著者

中塚 次郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.8, pp.1217-1256,1352-, 1980-08-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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En octubre de 1934 estallo la revolucion. Sobre todo los trabajadores en Asturias se levantaron con armas en mano, y, aunque por corto tiempo, mantuvieron el poder obrero llamado la Comuna Asturiana. Alli todas las organizaciones obreras habian participado en la Alianza Obrera. Pero la Alianza Obrera fue una organizacion provincial y con la disciplina floja. Por eso no pudo dirigir la preparacion ilegal para la insurreccion armada ni dar orden de empezarla. Aqui se ve un defecto de la Alianza Obrera que hubiera de ser el frente comun para la insurreccion. Por otro lado, al contrario, la C.N.T., el principio de la cual era el apoliticismo y federalismo, pudo tomar parte en la Alianza Obrera, porque fue la organizacion muy laxamente disciplinada. Por mediacion de la Alianza Obrera todas las organizaciones obreras participaron en la insurreccion. En la zona dominada por los revolucionarios se organizaron los comites locales que cargaron los trabajos militares, productores y sanitarios. Entonces desaparecio la Alianza Obrera que fue el organo. prerrevolucionario. El cambio de las organizaciones directivas, de la Alianza Obrera al comite local, muestra una forma de construir el poder obrero. Se podria decir que las organizaciones obreras provinciales en el periodo prerrevolucionario se desarticularon despues de formar el frente comun, la Alianza Obrera, y empezar la insurreccion, y que se reorganizaron en el nivel local para construir el poder obrero. Teniendo en cuenta las actividades de los revolucionarios que concentraron casi toda su fuerza en atacar Oviedo y que arrestaron y fusilaron a los guardias, los cleros y los directores industriales, la insurreccion fue condicionada por la conciencia no solo politica sino social de los trabajadores asturianos. La insurreccion asturiana de quince dias fue obligada a aislarse y derribarse por el fracaso de los movimientos en otras provincias. La revolucion de octubre en Espana tuvo dos apogeos en Cataluna y Asturias. Asi en Cataluna como en Asturias fueron los trabajadores que se batieron con armas. En este sentido la insurreccion en Asturias estuvo al alcance del movimiento obrero en Espana en el periodo de la Segunda Republica.

著者

北河 大次郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.12, pp.2060-2064, 2006-12-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

山口 瑞鳳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.11, pp.1707-1718, 1979-11-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

仁藤 智子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.12, pp.108-109, 1996-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

追塩 千尋

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.2, pp.251-258, 2012-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

高田 陽介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.1, pp.121-122, 2008-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

青山 吉信

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.10, pp.1371-1415,1490, 1976-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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It is generally known that, when Anglo-Saxon royal charters granted immunities to certain ecclesiastical or lay magnates, they usually reserved three obligations in the royal hands. These are service in the army (fyrd, expeditio), the maintenance of fortresses (burh-bot, arcis constructio) and the repair of bridges (bricg-bot, pontis emendatio). Though it Was not likely to be a generally accepted term in Saxon England, they have been collectively called 'trinoda (or trimoda) necessitas' by modern scholars. In 1914, in his classic thesis, W.H.Stevenson insisted that it was in the late eighth century that the reservation clauses first appeared in the genuine royal charters, but actually these three burdens had been imposed from remote past in spite of the silence of earlier charters. His view has been accepted for ages by most historians, but some scholars have recently begun to criticize him. E.John argues that burh-bot and bricg-bot had not been imposed on the ecclesiastical estates until the middle of eighth century, and fyrd not until late eighth century. N.Brooks offers that the date and the process of the imposition of these burdens may have varied in the different Heptarchic kingdoms. All these obligations are military in their essential character, so it should be emphasized that the successful enforcement of them was deeply connected with the development of royal authority in Anglo-Saxon England. In this paper I intend to examine the above-mentioned theories and then investigate the process of the imposition of burh-bot by Wessex kings in Saxon England after the middle of ninth century.

著者

藤原 良章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.11, pp.1701-1742,1854-, 1985-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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There has been a tendency among Japanese historians to slight the litigation system of the medieval imperial court resulting in, very few studies on being done this theme. Recently, however, several important aspects have become clear. First, in the latter half of the Kamakura period, both the Kamakura bakufu and the imperial court administered matters with benevolence, while pursuing a revival of the zasso system (雑訴の興行). Second, the Kamakura bakufu encouraged court nobles to handle independently legal matters related to the imperial court, a move which in turn helped to revitalize the imperial court. Based on these studies, the author believes that an investigation of the imperial litigation system is fundamental in grasping the political history of the late Kamakura period. In the present article, the author examines both the establishment of the legal institution teichu (direct petition from "within the garden") executed by the court nobility, and the role of functionaries (bugyo) within the framework of this institution. First, in the imperial litigation system, each functionary had his speciality and dealt exclusively with cases subsumed under that area (tanto bugyo-sei). This system was first established in the reign of ex-emperor GoSaga, who particularly endeavored to revive the practice of zasso, which was later codified in 1317. Considering the foregoing facts the author believes that the establishment of the tanto-bugyo system had great significance for the revival of zasso in the medieval imperial administration. This system, however, was defective in one important aspect. Functionaries' procrastination and negligence of their duties directly caused the delay of the litigation procedure. It was this defect which triggered the necessity of institutions such as teichu, where one could directly file petitions. Abundant examples indicate the dramatically increasing role of teichu as time progressed. By the beginning of the fourteenth century, upper-class court nobles including dainagon (chief councillors of state), and even emperors themselves served as judges. 'Negligence' on the part of bugyo, again, not only hastened the development of teichu, but also increased the significance of the institution. Taking these facts into consideration, the Teichu Shikijitus (the day of teichu) suggested that, if necessary, even emperors should execute jurisdiction to obtain sage judgement. This suggestion epitomizes the revival of the legal practice, zasso, which was greatly reinforced by the popularity of teichu. The imperial court legal institution, teichu which was first established in 1293 and was consistently developed and improved there after, could be, therefore, regarded as the zenith in the history of the zasso revival supported by the imperial court authority.

著者

伊藤 隆 佐々木 隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.467-492, 1978-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

神田 千里

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.11, pp.1654-1672,1745-, 1981-11-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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Why was the cult of ikko (一向宗) regarded by the ruling classes of the Sengoku period as a dangerous one related to rebellions? The purpose of this note is to throw some light upon this problem, which, despite the enormous accumulation of research on the cult, has not yet been sufficiently thought out. As the material for the study, the outbreak of ikko-ikki in Kaga Province (加賀国) in 1474 was chosen. To begin with, one can point out the following two features about this uprising: 1)it was a religious insurrection led by the Honganji-monto (本願寺門徒), the followers of the temple Honganji, in the province of Kaga, and was carried out under the slogan to overthrow the enemies of Buddhism; 2)it produced Honganji-monto organizations, called gun (郡), that dominated counties throughout the province. These are the facts which convinced the author of necessity to consider the religious sentiments of the Honganji-monto of Kaga. Former studies have stated that the ikko cult was merely another name and therefore identical to jodoshinshu (浄土真宗), or the pure land sect, of which Honganji was the head temple. These studies also state that ikko cult adherents, with the exception of some so-called "heretics," were jodoshinshu, believers. However, from the fact that the thought and behavior of these very "heretics" were not only in accord with the outlook of the ikko cult current at the time but also identical to the thought and behavior of the rebels in Kaga, the author concludes that the ikko cult must be thought of as being different from the jodoshinshu sect, and that the Honganji-monto of Kaga professed themselves to be believers not in the latter sect, but in the former, which was truly a rebellious cult. So far as can be judged from available sources, ikko cult missionaries included lower class priests, pilgrim ascetics (山伏) and sorcerers (陰陽師), all of whom, despite their "heretical" acts, were considered by Rennyo (蓮如), the chief priest of Honganji, to be ideological disciples of Shinran (親鸞), who formulated the pure land thought.

著者

神田 千里

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.1, pp.66-73, 2010-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

松岡 進

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.9, pp.1622-1623, 1990-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

渡邉 裕一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.1, pp.147-148, 2015-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐々木 真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.1105-1127,1180-, 1989-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Dans cet article, nous examinons les particularites de la milice royale et les rapports entre cette institution militaire novelle et la societe d'Ancien Regime. Etablie par l'ordonnance du 29 novembre 1688 pour augmenter les effectifs de l'armee et mettre un terme aux abus des "troupes reglees" qui constituaient jusqu'alors le noyau des forces militaires, la milice devait, a l'origine, etre temporaire. Des 1726, elle devient pourtant une institution permanente. Le recrutement des miliciens au sein des paroisses, la presentation des candidats officiers au Secretaire d'Etat a la guerre, ainsi que l'inspection de l'etat des troupes etaient places sous le controle des commissaires royaux : intendants de province et subdelegues, et ce, des le XVIII^e siecle. Vis a vis des troupes reglees qui, du fait du systeme de venalite des charges et du recrutement des soldats par contrat, constituaient une sorte de patrimoine des officiers, la milice qui trouvait son recrutement dans le service militaire formait un systeme beaucoup plus centralise. Mais il est vrai que la milice rencontrait partout des obstacles lies a la nature meme de la societe d'Ancien Regime. Les miliciens etaient recrutes dans les milieux populaires et les exempts etaient extremement nombreux, surtout parmi les privilegies. L'Ancien Regime, de par sa nature meme, ne pouvait mettre en place une milice egalitariste. La milice devint finalement impopulaire et ses effectifs etaient surtout composes de volontaires et de remplagants. Les deserteurs etaient legions. Pour resister a l'enrolement dans la milice, les appeles faisaient appel a la solidarite familiale, a celle de leur communaute, a l'appui des notables. Les communautes souvent payaient des remplacants pour eviter le depart de ses jeunes membres et les agents locaux souvent fermaient les yeux sur les volontaires et les remplacants. Le fonctionnement pratique de la milice montre le compomis qui se tisse entre pouvoir royal et societe civile bien plus qu'une penetration reelle de l'autorite monarchique dans la societe. Du fait de la resistance opposee au recrutement, la milice etait composee souvent de gens sans biens, sans etat, sans relations, c'est a dire souvent de ceux qui n'avaient guere de motivations et d'interet a la defense de la chose publique. De plus, la milice ne constituait pas une troupe faite pour la guerre a proprement parler. Comme force militaire de choc, la pouvoir royal devait toujours compter sur les troupes reglees. Pour que la milice se muat en armee moderne, il fallait un bouleversement des structures de l'Etat d'une part ainsi qu'une plus grande adhesion du corps social aux objectifs de l'Etat.

著者

千葉 拓真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.8, pp.1435-1458, 2012-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This aim of this article is to consider the workings of the late premodern Japanese state through an investigation of the elements of ranked status among the shoguns, emperors and shognate lord (daimyo 大名) and the cort noble (kuge 公家) families, using manuals of letter writing etiquette kept by the great feudal families (daimyoke 大名家). The standards for the aristocratsamurai ranked status order were complicated, involving both bureaucratic status and family pedigree among the aristocracy and bureaucratic status and stipends (kokudaka 石高) among the daimyo, in addition to the factors of each family's complex historical tradition, all of which determined a ranked order letter writing styles. The letter writing styles of the daimyo families were not only influenced by such factors as their position as "other families" (besides the shogunate and emperor) and the letter writing style of the shogunate itself, but also family pedigree and the social mobility that occurred in the kuge-daimyo ranked status order, which each family was constantly trying to improve. While the different styles of letter writing during the Enpo (1673-81) and Kyoho (1716-36) Eras were formed by ranking along the lines of a fixed emperor-shogun order, followed by a kuge-daimyo order, the standards for the ranking became more numerous and the system lacked uniformity, as the status distinctions between aristocrats and daimyo becoming gradually clearer, reflecting the present situation. However, at the same time the kuge-daimyo order came to possess to some extent a coordinated interrelationship. Although the period's kuge-daimyo ranked status order was an issue linked to the state, power structure, as well as political problems and foreign relations, the way in which it was supposed to work was by no means fixed or self-evident. In addition, the problems taken up in this article form an important starting point for examining the changes which occurred in the kuge-daimyo (kobu 公武) order during the Meiji Restoration and when taking up the cases of families other than the Maeda and Tsugaru Clans.

著者

旗手 瞳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.38-63, 2014-01-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

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This article focuses attention on the Mgar Family, which during the late 7th century monopolized power within the Tibetan Empire (吐蕃) after it rose up on the Tibetan Plateau and embarked on the conquest of the kingdom of Tuyuhun 吐谷渾, which was accomplished in 670. Specifically, the author analyzes 1) how the Mgars were involved in ruling Tuyuhun, 2) what policies the Tufan Empire enacted after its invasion of Tuyuhun and 3) how the purge of the Mgars in 698 influenced the way in which Tuyuhun would be ruled. With respect to objective 1), Mgar Stong rtsan acted as commander-in-chief of the Tuyuhun expedition between 659 and 666; and after his death in 667, military activities in the occupied areas of Tuyuhun were commanded by his sons Mgar Khri 'bring and ^*Mgar Btsan ba. Next, regarding objective 2), after the conquest, the Tibetan Empire enthroned its own king of Tuyuhun, while at the same time embarking on a proactive agenda aiming at taking full advantage of Tuyuhun as a base of operations for the invasion of Tang China. The author argues that in the Mgars played a leading role, similar to their military command, in the implementation of this agenda. Finally, concerning objective 3), as the result of the 698 purge, the Mgar Family, which had taken charge of the Tibetan agenda for Tuyuhun, was for all intents and purposes completely removed from power, and the incident also provided the Tuyuhun people with the opportunity for a large scale estrangement from the Tibetan Empire. Consequently, the author argues that a major crisis in Tibetan rule over Tuyuhun followed from the 698 purge. After the fall of the Mgar Family, the 'Bro, Dba's and Cog ro Families took control of the Tibetan Empire's central government; and during almost every year between 706 and 714 dispatched ministers appointed from among their family members to Tuyuhun, in addition to arranging the marriage of a Cog ro woman to the king. The author argues that through these diplomatic moves, the Tibetan Empire was able to reestablish relations of trust with Tuyuhun. Consequently, around 714 the Tibetan Empire was once again able to reopen its invasion of Tang China with Tuyuhun as its front line base of operations.

著者

板垣 邦子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.7, pp.1157-1158, 1981-07-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

渡邊 祥子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.7, pp.1302-1303, 2005-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

吉田 律人

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.6, pp.48-64, 2018 (Released:2019-06-20)

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本稿では、自衛隊法第83条で定められた災害派遣制度と、衛戍条例第9条で定められた災害出動制度の類似点に着目、軍事力の要請権者や部隊指揮官の権限に留意しつつ、戦前と戦後の法令を分析することで、災害に対する軍事組織の役割を検証した。今日、戦前、戦後ともに災害時の軍事組織の対応について研究の蓄積がなされているものの、第二次大戦の前後を通観した分析はなく、本稿の作業は自衛隊の対内的機能を解明していく上でも意味がある。具体的には、災害時の出動に関する法令を戦前と戦後の組織ごとに整理しながら制度の変遷を追った。 上記の作業から全体像を俯瞰すると、軍事組織としての戦前と戦後の連続性が浮かび上がってくる。戦前、陸海軍ともに地方官からの要請を基本としつつも、師団長や衛戍司令官、鎮守府司令長官や要港部司令官、艦隊司令長官の判断で出動できたほか、連隊長や艦艇長も災害に直面した場合は臨機応変な対応が可能であった。しかし、関東大震災は従来のシステムでは対応できない災害で、それ以後は事前計画の策定や広域的な軍事動員など、災害の教訓を活かした対応をとるようになった。さらに「防空」の問題が浮上すると、陸海軍はそれに応じた枠組みを構築していった。災害対応を定める基本的な法令は変化しなかったが、戦時体制に伴う新たな法令が次々と制定されるなか、災害時の軍隊の存在は「防空」政策の中に組み込まれていった。 戦後、陸海軍が解体するなか、占領軍による災害対応はあったものの、日本独自の災害対処機関は警察や消防に限られた。だが、海上保安庁の新設とともに、海難救助の体制が構築されたほか、朝鮮戦争を契機に誕生した警察予備隊にも災害への対応が求められた。ただし、警察予備隊の姿勢は慎重で、意思決定については総理大臣の判断を必要としたが、災害の現実を前にして、次第に部隊指揮官の判断による対応も可能になっていった。 以上の状況を踏まえると、災害派遣制度の原型は戦前の災害出動制度にあり、戦後の制度は次第に戦前の形に近づいていった。戦前の陸海軍は20世紀前半の災害対応を通じて、防災の一翼を担う機関として社会に定着、その状況は戦後も変わらず、警察や消防で対処できない場合は、最終的な手段として軍事組織が出動することになったのである。

著者

佐藤 雄基

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.11, pp.1793-1829, 2011-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The document form known as kishomon 起請文 was a sworn statement made under threat of punishment from the gods or Buddhas and is symbolic of the diplomatics characterizing medieval Japan as the period in Japanese history most heavily dominated by religion. The kishomon achieved its legitimacy as an integral part of the Kamakura Bakufu's system of litigation. At first glance, the use of kishomon as an instrument for letting divine beings decide in a legal system essentially based on objective decisions about what was reasonable and what was not (rihi 理非) may seem contradictory, but the author's further analysis shows that the application of such forms as sanro kisho 参籠起請 (sworn pledge to be cloistered in a religious institution to await divine judgment) was implemented only in cases where guilt or innocence could not be determined by conventional methods, thus showing its use in a role supplementary to the rule of reason as the foundation of litigation carried out under the Bakufu's Hojo Family Regency. Furthermore, the more systematic the Bakufu's institutions regarding litigation became, the less it was necessary to resort to sanro kisho, to the extent that the kishomon alternative fell into disuse altogether during the Bakufu's later years. Nevertheless, within the function played by kishomon we can see a unique feature of the medieval Japanese rational mind trying to find order by imbuing legal documents with the power of gods and Buddhas. Next the author turns to the era of governance by the households of retired emperors (insei 院政), in which kishomon began to be used in the stratified shoen 荘園 proprietary estate system and being extended to the local level. Here the instrument came be used in various ways in the adversarial aspects of litigation, rather than in the uniform manner stipulated by legal judgments issued by the Kamakura Bakufu. In other words, as changes occurred in the way rights were verified (shoban 証判) on the local level, the legal apparatus of shoen proprietors (honjo 本所) was put in place to settle disputes on the local level through the medium of kishomon, followed by Bakufu law as an extension of it. Finally, the author looks at the aristocratic regimes of the Kamakura period and finds that even during the 12th century, aristocrats preferred in principle not to adopt the then widely popular function of kishomon in their legal dealings, but rather base their rulings on precedents cited from the Ritsuryo 律令 codes. In contrast, the Kamakura Bakufu by utilizing kishomon as a vehicle for legitimizing its right to settle disputes ended up proactively incorporating the instrument into its juridical system. It was only during the regime of retired emperor Gosaga 後嵯峨 (1246-72) that aristocrats began using kishomon like the Bakufu. The author concludes that despite the heavy influence exerted by the Bakufu's use of the kishomon form of divine justice, the principles of adversarial law remained as the characteristic feature of jurisprudence in the dimension of state power and authority throughout the Kamakura period.