著者

上出 徳太郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.9, pp.1622-1623, 2013-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐々木 真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.10, pp.1864-1865, 2009

著者

松本 良太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.3, pp.400-409, 1996

著者

成川 岳大

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.12, pp.1955-1989, 2011

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The primary purpose of this article is to offer a new explanation concerning the circumstances under which the archbishopric of Lund was chosen as the location from which ecclesiastical jurisdiction all over Scandinavia, including the North Atlantic Isles, was exercised from 1103/4 to 1152. Little of the research to date has paid much attention to the peculiar nature of the Church Province of Lund during this period. Rather, the focus has been concentrated either on domestic factors within the Kingdom of Denmark, or on the completely extra-Scandinavian conflict happening between the Reform Papacy and the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, who enjoyed missionary jurisdiction over that region. The present article offers another possible explanation from an inter-Scandinavian or Nordic point of view, mainly focusing on personal networks and collaboration among the rulers and churchmen of Scandinavia around 1100. The author begins by identifying two important factors in the church organization of late eleventh century Scandinavia. Most of Scandinavia during that period, especially Norway and Sweden, was not geographically divided into local bishoprics, but instead largely relied on the activity of visiting missionary bishops. On the other hand, by the middle of the eleventh century, the bishops of Lund-Scania already boasted a long tradition of playing a role similar to a missionary bishop, converting non-Christian people and fulfilling the pastoral needs of Christians in places outside of their own bishopric. In order to further the discussion, the author offers the hypothesis that the primarily significance of these bishops should be focused on such peripatetic activities rather than on sedentary duties within their own bishopric. Therefore, one should conclude that the bishops of Lund-Scania had already developed relationships with churches through Scandinavia even before Lund's successful promotion to an archbishopric. The last half of the article explores the question of by whose enterprise these networks of missionary churchmen in Scandinavia were shaped and controlled. Although it was the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen who held ecclesiastical jurisdiction over Scandinavian bishops in form of parchments, it was the King of the Danes who acted as their real 'patron' on the ground. From the turn of the first millennium through to the first half of the 12th century, Danish kings dominated the Scandinavian World (imperium Nordmannorum), a specific political region mainly in the southern part of the Scandinavian peninsula, comprised of the emerging three kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden. The Danish kings were able to pursue their own church policy within this region, independent of the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen. This church policy intricately entwined with their attempts to establish political supremacy over the other rulers of the Scandinavian World during that time. The close collaboration that existed between the "missionary" bishops of Lund/ Scania and the king of the Danes was no exception, and in fact epitomized the kind of symbiosis that existed between ecclesiastical and secular authorities regarding missionary work carried on in eleventh-century Scandinavia. It is in this collaboration where lies the key to the centralized jurisdiction enjoyed by the metropolis of Lund as a Nordic missionary stronghold.

著者

下田 淳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.8, pp.1434-1465,1547-, 1992

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Der Deutschkatholizismus war eine von der romisch-katholischen Kirche losgesagte religiose Bewegung in den 40er Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts und hat ein groBes Aufsehen in der damaligen Gesellschaft Deutschlands erregt. Deshalb hat er nicht nur eine kirchengeschichtliche, sondern auch eine geschichtswissenschaftliche Bedeutung. Diese Studie zielt darauf, diese Bewegung im Kontext der neueren deutschen Geschichte zu erfassen. In Rucksicht auf die bisherigen Arbeiten und die protestantische Stadt Braunschweig als Beispiel anfuhrend, analysiere ich hier den Deutschkatholizismus aus zwei Gesichtspunkten: den "Stadtbewohnern gegenuber" und dem "Staat gegenuber". Der Deutschkatholizismus war beeinfluBt von den Vorstellungen des Protestantismus (besonders den Reformierten), der Aufklarung und des Liberalismus, aber er konnte kein Programm der politischen Reform vorlegen. Obwohl die Bewegung in Braunschweig direkt vom katholischen Kleinburgertum getragen wurde, unterstutzten sie auch breite protestantische Schichten. Das bedeutet, daB die Mentalitat der Bewohnerschaft in der protestantischen Stadt mit der deutschkatholischen Bewegung ubereinstimmte. Die Stutze der Kirchenpolitik im Herzogtum Braunschweig war die protestantische Landeskirche. Die deutschkatholische Bewegung konnte sich, in Verbindung mit der aufklarischen Atmosphare in Braunschweig, auf staatliche Unterstutzung verlassen, soweit sie dieses System nicht in Gefahr brachte. Ubrigens ist ein Grund dafur, daB sich Protestanten nicht direkt zum Deutschkatholizismus bekannten, auf das aufklarische Verhalten der hiesigen protestantischen Kirche zuruckzufuhren. In Braunschweig hat der Deutschkatholizismus schon vor der Revolution seine StoBkraft auf die Stadtbewohner verloren. Das bedeutet, daB die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts eine Schwellenzeit zur "Modernisierung der Mentalitat" der stadtischen Bevolkerung (besonders der protestantischen Stadte) ausmacht. Von nun an zwingt sie der Staat unter ein Verwaltungssystem, das sich mit dem Kirchenwesen nicht verbindet.

著者

黒嶋 敏

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.3, pp.328-361, 2007

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The Kyushu Tandai was a post set up by the Muromachi Bakufu to govern the island of Kyushu. From the end of fourteenth century, the post was held by successive members of the Shibukawa family branch of the Ashikaga clan. The research to date has held that the power of the Tandai quickly declined after the defeat of Shibukawa Yoshitoshi at the hands of the Shoni family in 1425 and eventually became limited to the eastern portion of Hizen Province. This is why the Kyushu Tandai has not been seen as a significant political force in the region during the late medieval period. The present article reexamines the process of the Shibukawa family's decline and fall in order to relocate the place of the Kyushu Tandai within the historical context of late medieval Japan. The above-mentioned decline of the Shibukawa family, which supposedly began with the defeat of 1425, was in fact the result of policies implemented under the Muromachi Shogun Ashikaga Yoshinori, which aimed at a new way of governing Kyushu centered around the Ouchi family, and in the process reduced the authority of the Kyushu Tandai. Nevertheless, the Tandai still retained a high level of military leadership in the region. Then, during the sixteenth century, when civil strife shook northern Kyushu as the result of the weakening of shogunal power in the region, the Shibukawa family split into Ouchi and Otomo family factions. Even then, the Tandai remained influential and was considered an important element within the strategy of any feudal lord (daimyo) in the region. The author concludes that the Shibukawa Kyushu Tandai family did not decline and fall, but rather lost importance as a regional Bakufu administrative organ due to a change in shogunate politics. On the other hand, the Shibukawa family's high level of political influence remained an important, unwavering element within the regional political order throughout the period. The same phenomenon can be observed in the case of the Muromachi Bafuku's Oshu (Northern Honshu) Tandai. Placing the post of Tandai within its rightful place in regional politics alongside the Bakufu and daimyo now reveals a brand new aspect of the political structure characterizing fifteenth and sixteenth century Japan.

著者

竹中 浩

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.7, pp.107-112, 2002-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

志村 佳名子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.3, pp.305-338, 2013

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The term chosan 朝参, which in general refers to attendance by retainers of the Japanese imperial court, also defined in ancient times as regular attendance by court bureaucrats to perform their administrative duties (chosei 朝政) in the hall of governance (Chodo 朝堂) during work shifts counted in days (jojitsu 上日), which were carefully documented and constituted a crucial portion of a bureaucrat's work performance assessment. This system of court attendance in ancient Japan had originated in the practice of retainers going to court to render obeisance to the sovereign, and from the seventh century on, the practice was progressively formalized into bureaucratic duties. Its establishment within the basic framework of the chosan system was concurrent with the construction of ceremonial spaces within the Fujiwara Palace, such as the Chodo and the Council Hall (Daigokuden 大極殿). The essence of the chosan system was the appearance of courtiers every morning in the courtyard in front of the royal residence to await the appearance of the emperor. The first-of-the-month chosan rule contained in the Ritsuryo Code of Ceremonies and Protcol (Giseiryo 儀制令) was a continuation of this practice. As the Ritsuryo-based bureaucratic system became more entrenched, chosan was transformed into a jojitsu work system that no longer involved the actual appearance of the sovereign before the gathered courtiers. Early Heian Period forms of court attendance and service, which structurally resembled those of Tang China, are thought to have originated in earnest during the first half of the eighth century. In other words, court service as early as the era of the Heijo Palace already had ceased to be based upon the assumption that the sovereign would personally oveserve the affairs of state. The attendance system that recorded days present was already firmly in place. This format of political activity meant that the sovereign and the highest officials addressed the daily affairs of state at the Inner Palace (Dairi 内裏), and, on the first of each month (or the tenth, or on other special occasions), the sovereign presided symbolically over the administrative work carried out by various officials. From the second half of the eighth century on, changes in the mode of political administration were ushered in by the attendance of high level aristocrats at the Inner Palace and the formation of Geki-sei 外記政. Up to the beginning of the ninth century, the. Chodo functioned as the space where officials of the fifth rank and higher presented themselves on a daily or occasional basis. At the beginning of the ninth century, details concerning jojitsu work shifts of officials of fifth rank and higher no longer were reported to the sovereign, and the administrative work carried out at the Chodo decreased in significance. However, even into the tenth century reports to the sovereign regarding jojitsu of officials involved with the Grand Council of State did continue. Using jojitsu as a kind of barometer of proper court service (shibu 仕奉), sovereigns maintained a structure of obligatory reporting meant to keep the legislative body in check.

著者

山口 英男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.1-37,144-145, 1986

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In this paper, the author tries to clarify the relationship between the general description in the Ryo 令 codes and the more detailed explanation in the Engi-shiki 延喜式 codes concerning maki, state managed pastures for breeding mainly equestrian horses. Then, in order to deduce the origins of the several forms of maki stipulated in the Engi-shiki codes, he describes the transition of those offices in the central government which administered maki. As a result, the author is able to offer the following hypothesis concerning the actual state of public pasture lands. 1)In the Engi-shiki codes, we find Shokoku-no-maki 諸国牧 (provincial pastures), Mimaki 御牧 (those under direct imperial control) and Kinto-no-maki 近都牧 (pastures in the capital vicinity). It also mentions the horses presented to the central government as tribute, which are Kunigai-no-uma 国飼馬 (horses bred in provinces), Tsunagigai-no-uma 繋飼馬 (horses raised on a tether) and horses from Mimaki. The tributary horses from Shokoku-no-maki were Tsunagigai-no-uma. In Kinto-no-maki the horses were not sired but rather were delivered from the province to the capital and raised. The system of Kunigai-no-uma required that provinces sent horses, which were usually bred there, to the capital on the demand of the central government. So it was similar to the system of horse tribute. 2)From the beginning of the Ryo system, the maki in the provinces near the capital sent the horses which were sired there to the central government in the form of Kunigai-no-uma ; and the maki in the provinces far from the capital presented horses in the form of Tsunagigai-no-uma from Shokoku-no-maki. Some of the former maki also took on a function similar to Kinto-no-maki by breeding horses from the latter maki. 3)Mimaki originated from the maki managed by the Uchi-no-umaya-no-tsukasa 内廐寮 (the government agency of horse breeding under the immediate control of the Emperor, established in 765-808 A.D.), and was the most recent form of the various forms of maki stipulated in the Engi-shiki codes. However, the way to establish Mimaki was to shift some of the maki which had already existed under direct imperial control. This was done under the influence of the political situation around the middle of the 8th century. Therefore, each of the maki did not go through any important changes except for the alteration of the government office which had jurisdiction over it. 4)These forms of maki were arranged and reorganized when management failures began to increase at the beginning of the 9th century. The various articles concerning maki in the Engi-shiki codes show the result of such arrangements and reorganizations.

著者

三谷 芳幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.7, pp.1240-1263, 2011

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the characteristic features of the institution of shikiden, arable land allocated to central government bureaucrats of Japan's ancient state as part of their salaries, through a comparison with similar institutions existing in Tang China and in the Japanese regional government bureaucracy. The author begins with a comparison of Japanese and Tang Ritsuryo (Luling 律令 codes concerning the distribution and utilization of arable land (Denryo/Tianling 田令) and reaches the following three conclusions. First, in contrast to the Tang system in which shikiden was allocated to all government bureaucrats, in Japan allocation was limited to the top decision-makers (giseikan 議政官) of the Ministry of State (Dajokan 大政官) above the post of Dainagon 大納言 (Chief Councilor). Secondly, another difference between the two systems was that the ownership of shikiden for top ministers (hereafter giseikan shikiden) was not automatically decided on the occasion of transfers of office. Finally, there was no system in Japan for paying grain in lieu of receiving land, like in China, since it was thought only natural that the whole portion of arable should be granted. Next, the author turns to the allocation procedures. In the Tang system and the Japanese regional bureaucracy, a certificate of appointment constituted proof of the ownership of shikiden. In contrast, the system pertaining to giseikan shikiden required that the emperor approve ownership through the acceptance of a petition submitted by the Ministry of Civil Affairs (Minbusho 民部省). This procedure indicates the function of giseikan shikiden as a confirmation of the personal relationships existing between the emperor and his top ministers of state, resembling the institution of shiden 賜田, a land grant from the emperor in appreciation for extraordinary service to the state. Furthermore, the fact that the allocation of giseikan shikiden was strictly limited to about five top ministers of state indicates the exclusionary character of the institution in comparison to the open system of Tang China that allocated land to all new government appointees. Finally, with respect to the evolutionary process of giseikan shikiden, at its inception the land allocated consisted of family-owned assets that had been inherited for all intents and purposes ; however, in 729 AD, the total amount of land for a quota of recipients was procured in the fixed place, marking the completion of giseikan shikiden as an integral part of the bureaucrat remuneration system. Nevertheless, even after 729, the land allocated as shikiden continued to exist as family-owned assets and rely institutionally on the traditional family management of those assets. In conclusion, the author argues that the institution of giseikan shikiden marked no exception to such endemic problems of Japan's Ritsuryo system as the coexistence of personal (private) and official (public) relationships and the survival of pre-Ritsuryo traditions in its style of governance.

著者

義江 彰夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.295-340,459-46, 1995

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The purpose of this paper is to survey penal legal institutions particular to "dynastic" Japan of the mid-and late-Heian period, to ascertain how the penal system worked, to examine the logic behind the system, and to probe the historical background to it. Chapter 1 discusses the penal law in the preceding ritsu-ryo period. Under the strong influence of the ancient Chinese penal system, the ritsu-ryo codes specified such punishments as corporal punishment, deportation, confiscation, penal servitude, and depfivation of social standing. The code reveals the government's total control and exploitation of criminals. The author argues that the formation of the code stemmed from ritsu-ryo Japan being born under international pressures of the time and forced to develop a bureaucratic and centralized nation following Chinese precedents, while preserving Japan's indigenous tradition. Chapter 2 breaks down dyndstic Japan's penal system into three categories: (1)Kurodo-to-Hosai: Under this law, the emperors judged their vassals' minor offenses, and the Kurodo-no-To, who was in charge of the vassals, executed the judgments. (2)Dajo-kan-Hosai: Under this law, the emperors, with the help of the Dajo-kan (the Cabinet), judged both the offenses committed by court nobles of the 5th or higher rank and all serious offenses. (3)Shicho-Sai: Under this law, the Kebiishicho (Department of Investigation) judged ordinary offenses committed by people of the 6th or lower rank. By examining these three categories, the auther demonstrates that dynastic Japan's penal code was centered around "exclusion" - deportation, deprivation, and detention - and that corporal punishment and confiscation existed only as unofficial of exceptional punishments. Chapter 3 examines the historical background which led to the formation of the dynastic Japan's penal laws based on exclusion. First, the author illustrates the jurisprudential construction which formed the dynastic code out of its ritsu-ryo predecessor. Secondly, he argues that the elaboration of taboos against impurity and crime had a decisive influence over the formation of the exclusion-based punishments of dynastic Japan. The paper concludes with an explanation of how corporal punishment and confiscation, once regarded as unofficial and exceptional by aristocratic legislators, came to be incorporated into the dynastic penal code by the end of the Heian period. This transformation coincided with the emergence of the warrior class and religious powers, which did not hesitate to use such penalties as corporal punishment. When the Kamakura-Bakufu was established, it reorganized penal law strictly based on corporal punishment and confiscation.

著者

真辺 将之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.5, pp.766-770, 2004

著者

可児 弘明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.3, pp.377-382, 1982-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

林 邦夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.6, pp.1105-1106, 1986-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

古瀬 奈津子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.7, pp.1147-1183,1290-, 1984

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<p>One of the more important changes which occurred in the structural plan of various imperial palaces (including the Nara palace) in ancient Japan before the construction of the Nagaoka palace in 784 is the transformation from the straight line alignment of the tenno's residence (dairi 内裏), the great hall of government (dai-goku-den 大極殿) and the government ministries (chodoin 朝堂院) to an arrangement separating the dairi and the chodoin. Previous research dealing with this change has asserted that it was brought about by the insistence on a separation of private and public interest within the government. However, such a hypothesis has yet to be proven. This essay attempts to re-investigate the related source materials and look at the problem more fundamentally. Within the Nara palace (Heijo-kyu 平城宮), 1)the palace floor plan in the same way as the former palaces of the Asuka region was designed so that every morning court status holders could gather before the tenno in the great hall, and then begin their government duties ; 2)according to Nara period law codes, the daigoku-den's gate was kept open while bureaucrats went about their duties in the chodoin ; 3)a comparison of the fifth article in the code for court decorum within the T'ang and Japanese systems shows that the Japanese code does not follow the Chinese precedent of scheduling bureaucrats' morning attendance in the great hall according to status category, indicating that functionally the daigoku-den and the dairi were yet unseparated. Therefore, we can say that from the viewpoint of the tenno, the daigoku-den functioned not only as a ceremonial place, but also as a place where the daily government duties were performed. However, according to a document reporting an imperial edict (senji 宣旨) dated 792 (Enryaku 延暦 11), a significant change in the above related custom occurred. In this document the tenno recognized the number of days which those central government bureau (dajokan 太政官) officials of fifth rank and above were to carry out their duties in the dairi. Therefore, after 792 the auditorium of the dairi became the location of the tenno's daily affairs, while the chodoin became the place where the tenno would appear for state ceremonies only. This functional specialization may be thought of as corresponding to the structural separation of the dairi and chodoin. Such a change was reflected in the plan of the Heian palace built in Kyoto in 794. As the tenno came to supervise the affairs of government in the dairi through councilors of state in the dajokan (sangi 参議) who were permitted certain work days in his presence, the rules of execution for the bureaucracy also went through various changes. First, the ceremony for reporting administrative affairs (kosaku 告朔) to the tenno in the chodoin, a ceremony which was held monthly until the end of the Nara period, became during the Heian period a symbolic ritual which was carried out at the beginning of each of the four seasons; and administrative monthly reporting was done through documents sent from various offices to dajokan. Secondly, during the Nara period on the day of the kosaku ceremony, the four member management staff (shitokan 四等官) of each office would report to the tenno their number of work days. However, from 809 (Daido 大同 4) those monthly reporting to the tenno were limited to the sangi and above. Thirdly, there was the creating of the very important position of geki 外記, the secretary of this privy council. In this way the bureaucracy, which had previously been thought of as officials "directly at hand" due to the fact of the tenno's daily appearance in the great hall, came to be considered in a more conceptual way as the mechanism consisting of administrative offices, dajokan and tenno. In other words, up until the abandonment of the Nara palace, the tenno appeared daily in the daigoku-den to supervise the affairs of</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

鶴島 博和

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.9, pp.1580-1582, 2015-09-20 (Released:2017-12-28)

著者

前島 佳孝

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.5, pp.813-820, 2006-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

松下 憲一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.5, pp.786-792, 2005-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐川 英治

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.5, pp.779-785, 2003-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

下倉 渉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.5, pp.792-800, 2002-05-15 (Released:2017-12-01)