著者

近藤 和彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.321-357,423-42, 1988

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Manchester in the eighteenth century has been associated with the coming of the industrial revolution. Certainly it would become one of the leading centres of the capitalist world economy in the nineteenth century, but it was still 'one of the greatest mere villages in England', famous for its textile trade, with a population of some twenty thousand, in the age of Defoe and Walpole. More significantly for the purpose of this paper the parish of Manchester was in the diocese of Chester, a part of the country notorious for party strife and as 'disaffected'. The collegiate parish church was a stronghold of high church clergymen, while the parish contained a sizeable cluster of dissenters (mainly presbyterians) which amounted to 422 families out of 3201, i.e. more than 13% of the whole and more than twice the national average of 6.2%. My analysis in this paper is focused first on the clerical quarrels within the collegiate church of Manchester from 1718 to 1728. Samuel Peploe (1668-1752), who had proved his spirit against the Jacobites in 1715 as vicar of Preston, was promoted by the whig government warden of Manchester in 1718 (and then bishop of Chester in 1726). He would have to face hard years in dealing with the high churchmen and non-jurors in the church and the parish. Secondly the workhouse project and the opposition in the town are analysed from 1729 to 1731. John Byrom (1692-1763), a high churchman of letters and stenographer, was one of the most active opponents of the scheme. His correspondence, diaries and poems, together with parliamentary and other sources, reveal a good deal of the hitherto hidden social alignments of the Mancunians and clarify other often misrepresented circumstances. Factious rivalry infected the town, and such public projects as an incorporated workhouse were doomed to failure by the opposition of high churchmen (tories), who feared that the alliance of low churchmen and dissenters (whigs) might dominate not only the incorporated trust, but also the administration and finance of the town. The intended bill for the workhouse became an issue of party politics in Parliament, and was defeated in April 1731 by an alliance of tories and whig opposition members. Byrom's return to Manchester on 10 June (the Pretender's birthday) was welcomed at the collegiate church, where Peploe remained beset as warden. The sources I rest upon are both local and central, unpublished and published, v. notes. I have edited the most relevant documents relating to the workhouse issue in the Bulletin of the Faculty of Letters, Nagoya University, vol.33 (1987). The article containing the selected documents is abbreviated as WH, and referred to on page 45 (note 4).

著者

見瀬 悠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.9, pp.1-35, 2018

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近世フランス王国では、外国人は相続・被相続の自由を持たず、国王は帰化せずフランス生まれの子を残さずに死亡した外国人の財産を取得できた。この外国人遺産取得権は、王国で外国人を臣民から区別する法的基準であった。本稿は、この法が外国人に対して担った機能を、適用の過程や規則・規範、関与する人々の意図や利害との関係といった実践的側面から考察することで、規範的テキストの背後にある「制度の精神」を描き出すことを試みた。最初に、外国人遺産取得権の誕生と王国の法・財政への定着の過程を概観したうえで、実施の手続きを死後財産の差押えに着目して分析し、いかにして適用対象が選定されたのかを考察した。続いて、十八世紀パリのサン=ジェルマン=デ=プレ地区でこの法の対象となった外国人の特徴を出身地、社会的地位、王国滞在の性質、帰化の有無といった観点から分析し、外国人遺産取得権の適用を抑制ないし促進した諸要因を考察した。その結果、以下の結論が得られた。まず、当時の統治技術や制度的枠組みの限界ゆえに、外国人遺産取得権を厳密に実施するのは困難であった。さらに、特定の国民集団への免除特権や国際協定による「互恵的」廃止、一部の貴族に対する特別措置によって、この法の適用は実際に制限されていた。とはいえ、外国人遺産取得権は廃れていたわけではなく、その実施には社会的属性や王国滞在の性質に関係なく外国人を一元的に定義しようとする「絶対主義的」な傾向も確認された。その背景として、外国人遺産取得権の財政的重要性の増大と、十八世紀半ばに再び表面化した王権と領主権の競合を指摘した。このように外国人遺産取得権の実施を考察することで、王権の「絶対的」権力への志向、歴史的に形成された法制度と社会の構造、主権国家間の関係を統御する国際法の発展との間で、十八世紀の君主制国家が陥った矛盾が浮き彫りになるのである。

著者

五十嵐 修

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.6, pp.1121-1142,1257-, 2000

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In early medieval times, penance took on two forms : public and private, corresponding to how widely a certain sin was known to people. The synodal courts of the carolingian period represented one form of public penance. The main purpose of this essay is to illuminate the context in which public penance functioned during the Carolingian period. The revival of public penance was, in the view of this paper, one of the most important outcomes of the Carolingian theocracy. The author examines this form of penance for this period, because it has been very underestimated by historians to date. Public penance included not only strictly religious penances, but also sanctions invoked by both secular and ecclesiastical authorities, since there was the idea that both secular and ecclesiastical authorities should suppress crime and maintain the public order. Public penance is seldom mentioned in the penitentials, but we find much mention of it in the capitularies, episcopal decrees and conciliar acts. Through studying public penance, we can learn the basic ideas about preservation of public law and order during this period.

著者

吉澤 誠一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.9, pp.1634-1635, 1991-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

池津 哲範

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.8, pp.1449-1450, 2004-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

一ノ瀬 俊也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.8, pp.1370-1385, 2003-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The intent of the present article is to analyze "histories" compiled by each regiment in the Japanese army from the Russo through the Sino-Japanese wars, concluding that such works were nothing the Sino-Japanese wars, concluding that such works were nothing but attempts to praise "the heroic past" and provide a means to instill such a consciousness in both the troops and society in general.The historical remembrances of the Russo-Japanese conflict were more and more emphasized with the outbreak of the First World War and the anti-war and anti-militarization movement that accompanied it.The descriptions of those who had died in past conflict were intended to stir the emotions of the troops and provide a route by which to legitimized "dying forons's country".Even on the local level during that time, "memorials to veterans" of both wars were compiled with the similar intention of establishing a forum upon which to instill a common sentiment about the viewpoints and logic of the military within local society.After the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident, "regimental histories" took on two distinct forms.The first consisted of memoirs concerning the victorious history of the Russo-and Sino-Japanese Wars, which in addition to insisting upon Japan's legitimate claim to Manchuria, tried to prove that even the Japanese people, who had not really experienced a genuine war since the Russo-Japanese conflict and had become used to peace, could indeed win another full-scale war, thus playing a role in attempts to instill"definite behavior patterns" and encourage the country's fighting spirit.The second contained contemporary regiment-by-regiment accounts of the Manchurina Incident told from the personal views of individual combatants with the intention of verifying the regiment's consciousness concerning the Incident, encouraging further sacrifices for the cause, and appsaling to society at large.The veteran memorial literature published on the local level at that time were compiled with a similar intent in mind, attempting like during World War I to instill military ideals and persuasive logic into society at large.

著者

田中 俊之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.2, pp.245-246, 2006

著者

吉田 満利恵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.4, pp.1-33, 2017

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大正二年、司法部刷新のための五法案が成立し、全国で 312 の区裁判所の内 128 の廃止、1510 人の判事及び検事の内 232 人の休職が定められた。また、裁判所構成法に判事の反意転補を可能にする規定が追加された。本稿の目的は、この司法部大改革を巡る議論を通して、この時代における司法問題の扱われ方とその影響を明らかにすることである。<br>判検事の休職法では、本来定員が別に定められ、その身分保障に差のあった判事と検事が同列に扱われ、休職となる判検事の合計数しか規定されなかった。その結果、判事の定員が大幅に削減されたのに対して検事の定員は微減に止まった。また、検事の精選が行われ、定員の減少数を大幅に上回る数の検事が休退職処分となった。<br>休職法と裁判所構成法改正案は裁判官の独立を侵害する危険を持っていたが、区裁判所廃止という人民の利害に直接関わる問題に議論が集中したことで、議会での審議は低調のまま終わった。判事の身分保障を脆弱にする危険のある新法律・条項案が提出されても、議会で争点となりやすい他の論点の存在によって、十分に審議されない傾向があった。<br>そして、当該法案がほとんど批判のないまま成立したことにより、判事の身分保障を規定する憲法五八条二項の「職」という文言を「官」の意味であると解し、裁判「官」であることさえ免じなければ「職」を免じても良いとする解釈が、大正十年に採用された。<br>明治憲法下において司法権の独立が不十分であったのは、裁判所構成法に、裁判所に対する司法省優位の性質があったからだけでなく、行政によって漸次的に法律解釈が変更されたことや 、新法律・条項が追加されたこと、また、それに抵抗する議員や判事、在野法曹が少なくなったことにも要因があるといえる。大正二年司法部大改革は、司法省、議会、そして法曹界自身によって、裁判官の独立の形骸化が促進された事例の一つであった。

著者

飯島 渉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.11, pp.1915-1946,2071, 1993

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This article attempts to examine the background, content and results of the Cailijiasui (裁釐加税) problem in the Mackay treaty negotiations of 1902, and tries to point out a special feature of the financial structure of late Imperial China. Cailijiasui means abolishment of the lijin tax (釐金税) and an increase in tariff rates. This problem existed from the 1860s to 1930s between China and Powers. Many foreign merchants regarded the lijin tax as a barrier to Chinese inland markets, and demanded the tax be abolished in exchange for increases in tariffs as a alternative fiscal source. However, Cailijiasui was also a policy of Chinese central government for reconstruction of its fiscal system through maritime customs. From a this viewpoint, the Cailijiasui policy was a method of converting China's fiscal system in the true sense. Zhang zhi dong (張之洞) opposed Cailijiasui, because it would have caused local government's loss of its main fiscal source. After the negotiations, he succeeded reserving the right of local government to impose a consumption tax (銷場税). Finally, Article VIII of the Mackay Treaty provided abolishment of the lijin tax partially and increased tariffs. The United States, Japan and Portugal agreed with the tariff rates of the Mackay Treaty, but Germany and the other powers opposed it, so, the internationalization of Cailijiasui was lost, despite the Chinese government's demand for its realization. The Cailijiasui problem is part of a Chinese historical tradition of confrontation between the central government and the local government.

著者

澤田 典子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.2, pp.184-206, 2005-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The Harpalus affair was a crisis which involved many prominent Athenians and caused the exile of Demosthenes, in connection with money embezzled by Harpalus, Alexander's imperial treasurer, who sought refuge in Athens in 324 B. C. In previous studies, it has been generally assumed that the confrontation of political groups over policy toward Macedon was a fundamental element of Athenian politics during the reign of Alexander. Regarding the Harpalus affair, the arguments have centered upon a political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians. This paper attempts to analyze the Harpalus affair, focusing on an examination of the alleged political confrontation among the anti-Macedonians, in order to shed some light on Athenian politics during this period. It examines (1) the Athenian political situation surrounding the Harpalus affair, (2) the alleged political confrontation between Hypereides and Demosthenes, and (3) other prosecutors and defendants in the trials arising out of the affair. In conclusion, the author refutes the picture of political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians in the affair. The Harpalus affair, which involved various personal confrontations, is a good example to show unsoundness in grasping Athenian politics during this period within a simple scheme of political confrontation dominated by Macedonian issues. It would be possible to assume that within the context of the good state of relations between Macedon and Athens under the Pax Macedonica, personal confrontation among politicians often played a more important role than political confrontation over the Macedonian question and was a dominant factor in Athenian politics of this period.

著者

村井 章介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.510-521, 1984

著者

山家 浩樹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.11, pp.1919-1920, 2005-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

大塚 修

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.4, pp.561-570, 2011

著者

山内 譲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.2, pp.264-265, 2013

著者

増渕 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.4, pp.474-501,591-58, 1986

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Kageyushi-kanpan-sho 勘解由使勘判抄 (a selection from the judical precedents of Kageyushi) is practically the only historical text that embodies activities of inspectors charged with investigation of governmental transitions (Kageyushi 勘解由使) in the first half of the 10th century, and is one of the important selections of legal precedents during the Fujiwara regency government (Sekkan seiji 摂関政治) period in Japan. The main purpose of this article is to criticize Kageyushi-kanpan-sho historically in order to identify changes in the political system of this period and to grasp some idea of the characteristics of the Sekkan government system, by pursuing the consistent principle in judgements (Kageyushi-kanpan 勘解由使勘判) on non-issuance of proof of Smooth transition (fuyogeyujo 不与解由状), by searching out changes in their logic and by tracing the process of Kageyushi-kanpan-sho compilation. The consistent principle of Kageyushi-kanpan is that theft and fraud by government officials (mainly provincial governors -zuryo 受領) is constituted by two factors -false testimony (mujitsu 無実) and unclearness as to the cause of loss. In all cases of actual commission of theft/fraud compensation will be paid in accordance with the criminal law (ritsu 律), and in cases of negligence of duty compensation only will be rendered. The focus of judgements was placed on how to interpret the statements made by outgoing and incoming officials (mainly zuryo) in connection with fuyogeyujo, and whether the so convicted outgoing official should be granted an amnesty or not. But while the aforesaid principles of judgement to be made by Kageyushi remained unchanged, after the late Engi era the logic of actual judgements began to change arbitrarily even though they were in accordance with administrative transition regulations (kotaishiki 交替式), administrative regulations (kyaku 格), and criminal law (ritsu 律). Also, in this period, judgement-operations of Kageyushi began to be remarkably delayed, and the function of Kageyushi began to decline in the midst of political change characterized by a decline in the leadership of Emperor Daigo and the subsequent seizure of power by Fujiwara Tadahira in the later years of the Engi era. One of the political features of Fujiwara Tadahira's regime was the creation of private connections with zuryo by taking advantage of the existing administrative code system. Such a method was necessary for sublating a private connection into an official one. But since such connections were established not on the basis of a new system but on the basis of the existing system, there was a limit to such a privatization. In Fujiwara Tadahira's regime the function of Kageyushi made a remarkable change. By the Imperial command (senji 宣旨) under the date of Tengyo 天慶8. 正.8, Kageyushi started to take part directly in provincial government efficiency-ratings (zuryo-koka 受領功過) by drawing up documents on the basis of fuyogeyujo. Together with the change in function from the inspection of official transitions to efficiency-rating, Kageyushi-kanpan-sho was also compiled. In compiling Kageyushi-kanpan-sho, each precedent was extracted from the official documents preserved in Kageyushi's office (choan 長案). According to circumstances, some governmental directives (senji and kanpu) were quoted for pointing out clearly the legal grounds for the judgement of Kageyushi. Criterion-examples derived deductively from the administrative transition regulations were arranged, and a device to show the settled interrelation between the kind of amnesty and the judgement was invented. All these things contributed to giving it a character worthy of the name a selection of precedents. Compiling such a selection, however, meant that not only the formalization of control over zuryo but also the nature of the relation between the central government and the local gevernment by zuryo was settled.

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1499-1521,1588, 2002

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Known as the greatest incident in Chines Muslim history, the Muslim rebellion in the Shaanxi and Gansu provinces (1862-1878) has also attracted attention as being one of the peasantry rebel. lions near the end of the Qing dynasty. However, by analyzing the outbreak and spread of the rumors frequently occurring before and during the rebellion, a different image of the Muslim re bellion can be conceived, There was orderly discipline between Han and Hui in the Wei River area before the rebellion, even though occasional strife, such as feuds, and a strong sense of having a different culture and society among each other existed. Focusing on the change of content of the rumors, the Muslim riots in the Wei River area in 1862 was the outbreak of the Han and Hui differentiating each other and destroying the order that had existed between them. Each society fighting for its survival, it can be said that this rebdlion had the characteristic of an "ethnic conflict". Also taking into account of the impact and spread. ing process of the "Wash away Muslims" rumors on the Han and Hui societies, this rebellion was closely related to the formation of militias. Occurring a midst of the militarization process, the Muslim rebellion of the Wei River area shared aspects similar to the other rebellions occurred all over China in this period.

著者

服部 英雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.9, pp.1470-1499,1589, 2002-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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Inu-Oumono 犬追物, the sport of shooting dogs with bow and arrow, was a popular martial art during the Middle Ages in Japan. Its popularity among not only the warrior elite of the shogunate and provincial magistrates (Shugo 守護) but also ordinary samurai during the Muromachi period is attested to by the large number of place names, Inu-no-Baba (the gaming field for the sport), that still exist in Japan. today. Inu-oumono has been mainly studied as a traditional custom among the samurai class but in this paper the author discusses it as a social phenomenon, dealing in particular with the role played by groups of social infe- riors, kawara-no-mono 河原ノ者, who were diseriminated against, in staging inu-oumono events. The task given to kawara-no-mono groups was to supply on the average 200-300 (sometimes as many as a thousand) target dogs for each event, manage the dogs during the game, then dispose of the wounded animals afterwards. They became involved in the sport due to the fact that the samurai promoters could not supply such large amounts of dogs on their own at such short notice. So they turned to kawara-no-mono who worked keeping streets clean and safe, which included capturing stray dogs. During the events, kawara-no-mono were put in charge of surrounding and freezing dogs that jumped out of the roped-off target circle running wild all over the 70 × 70-meter field. Despite that fact that the bamboo sticks that they carried marked them as inferior "dog-catchers" kawara-no-mono were well-paid for 'their services : in one case 350 kan 貫 (equivalent to about 50 million yen today). This was ample recognition of the hard work required to catch and keep enough dogs for muoumono events that could attract as many as ten thousand spectators and make large profits for the samurai who held them.

著者

髙杉 洋平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.4, pp.34-58, 2017

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国策研究会は一九三四年にその前身たる国策研究同志会が設立されて以来、現在まで続く民間の総合的国策研究機関である。戦前、国策研究会は政界・官界の重要人物を多数会員にし、様々な政策研究に従事した。そのなかには、政府の政策決定に大きな影響を与えたものもある。そのため、国策研究会はときに「民間企画院」とも称された。<br>国策研究会を語るとき、特に問題とされるのは陸軍との関係である。多くの研究者が、国策研究会と陸軍省軍務局との強い関係を指摘し、国策研究会を陸軍のブレイン・トラストと見做している。しかし実際の政策研究の場で、陸軍の意志がどのように国策研究会の研究に反映され、また陸軍に還元されたのか、具体的にはほとんど明らかになっていない。<br>本稿は、国策研究会が関わった諸研究のなかでも「総合国策十ヵ年計画」に着目する。先行研究によれば、同計画は軍務局の直接の依頼によって国策研究会が研究立案し、のちに第二次近衛文麿内閣の「基本国策要綱」の原型となったとされる。すなわち、先行研究は、一民間団体である国策研究会が陸軍ブレイン・トラストとして国家の最高政策立案を事実上担当していたとする。<br>本稿は、国策研究会と「総合国策十ヵ年計画」の関係について新たな解釈を提示する。同計画の策定を実際に担当したのは、国策研究会ではなく個人的人脈によって結ばれた陸軍・革新官僚のグループであった。研究の実態は国策研究会内でも徹底的に秘匿され、研究を欺瞞するためのダミー・グループまで形成された。国策研究会は会自体としては従来言われていたほど陸軍ブレイン・トラストとして党派性を帯びた存在ではなかった。そしてそれゆえに、陸軍からは政治利用するに足る存在となっていた。同時に、その政治利用に際しては細心の配慮が必要とされたのである。

著者

後藤 敦史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.9, pp.1583-1606, 2015-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The research to date on the fleet of the United States North Pacific Exploring and Surveying Expedition (NPSE), which visited Shimoda in May 1855, has concluded that the fleet's aim was to test the effectiveness of the treaty of peace and amity between Japan and the United States, known as the Kanagawa Convention (concluded 31 March 1854), under direct orders issued by the US Secretary of the Navy, despite the fact that the Convention had not yet been concluded when the NPSE departed from Norfolk, Virginia, in June 1853. The purpose of this article is to reveal more concrete detail the diplomatic purposes and reasons behind the NPSE's visit to Japan. It was in August 1852 that the NPSE was scheduled to be dispatched to survey the North Pacific maritime region, as part of US Navy and State Department policy aimed at challenging British hegemony and protecting whale fisheries in the region. While these objectives were similar to those of Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan, the NPSE also intended to negotiate with countries that Perry had not visited. This means that both Perry's expedition and the NPSE were equally important to US diplomacy regarding the North Pacific region. However, the two expeditions did not always cooperate. For example, the NPSE had to suspend its surveying activities when it arrived at Hong Kong in May 1854, because Perry had concentrated his vessels in Japan, leaving no US ships in the South China Sea to protect American merchants during the confusion created by the Taiping Rebellion. Finally, the author shows that when the NPSE did arrive in Shimoda, its aim was to open negotiations with Japan, not on the orders from the Navy, but on the decision of the NPSE Commander John Rodgers himself. Before heading for Japan, the NPSE visited the Ryukyu Kingdom, where Rodgers judged that the treaty between the Ryukyus and the United States, which had been concluded by Perry, was being violated by the government of the Ryukyus, a perception that probably influenced his decision to proceed to Japan. Contrary to the widely held view, the author shows that the Secretary of the Navy did not order the NPSE to visit Japan with the purpose of testing the effectiveness of the Convention of Kanagawa and calls for a reconsideration of the character of US diplomacy regarding the Pacific Ocean region, in general, and Japan, in particular during the mid-19th century.

著者

山田 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1644-1669, 2014-09-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

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Goryosho 御料所, which are thought to have been the feudal estates under the direct jurisdiction of the Muromachi Bakufu shoguns, have been the focus of historians interested in medieval affairs beginning from regime of Ashikaga Yoshimasa on and have been characterized as being placed in the charge of the Bakufu's direct military vassals (hokoshu 奉公衆) and managed by its Bureau of Household Affairs (Mandokoro 政所). Due to this rather unbalanced image, it has become difficult to proactively evaluate various important aspects of Goryosho, such as its fiscal revenues. To begin with, if we focus on Goryosho during the Muromachi period as estates entirely prioritized as feudal holdings totally exempt from taxes and duties, the conventional characterization of them all having been placed in the hands of hokoshu becomes too limited, for such holdings had also been bestowed on kinsfolk of the Muromachi Shogunate Family, the patriarch of which the author of this paper refers to as Muromachi-dono 室町殿. Moreover, not only the Bakufu's hokoshu, but also its military provincial governors (shugo 守護) were the recipients of Goryosho holdings; and when we consider the Bakufu's golden age from the regime of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, through that of Yoshinori, focusing exclusively on the estates managed by the Mandokoro becomes very problematic. Bringing into view such inconsistencies in the research to date, the author of this article attempts to reexamine what is known factually about Goryosho during the Bakufu's Yoshimatsu-Yoshinori golden age, in order to show that among Goryosho, there existed estates that were huge in terms of both capacity and the revenue they generated. The author also argues that the importance of Goryosho among the provinces should be reevaluated, indicating that the large scale revenues from its estates (shoen 荘園) were also generated in even the remotest regions, making the Ashikaga Shogun Family one of the elite among all shoen proprietors. Finally, turning to the fact that Goryosho estates were also bestowed upon kinsfolk of the Ashikaga Family, and often replaced and redistributed by each Muromachi-dono, the author again points to the importance of the Ashikaga Shogunate Family as a full-fledged shoen proprietor, a characteristic that has not been given sufficient attention in the research to date.