks led by Bukong in 765. Thereafter, in serving as the Gongde shi which conducts nation's Buddhism affairs, the eunuchs maintained connection with the monk's group, and obtained much more influence to politics. That is, the Renwang Sutra translation and the Buddhist ceremonies can be regarded as an decisive moment which gave the eunuchs an opportunity to advance to outer court.

著者

岡田 英弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.8, pp.1281-1287, 1981

著者

大高 広和

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.12, pp.1985-2018, 2013

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Since Ishimoda Sho's description of ancient Japan as a "small empire of eastern non-Han people," the Japanese ancient state has been widely understood as distinguishing entities not yet subjected by the state ("kegai" 化外) as either shoban 諸蕃 (i.e., kingdoms of the Korean peninsula) or iteki 夷狄 (not yet assimilated peoples settled on the archipelago, like the Emishi 蝦夷 on the northeastern periphery and the Hayato 隼人 on the southern periphery). That is to say, the distinction between to two categories it thought to have been clearly institutionalized in the Taiho Ritsuryo legal codes. The present article poses a challenge to the basis of such an understanding by means of a critical investigation of the "evidence" taken from the Ryo-no-shuge 令集解 commentaries on the codes and the differences between the Tang Dynasty and Japanese versions of the codes Consequently, the author argues that there is no basis for supposing a clear distinction between shoban and iteki, since the specific references made to the two terms in the Ritsuryo codes make no such fine distinction, but rather reflect the traditional Chinese idea of an empire made up of Han and non-Han peoples which was imbued in the Tang codes. While it is certain that by the content of the Taiho legal codes Japan's ancient state looked upon its periphery as kegai, there is no evidence of some intent to make any further refined legal or institutional distinctions among them. Upon examination of the various commentaries on the Ryo 令 civil codes and the official chronicles, the author finds the creation between the early 8th and the mid-9th century of a new perception in which the kingdoms of Korea were now considered as ban 蕃, and distinguished from both i 夷 and iteki. That being said, the perceptions of the ancient state regarding yet assimilated entities should rather be regarded more in the fluid terms of historically developing relations and individual opinions based on the current situation, instead of statutory regulations. When considering such factors as the unfolding of Japan's foreign relations up into the 9th century and the changes occurring in the periphery of the archipelago, any attempt at envisioning the structure of Japan's "small empire" based on such elements as "ban" and "i" discussed in legal commentaries is fraught with problems. In its Taiho Ritsuryo codes, the Japanese state merely adopted uncritically the conventional Chinese ideas contained in the Tang Dynasty's codes. Any later attempts to make distinctions between ban and i or any individual perceptions or responses to the existence of kegai all show clearly the limits to ancient Japan's "small empire" structure.

著者

高杉 洋平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.1, pp.36-60, 2013-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Following the Armistice which concluded the First World War, there occurred a strong international trend toward anti-militarism, and in Japan, as well, public opinion toward military downsizing gained traction. On the other hand, since Japan had not participated significantly in the actual fighting during the War, the Army's equipment was now utterly outdated in comparison with the armies of Europe and the United States, and a call arose for the modernization of the Armed Forces. Given these conditions, in 1925 Minister of War Ugaki Kazushige reduced the Army's strength by four infantry divisions and used the budget funding so released to modernize its equipment, thus accomplishing disarmament and modernization in one stroke. His political position was strengthened through this so-called "Ugaki Drawdown", and he was touted to be a promising candidate for Prime Minister. In 1925, returning to the post of minister of war in Hamaguchi Osachi's cabinet, Ugaki embarked on a second round of military reforms, which like his first arms reduction plan, aimed at disarmament combined with modernization. However, the plan ran aground after meeting fierce opposition from the General Staff, causing Ugaki to resign his position in the Cabinet. As to the question of why Ugaki's reform concept succeeded in the first arms reduction plan, but failed in the second, while the two plans have received considerable time and attention from researchers to date, they have focused mainly on each reform plan separately, and thus have had little success in clarifying the various factors which led to the success of one and the failure of the other. From this perspective, the author of the present paper compares the two reform plans on the basis of a sequential interrelationship, and attempts to clarify the various factors within and without the Army that destined each plan to success or failure, while examining the extent to which Ugaki and the General Staff were aware of those factors.

著者

森平 雅彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.2, pp.234-263, 2001

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In this paper the author discusses turγaγ, hostages sent to the Yuan court by the royal house of Koryo, as one of the institutions in political relationship between Koryo and Yuan. He focuses on the fact that turγaγ were members of kesig, the imperial bodyguards, and regards the kesig system appears the most significance in the turγaγ system. From 1271 until the middle of the fourteenth century, the royal house of Koryo continued to send turγaγ and make them participate in kesig. As a result, almost all the kings experienced kesig before their accession to the throne. The kesig system was important in unifyling the political ruling class that constitute the Mongol Empire, and organizing a foundation of imperial power. It worked as a hostage system restraining the political ruling class, and worked as a way to train these hostages to become members of the ruling class. A bodyguard's devotion was regarded as a merit to the emperor, and the status was regarded as an honorable privilege which received the emperor's faver. Such kesig functions and significance affected the royal house of Koryo, too, and the royal family took advantage of it. At that time, the kings of Koryo became imperial sons-in-law, and received high statusas feudal lords under the Yuan Empire. Participation in kesig was significant as motivation for such status.

著者

岡部 毅史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.5, pp.809-816, 2007-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)