著者

辻本 諭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.6, pp.1097-1118, 2005-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

尚樹 啓大郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.4, pp.603-611, 2001-04-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

坂野 潤治

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.11, pp.1941-1943, 2001-11-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

鵜飼 政志

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.5, pp.745-748, 2004

著者

町田 祐一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.9, pp.1613-1634, 2008-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The present article takes up a group in modern Japanese society "educated idler" (hereafter EI) (koto-yumin 高等遊民), whose members were highly educated but were not in social position proper to high educational background. The author examines the group's origins, structure and how it came to be perceived as a social problem. During the last years of the Meiji Era, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, the ranks of the EI was increasing by some 20,000 members per year due to such factors as "entrance problems" "lack of employment opportunities" and "dropping out" on the middle school level, as well as a "shortage of jobs" for graduates of technical colleges and universities. The author first attempts to place those EIs who had no visible means of support within the context of the state order by first examining pre-War newspaper reporting about "unemployment" and political concerns over the "dangers" of socialist movements, then describes the post-War attempts at state reorganization in the form of educational reform implemented by the Second Katsura Cabinet, resulting in an increase in the number of schools. However, reform efforts met with opposition in the midst of worsening conditions and were scaled down. With the occurrence of the "High Treason Incident of 1910" (Taigyaku Jiken), involving an alleged socialist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, and the subsequent arrests of hundreds of activists, the perceived "threat" posed by the EI and the Superintendent General's comment to crack down on it drew public opposition, resulting in a national debate over the social consequences of the EI. The author's analysis of the debate includes the media's understanding of the EI as a problem related to the social structure,the many reports documenting the lives of EI members ranging from literary figures to slum dwellers and criminals, as well as solutions calling for the dampening of lofty youthful ambition by putting young people to work. After placing the EI as a historical phenomenon characteristic of society in the post-Russo-Japanese War era, the author concludes that the educational and social policies implemented were not sufficient to solve the problem, and that the EI disappeared temporarily in the course of the economic boom generated by World War I, but reappeared during the expansion of higher learning institutions during the early Showa Era

著者

岡本 真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.4, pp.38-62, 2015 (Released:2017-05-16)

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本稿は、従来大内氏の独占時代とされてきた寧波の乱後の遣明船派遣の実像を明らかにするため、史料上に「堺渡唐船」と記される遣明船について、関係諸勢力の立場、搭乗者と派遣目的、歴史的位置づけの三点を究明した。その結果明らかになった事柄は以下の通りである。 まず、関係諸勢力については、『天文日記』やその他の古文書等に見られる遣明船が、いずれも「堺渡唐船」を指すことを確認したうえで、同船の派遣を中心となって推進したのは、細川晴元と堺商人だった点を論証した。また、本願寺や土佐一条氏は協力者に過ぎず、大内義隆や畠山稙長は同船の派遣を阻止しようとしていた点を指摘した。 次に、搭乗者と派遣目的については、その解明に先立ち、新史料である『活套』所収外交文書二通を紹介し、同書の収録内容や文書末尾の年月日をもとに、これらが「堺渡唐船」関連文書であることを明証した。そして、これを根拠に、従来の遣明船と同様に朝貢使節としての形態を整えたうえでの派遣が図られており、正使は忠叔昌恕という禅僧で、ほかに医師半井明英も乗り組むことになっていたことを指摘した。また、派遣目的は、寧波の乱の際に明側に留められていた前回使節の朝貢品の献上、同使節の遺留品の返却、収監されていた宋素卿の送還、新勘合および新金印の下賜、半井明英の明医学伝習の許可などを要請することだった点を解明した。 それから、歴史的位置づけについては、寧波の乱後に足利義晴・細川高国が明側とおこなった交渉の延長上に「堺渡唐船」があることを明らかにし、従来の研究では存在が確認されていなかった嘉靖准勘合に関する考察をもとに、状況の推移を論じた。また、大内義隆の経営した天文八年度船と同船を比較すると、寧波の乱の際の遺留品の返却や新勘合の獲得などが、両者に共通する派遣目的だった点を指摘した。 そして、以上を踏まえて、これまで大内氏の独占時代とされてきた寧波の乱後においても、それ以前と同様、遣明船をめぐる同氏と細川氏の抗争が継続していた点を明らかにした。

著者

奈良 勝司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.5, pp.836-840, 2009

著者

立石 博隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.3, pp.429-430, 1999-03-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

村井 章介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.411-453,552-55, 1978

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The machinery which the Kamakura Bakufu set up in Kyushu to govern a large area has been much studied from the point of view of institutional history, with priority given to its judicial aspect. In the present article, attention is given to two aspects which have been largely overlooked, namely, its close relationship with the office of county shugo 守護 (Protector) in Kyushu, and its connection with the "tokusei" (徳政 : political innovation), especially the protection of the estates of Shinto shrines. As to the first point, at least eleven counties saw their shugo replaced at the same time towards the end of 1275. This reshuffle formed part of the plan for a counter-attack on Ko-ryo, which had been used by the Yuan as a base for their invasion of Japan. In the reshuffle, the arrival in Kyushu of Kanesawa Sanemasa 金沢実政 as deputy for the shugo of the county of Buzen 豊前 was the starting-point of the political process leading to the establishment of the office of Chinzei-tandai 鎮西探題. There followed the arrival of Hojo Tokisada 北条時貞 as shugo of Hizen 肥前 in 1281 and the exercise of military power over the whole of Kyushu by Hojo Kanetoki 北条兼時, who was appointed shugo of Higo 肥後 in 1293. These appointments were made directly in response to the external tension caused by the Mongol invasion, and resulted in the extension of the influence of the Hojo clan. This process reached its peak when in a short space of time the offices of shugo of four counties, Hizen, Higo, Buzen and Osumi 大隅, were monopolized by Kanesawa Sanemasa, who returned to Kyushu as Chinzei-tandai in 1296, and his close relatives. The development of regional power, pointing to the future territorial government system under the shugo, had already begun. As for the second point, the Tokuso (得宗 : head of the Hojo clan) government, which dominated the Kamakura Bakufu, framed a series of policies called Koan-tokusei 弘安徳政 in 1284 after the Mongol invasion. These policies were an attempt to elevate the Bakufu into a central power ruling over the whole of Japan by having the Bakufu decide cases concerning the land-tenure problems of shrine estates and by organizing the people under the control of manor lords into a new feudal hierarchy. The policies were, however, upset by a coup-d'etat in November 1285 in which the leader of the innovatory movement, Adachi Yasumori 安達泰盛, was killed. What the post-coup Tokuso government inherited from the Koan-tokusei and developed still further was a policy of almost blind protection of the Shinto shrines. Although the Tokuso government was prematurely possessed of several characteristics of the Muromachi Bakufu, it did not attempt to reform the shogun-gokenin (将軍-御家人 : lord-vassal) relationship which was the institutional backbone of the Kamakura Bakufu. Lacking any legitimate claim to exercise domination over the gokenin, it sought to enhance its power by obtaining a huge material base. But this was only to estrange the vassals and to intensify the isolation of the government. The Tokuso government even feared that the Kanesawa family, which belonged to the Hojo clan, might extend its influence in Kyushu, and a step was taken to check the process by which the Kanesawa were becoming a territorial power. In this way, the government could not avoid continually giving rise to its own critics and opponents, and so it deepened its reliance on divine protection in order to escape from the sense of isolation.

著者

渡邉 宏明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.10, pp.1775-1810, 2014

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It was during Japan's second pro-Constitution movement that the Seiyuhonto Party was formed and began to open the path leading to the formation of the Minseito Party. However, due to a scarcity of source materials related to the Seiyuhonto and its chairman, it has been difficult to trace the most conservative element of the Seiyukai Party, in terms of the changes that took place in the Seiyuhonto within the process of its merger with the Kenseikai Party. The present article focuses on the relationship that was established between the National Association of Towns and Villages (NATV) and the Seiyuhonto during 1920-21 in an attempt to reexamine politics at the end of the Taisho era. The author begins with a description of two political processes facing the fifteenth session of the the National Diet; namely, enacting the Universal Manhood Suffrage Act and increasing the National Treasury's share of funding for compulsory education, in order to show the cooperation that was established between the Seiyuhonto and the NATV in implementing regional policy, which was followed by a joint effort to apply pressure on the Tripartite pro-Constitution Cabinet, in particular the Cabinet's Seiyukai faction. For the Seiyukai prior to the enactment of universal suffrage, cooperation on the part of the NATV was crucial in terms of both the party's platform and political influence. Next, the author outlines the political process in the fifty-first session of the Diet surrounding the abolishment of county (gun 郡) administrative offices, within which the Seiyuhonto, forced to keep universal suffrage in view, decided to join together with the Kenseikai to implement increased Treasury funding for education, thus opposing the shutdown of gun offices, which was supported by the NATV. There is no doubt that the prestige of the Seiyuhonto at this point in time was at its height, especially among the business community; however, its role as spokesperson for the NATV had definitely declined. The changes that occurred in the Seiyuhonto as the result of these three political processes characterized the transition from spokesperson for the NATV, which governed Japan regionally, to a party of the masses in anticipation of general elections. However, the tokonami Takejiro faction of the Seiyuhonto, which was formed as a new electoral base, being organizationally similar to the Wakatsuki Reijiro faction of the Kenseikai, lacked any uniqueness as a political party at the time. Consequently, as tokonami's dream of the revitalizing the "Great Seiyukai" became more and more remote, the formation of the Minseito became more of a possibility on the political scene of the last years of Taisho.

著者

工藤 美知尋

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.421-422, 1995-03-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

井村 行子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.11, pp.1757, 1982-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

北村 暁夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.9, pp.1575-1576, 1989-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

浅井 紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.504-511, 1982-04-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

勝浦 令子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.4, pp.574-596, 1997-04-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The aim of this article is to examine how Empress Shotoku (Shotoku Tenno 称徳天皇), who had taken the Buddhist tonsure, understood the relationship between Buddhism and kingship, in order to shed light on imperial succession in Japan during the eighth century. Empress Shotoku was of the opinion that the most important issue concerning her successor was that the Buddhist tradition be carried on, and thought that the ideal succession should be based on the joint monarchy carried on between Empress Suiko (Suiko Tenno 推古天皇) and Crown Prince Shotoku (Shotoku Taishi 聖徳太子), the ruler of the Buddhist faith (hoo 法王). So the Empress finally gave up her determined effort to establish a line of succession from the offspring of Crown Prince Kusakabe (Kusakabe-no-Oji 草壁皇子) and instead appointed the monk Dokyo 道鏡 to be her successor. From these facts, the author makes the following points. First, the Buddhist papacy that was given to Dokyo was thought by the Empress to signify the type of kingship determined by Buddhist law as outlined in the Suvarnaprabhasa Sutra (金光明最勝王経), a scripture that was always placed at her right hand. Secondly, the status of her successor would be granted by "heaven" (ten 天) to a person who was worthy of "all the holy gods of the heavens and earth". She also perceived that she had the authority from her father Shomu 聖武 to choose anyone with such worth to be her successor, even if he or she was a slave. It was in this manner that the Empress determined Dokyo to be heaven's choice to succeed her as ruler of the faith. The author also argues that in order to legitimate her choice of a holy monk not of royal blood to succeed her, she cited the inter-pretation of Prince Shotoku's authority that had become popular in the eighth Century. This explanation stated that Prince Shotoku had not been chosen successor because he was of royal blood, but rather because he was the reincarnation of the holy and learned Chinese Buddhist monk, Huisi 慧思. Of course, the Empress' plan was thwarted by a divine message from the Usa 宇佐 Shrine, but the her idea that the Japanese emperor be a Buddhist monk had after her death much influence on Japanese kingship throughout the latter half of the eighth century.

著者

寺内 由佳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.6, pp.49-73, 2020 (Released:2021-09-09)

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本稿では宇都宮城下の古着商人・沢屋宗右衛門(沢宗)と丸井屋伊兵衛(丸伊)を対象に、各々の経営をふまえ、仕入れと販売の面から取引を分析・比較することで、宇都宮という地方集散地における古着流通の有り様を明らかにする。 城下の古着仲間内で行われた直接取引では両者に特徴的な様相はみられないが、城下外の諸所との仕入れ・販売取引では差異が明らかであった。 仕入れの面では、丸伊は文化期末から積極的に江戸へ赴き、呉服・太物類を扱う問屋と取引をした。さらに足利から結城にかけての織物生産が盛んな地域で、払物や仕立て直し品を含むとみられる商品を仕入れた。ここでは前貸しによる委託という問屋的性格もみられ、当地域での取引が経営の成長に繋がったと考えられる。一方沢宗は江戸以外の地域へ出向いた様子はなく、江戸商人との取引も顕著なのは文政期初頭までとなり、太物の扱いが主という傾向もみられた。質屋を兼業したため、城下や在方を含む近隣地域から持ち込まれ、質流れとなった品を扱ったとみられる。 販売の面では、沢宗は城下の武家、仙台から南東北の大小様々な城下町・宿場、そして城下近隣から野州南西部、常州西部にまで及ぶ在方から多くの者が訪れた。多様な階層の幅広い需要に応える品揃えの小売店という性格がうかがえる。一方丸伊は今市や東北南部の、ある程度規模の大きな城下町・宿場の商人との取引が顕著であり、上質な品を中心に扱い、同業者が仕入れ目的に訪れる店という性格がうかがえる。 両者の仕入れ・販売取引から、宇都宮という地方集散地が持つ性格、中央市場とは異なる周辺地域や遠隔地との関わり、古着という商品の特徴が反映された売買の具体的な様相も明らかになる。宇都宮を中心として形成される商品流通圏の中に、各々の商人が選択・開拓した取引関係によって成立する流通経路が存在するのであり、両者の差異は古着という商品がもつ緻密な流通構造を示す。

著者

堀部 猛

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.7, pp.43-60, 2021 (Released:2022-07-20)

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古代の日本では、官人への出身や得度に際し、戸籍を勘検して身元を確認する勘籍が行われていた。その勘籍に関する木簡が、二〇〇五年、徳島県の観音寺遺跡ではじめて出土し、注目を集めた。阿波国名方郡に本貫をもつ資人の勘籍について、国司が解で報告するという内容をもつ。この木簡が示す勘籍の手続きは、後に『延喜式』(式部上)の条文にもなる帳内・資人特有の勘籍方式である。すなわち、本貫の京・国が保管する戸籍でもって勘籍を行い、その結果を式部省に報告し、それを受けて省が補任する。通常の勘籍が人事を所管する式部省・兵部省と民部省との間で行われるのに対し、帳内・資人の場合、戸籍の勘検そのものを本貫地で行い、民部省が介在することはない。 こうした特殊な勘籍のあり方は、本主との関係と、トネリとしての歴史性に由来する。貴人の従者である帳内・資人は、本主との強固な主従関係を有し、人選から任用まで一貫して本主が主導していた。勘籍も本主が牒を発給して本貫の国郡に働きかけて実施される。一般の官人の奉仕が天皇に集約されるのに対し、帳内・資人は第一義的には本主に奉仕し、それを通じて天皇に奉仕するという関係であった。それゆえ、本主が主導する任用過程のなかで勘籍を完結させる方式がとられた。 王族や豪族の家政機関的組織を律令国家機構に包摂していくなかで、王族・豪族のもとにいた従者を律令官人制のなかに組み込み、広義のトネリから分化させ再編したのが帳内・資人であった。本主に奉仕するという本質は、そのまま律令官人制のなかに持ち込まれたため、考選など細かな規定が令で定められ、勘籍もまた通常の官人とは異なる方式が策定されたのである。

著者

村田 優樹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.7, pp.1-39, 2021 (Released:2022-07-20)

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本稿では、革命期ロシアで活動した二人の知識人、ミハイロ・フルシェフスキーとボリス・ノリデの学問的・政治的著作と実践政治の分析を通じ、当時の「ウクライナ問題」の展開を、「自治」という国制をめぐる論争という観点から分析した。特に、両者の活動のなかで、歴史研究、評論活動、実践政治が緊密に結びついていたことに注目した。 第一章では、近世にウクライナの地に存在したヘトマン領自治についての二人の研究を扱った。両者は全く異なる問題関心から近世ヘトマン領自治にアプローチしていたが、一六五四年のヘトマン領とモスクワ国家の合同のみならず、一八世紀の自治の廃止まで通時的に論じることで、その歴史学的研究の水準を大いに進展させた。 第二章では、二人による同時代の国制論議を検討した。ウクライナ民族主義者のフルシェフスキーは、ヘトマン領を民族の栄光の歴史の一部とみなし、同様の領域自治を、民族の自然権に依拠して達成することをめざした。他方、ノリデはヘトマン領自治の消滅の歴史を叙述することで、近代主権国家となったロシアの「単一と不可分」を擁護した。両者は専制についての相反する評価にもかかわらず、歴史的権利の原理への専制の非妥協的性格の認識において一致していた。 1917年の二月革命後の時期を扱う第三章では、二人の政治家としてのウクライナ自治問題への関与を考察した。フルシェフスキーは民衆の動員の成功を演出し、臨時政府から自治への譲歩を引き出そうとした。他方、法制審議会の成員としてウクライナ問題を担当したノリデは、国家の単一性を依然として維持しようとした。こうして、ウクライナ自治の問題は、権力の正当性をめぐる対立として展開した。 以上を踏まえ、本稿では、ウクライナ問題の国制論争としての側面を論証したのち、「多民族帝国」の民族問題について、それぞれの社会固有の言説空間がもつ術語や論理構造に注目することが重要であると結論した。

著者

三浦 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.1, pp.1-47,141-142, 1989

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<p>I.M.Lapidus, an American specialist of Middle Eastern history, argued that the ruling Mamluks' role of combining the 'ulama' (religious and legal scholars) and the common people into one political and social unity, was characteristic of the structure of urban society during the Mamluk dynasty. He called such a system of political and social relations the 'Mamluk regime' and insisted that it worked well even after the rise of the Ottoman dynasty. At the end of the Mamluk era, that is during the time from the accession of Sultan Qa'itbay to the decline of the dynasty (1468-1517), the state suffered from a severe financial crisis due to the decrease of iqta revenue and the increase in the payment of salaries for soldiers and civil officials. Also at that time, impoverished Mamluks often revolted against the Sultan for the fulfilment of these payments. These social instabilities forced the Mamluk state to reform its financial and military regime, which had solely depended on the iqta' system and the Mamluks. This article examines those reform policies and their influence over administration and control of cities in the Mamluk state, in an attempt to reinterpret Lapidus' thesis on the structure of urban society. First, concerning financial policy, Sultan Qa'itbay started taxation on property of citizen and waqf endowment. The state intended it to absorb the accumlated wealth in cities for the betterment of bugetary conditions. For the same purpose the state adopted a policy to take bribes at appointments of officials and to confiscate their property during their tenures of office. It accelerated both a plutocratic tendency among officials and the prevalence of bribary in the administration. This tendency was especially noticeable in the legal administration of cities. The chief judge (qadi al-qudat) appointed many legal officials such as deputy-judges (na'ib), notaries (shahid) and executors (naqib, rasul) and formed them into his own faction (jama'a). He and his party gained profits on the legal system by means of bribary, services charges and so on. In Damascus the governor (na'ib) often levied taxes on its quarters (hara). Especially on expeditions, he conscripted both the arquebusier infantries and their wages from each quarter. He adopted this policy to resolve at once the problems of the financial crisis and the defense of the city. Administrators of each quarter (arif) and the governor's subordinates, such as the majordomo (ustadar) and executive secretary (dawadar), were in charge of collecting taxes. The governor managed to rule the city by embracing these officials and private mercenaries in his faction. As for the commn people, inhabitants of each quarter took remarkable political actions. They almost overwhelmed the military power of the Mamluks in the rebellion of the year 903 / 1497 and in the revolt of 907 / 1501. It was a social group called the zu'r that set up these popular movements. They were outlaws who lived on plunder and assassination. They were employed as infantry and private merconary by the governors, while they dominated markets and stores in their quarters and prevented the governor from taxation in exchange for protection fees. In the cities at the end of the Mamluk era, both the governor, a military-executive, and the chief judge, himself a civil official, formed their own factions (jama'a) and strengthened their domains and exploitation of the people. The commom people coudn't seek shelter anywhere other than under the protection of the zu'r, who built their bases of power in each quarter. The urban society in this period was co structured that various factions and groups were struggling with each other forcibly. Lapidus began his thesis by assuming that the Mamluks, the 'ulama' and the common people were the major strata and actors in the cities.</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

中澤 俊輔

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.4, pp.514-523, 2010-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)