著者

渡部 亮

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.8, pp.1-32, 2019 (Released:2021-09-02)

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本稿は、「大正デモクラシー」がいかに明治憲法体制に組み込まれたのか(または、組み込まれなかったのか)という視角から、昭和初期の右派無産政党である社会民衆党の分析を試みるものである。同党は吉野作造の指導のもとに「大正デモクラシー」を具現化しようとした政党であり、陸軍桜会のクーデタ計画である三月事件にも参加し、かつ強力な「革新」派政党である社会大衆党へ連なる政党でもあるという点できわめて注目に値するが、一九三二年の無産政党再編問題を「離合集散」ないし「復古」化と捉える先行研究は、同党のこうした性格に十分な関心を向けてきたとは言い難い。 そこで本稿では、社会民衆党の基幹イデオロギーである議会主義に対する思想史的分析を補助線としつつ、社会民衆党の「革新」プランとその展開過程を具体的な政局と関連づけて追跡することで、「革新」勢力が権力核へ接近する筋道を描出した。その成果は以下の通りである。 「少数賢明」の「嚮導」を共通の理想としていた社会民衆党は、田中・浜口内閣期を通じて二つの政治的潮流に分裂していった。吉野・安部磯雄を中心とする議会改革派は、有権者による議員の統制や大選挙区制・比例代表制の導入を主張して、未完の議会主義を育てる方針を堅持した。一方で、政友―民政の拮抗がくずれキャスティング・ヴォートの掌握が難しくなると、議会主義を悲観する声も強まっていった。こうした党内の対立は三月事件によって決定的となり、一九三二年には無産政党再編に至る。 ここで注目されるのは、クーデタによる新体制の構築を図った赤松克麿、永田鉄山を通じて非選出勢力と提携した亀井貫一郎、「大衆」と議会の接続強化を謳った漸進派、そのいずれもが議会主義の止揚を目指していたことである。議会主義をめぐる社会民衆党の変容は、満洲事変という外在的な要因による無産政党の「転向」ではなく、「革新」の方法面における深化であった評価できよう。

著者

付 晨晨

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.2, pp.1-35, 2019 (Released:2021-08-26)

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類書は、魏晋南朝時代に新たに出現した書籍であり、経史子集の各文献から網羅的に集めて抄撮配列し、テーマごとに纏めた、百科全書のような資料集である。本稿では、知識の資料庫という役割を担った類書の発展経緯を考察することで、初期類書がもつ意味、編纂される契機と背景を検討し、漢唐間の知識の整理と受容のあり方を考察する。 目録に収録された類書を見ると、唐代までの類書の範囲は限られており、『皇覧』を強く意識した一連の書籍を指している。この理解から類書の発展を見ると、曹魏の初期に編纂された『皇覧』は、後代類書の規範ともなった南北朝末期の梁・北斉編纂の『華林遍略』『修文殿御覧』との間に、二五〇年ほどの開きがある。この空白期間は『皇覧』と斉梁類書の内容と歴史背景の差異を示す。 唐代では、内容を選別せずに政治に無益な見聞を幅広く収録する初期類書の性格が批判された。初期類書と直接に書承関係を持つ『藝文類聚』の引用書の分析から、かかる類書には魏晋以後の雑伝·地理書を大量に収録する特徴があることがわかる。これは唐代が批判した「政治に無益な見聞」にあたる内容である。曹魏初期に編纂された『皇覧』がこれらの書籍を収録することは不可能なため、『皇覧』と梁代類書との間に大きな差が認められる。帝王に必要な知識を纏める類書の発展には、斉梁代を境に、経書を中心とする『皇覧』の通行する時期と、魏晋以降の史書を多く収録する新型類書の通行する時期という、二つの段階が認められる。 類書が、漢代以前の知識を主とする『皇覧』から、魏晋知識を「典故化」した斉梁類書へと変化した背景には、知識の整理と体系化における当時の王朝の需要と、文化を経由して政治的地位の上昇を求める下級士族の動きがあった。

著者

莊 卓燐

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.2, pp.36-59, 2019 (Released:2021-08-26)

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漢初において、高祖皇帝劉邦は近臣との関係を保つために、「符を剖かち、世々絶ゆる勿し」の約束を交わしたが、伝世史料には符の正体について明記されていない上、諸家の注にも検証されることがない故、約束の内容は不明確である。従来では、この符を功臣の特権的な地位の永続(封爵之誓)と関連させて考えるが、本稿では西北簡の研究成果を踏まえ、通行証としての符を伝世史料の条文に当てはめて考える。 第一章では、戦国から漢初までの中華世界の地域観念の変遷を考察し、秦の「統一」、楚(項羽)の封建制の復活、漢の郡国制、一連の流れを整理し、戦国~漢初における地域観念の連続性を指摘し、符の通行証としての理解の適用範囲を確認する。 第二章では、漢初における諸侯王との剖符を考察する。楚漢戦争の中で、漢は同盟する諸王国を警戒すべく、符を用いて東西を繋ぐ関所の弛緩を掌握した。その体制は、漢帝国が都を檪陽から長安へ遷しても継承され、関中地域の地理的優勢を活かし続けたと考えられる。 第三章では、漢初における列侯との剖符を考察する。漢初の支配領域の拡大および支配体制の維持に対応すべく、漢は列侯を対象に剖符する措置を施す。その中には、「符を剖かち、世々絶ゆる勿し」の条文が示すように、自由に関中地域を出入りする特権を永続的に所持する特殊な剖符事例が見られる。 第四章では、『里耶秦簡』と『張家山漢簡』を手掛かりに、列侯と徹侯との改称事情を整理し、中国古代社会における流動性の変化を指摘する。 中国古代帝国は、地域と地域との移動が厳しく規制される環境であった。人間の移動を規制する国家意志は、専制権力の形成に影響する。その下で、移動規制を解除する符は、単純に通行証としての機能を果たしたのみではない。信頼関係に基づく通行許可は、人と人の絆を深め、漢皇帝による符の下賜は功臣たちとの人的結合関係を維持する役割を持つと論じる。

著者

内田 康太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.3, pp.40-64, 2019 (Released:2021-08-26)

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共和政末期ローマの政治史研究において、国民が政治的な意思決定に対して重要な役割を果たしたことは、今や広く受け入れられている。こうした研究潮流を背景に、近年、コンティオと呼ばれる政治集会で聴衆の示す反応が、法案の成否を左右する要因として度々指摘されてきた。そのなかで、前59年の執政官C・ユリウス・カエサルが提出した農地法案の立法過程は、一見すると、彼がコンティオの利用を主眼に据えた立法戦略に着手し、元老院の意向に反しながらも、法案の可決させた様子を伝えているために、上記の指摘を例証する一例となる。 しかし、カエサルの行動を立法過程全体に渡って詳細に再検討することで、実際のところ、彼は一貫して法案に対する元老院の反対表明を回避するべく尽力していたことが明らかになる。カエサルは、元老院から反対を導出しない法案の起草に努めるとともに、多数の元老院議員たちが反感を議場外に伝えようとするや、直ちに元老院を閉会させる措置に着手した。また、法案の公示後、カエサルとその支持者たちは、コンティオにおる演説によって、自身の法案が元老院の支持を受けていることを喧伝すると同時に、執政官職に付帯する権能、ならびに、暴行の脅迫のみならず実際の暴力行使をも利用して、敵対側から意思表明の機会を剥奪する。カエサルの農地法案は、以上のような立法戦略を成功裡に展開し続けた結果として可決されたのである。 従って、コンティオが立法過程の他の段階と同じ目的を果たすために利用されていることは、立法に際して、この場面に特別の重点が置かれたと解する立場に疑問を投げかける。そればかりか、本稿で見出されたカエサルの立法戦略の焦点に目をむけるならば、法案の帰趨を決定づけた要因は、コンティオで示される聴衆の反応ではなく、元老院による反対表明の有無であったことが指摘できる。

著者

岡本 託

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.4, pp.1-33, 2019 (Released:2021-08-26)

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本稿では、アン県およびドローム県をケース・スタディーとして、近代フランスの行政制度が複雑化と拡大化を経験した、第二帝政期の地方幹部候補行政官である県参事会員の登用を分析し、専門職化の実態解明を試みた。 まず、数値的分析から、第二帝政期県参事会員の性質変化をみてみると、年齢では時代が進むごとに若年化が進み、出身県ではあらゆる地方出身の若者が両県に赴任したことが明らかとなった。また、経歴面では、第二帝政期の県参事会員は短期間に多くの県と公職で職歴を積み、地方幹部候補行政官として養成されていったのである。 次に、叙述史料の分析から、以下のことが明らかとなった。第一に、請願書における候補者の属性に関する記述は、第二帝政期になると、前任者や父親からの公職継承は衰退することとなり、七月王政期に比べて属性的要素は減少したといえる。第二に、請願書における候補者本人の能力に関する記述は、七月王政期と第二帝政期ともに、性格に関する主観的な評価、教育からもたらされた行政知識に関する評価、そして公職の現場での経験に対する評価という三つの評価基準が中心に記述されていたが、第二帝政期の県参事会員の性質変化により、候補者本人の能力がより詳細に記述されるようになった。また、第二帝政期から、多くの県参事会員登用者が知事官房に関わる職を経験することにより、行政的能力を磨いていった。 最後に、C・シャルルは、支配的原理としての属性主義の原理がまだ優位であった1830年代から1880年代にかけて、能力主義の原理が徐々に浸透していったとし、その転換点は第三共和政期初頭であると指摘した。この見解を地方幹部候補行政官に当てはめてみると、第三共和政期初頭の転換の準備は第二帝政期に既に整えられていたのである。

著者

筧 雅博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.423-466,584, 1984-04-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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It is belived that the Kamakura Shogunate had a large number of manors on which it exercised its own proprietorship. These manors must have been an indispensable base of financial resources for the Kamakura goverment. In this essay, this writer attempts to study how the Kamakura Shogunate dominated its manors, most of which had been formerly controlled by members of the Taira faction. There were a considerble number of manors with two lords appointed by Kamakura. One was a resident lord and the other an estate manager who acted for the Kamakura Shogunate. Why did Kamakura establish two posts in one manor? After considering some manors formerly controlled by the Taira faction, this writer comes to the conclusion that the estate manager was appointed by Kamakura for the purpose of watching and surpressing the resident lord who had taken up arms with the Taira faction in the war between 1180 and 1185. This writer also gives attention to the fact that the greater part of manors under Kamakura's direct control were located in the provinces of western Japan and tries to account for this paradox. It is small wonder that the Kamakura Shogunate expected it own manors to take a prominent role in its domination over the western part of Japan.

著者

小林 紀子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.3, pp.307-329, 2004-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article analyzes the relationship between the Meiji government and the common people during the time of the Boshin Civil War of 1868 from the aspect of gumpu 軍夫, corvee labor levied for the purpose of military transport in Shimotsuke Province, and depicts how the new government introduced local administration mechanisms during it formative years and how the people were placed under its control. The Meiji government was able to obtain public support through various relief and education measures, enabling it to employ the forces of former han 藩, like the Kurobane and Otawara fiefs, to quell reactionary uprisings (yonaoshi 世直し). As a result, the new government was able to maintain law and order and conduct speedy military corvee enlistment, while the cooperating han were able to enlist such labor from the villages they patrolled. In addition, rule by the new government was carried out through two different chains of command : one through the Office of War and the government's militia, the other through appointed provincial governors, enabling a speedy end to the Boshin War and condensed governance polides. Even after the end of the War, the people of Shimotsuke remained effected by it through transport-related corvee labor burdens, both military and otherwise, which became the cause of the yonaoshi uprisings. However, there was no resistance to such heavy burdens even before the uprising, mainly due to promise of a 50% reduction in the yearly rice tax in exchange for gumpu services. It was this aspect of government policy, rather than its military presence or other relief measures, that won the support of the people of Shimotsuke for the new government.

著者

加藤 祐介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.11, pp.1901-1922, 2012-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article analyses the relationship between the Minsei party's policy advocating a return to the gold standard and the activities of the party's rank and file, focusing in particular on a political leadership faced with balancing two different demands imposed on it: 1) achieving its policy objective and 2) generating the political strength to keep it in power. By adopting this perspective, the author aims to coherently explain the political situation of the time, by dividing the policy-making process into the four phases of policy formation, development, modification, and ultimate abandonment, centering his attention on the "modification" stage and the role of political leadership in it. There were Minsei party members who were sympathetic to requests from their provincial branches to advocate budgetary measures for expanding public utility projects. However, the Hamaguchi Osachi cabinet's objective was to implement a strict policy of retrenchment centered around cutting or postponing public works projects, resulting in tension arising between the government and its own party's machine. It was Minister of Home Affairs Adachi Kenzo who tried to reconcile the two sides, by increasing the budget for unemployment relief projects ("exceptional" public works) by reclassifying a portion of the "normal" public works projects that had been cut as relief efforts. This is what the author means by the "modification" stage of the policymaking process. Adachi by no means unconditionally acceded to the demands of his party's rank and file, but rather stayed in line with the government's principle of cutting and postponing "normal" public works projects, which was the key measure to the success of retrenchment. In his attempt to balance government principles with the political demands of his party, Adachi resorted to the idea of a return to the gold standard in the two-fold mandate of 1) achieving policy objectives (retrenchment) while at the same 2) preserving his party's strength and loyalty (through more public works projects). In the end, due to Great Britain's international renunciation of the gold standard and the chaotic stalemate over passing the domestic budget for fiscal year 1932, Adachi removed himself as a leading figure in the government, resulting in the failure of his attempt.

著者

三浦 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.6, pp.1154-1156, 2011-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

古結 諒子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1493-1527, 2011-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The aim of the present article is to analyze the process by which Japan brought about a settlement in the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) focusing on the settlement's interaction with both the changing power relations among the Great Powers and diplomatic trends of the Qing Dynasty, in order to show a clear transition taking place in Japan's diplomatic strategy at that time. The War has been pointed to as an event within a 19th century East Asia characterized by the coexistence of the traditional Chinese tribute system and modern treaty organizations that led to the final destruction of the former. However, the research to date has proceeded to discuss the process of Japan's conclusion of the War without sufficiently analyzing movements of the British-centered Great Powers, which supported the establishment of one single international order in East Asia. The main thrust of the research to date is the view that the diplomacy conducted by the Great Powers towards Japan constituted "external pressure" for Japan to wage war against the Qing Dynasty, but has neglected such aspects as Japan's international position and its influence to the Great Powers. For this reason, the present article attempts to analyze Japanese diplomacy within the interrelationship between the activities of the Great Powers and the Qing Dynasty from the standpoints of both Japan and Great Britain. Japanese diplomacy aiming at a conclusion to the War unsettled the leadership role of Great Britain which intended to maintain the cooperation among the Great Powers in East Asia. To begin with, Japan's announcing its intention to continue the War isolated Great Britain, who desired a quick end to the hostilities. Secondly, Japan's choice of the United States, who favored independent action among the Great Powers, as its intermediary with the Qing Dynasty not only elicited a request for negotiations, as Japan was winning on the battlefront, but also kept Great Britain out of the whole affair altogether. Finally, Japan's submission of a peace treaty draft brought to light the changes that had occurred in the interrelationships among the Great Powers. Under such conditions, Great Britain ended up agreeing with Russia, Germany and France in urging Japan to return the Liaodong Peninsula to the Qing Dynasty, in an attempt to reestablish its hegemony in the region. On the other hand, Japan's announcement to accept the advice enabled the exchange of the Shimonoseki Treaty ratification with the Qing Dynasty. Consequently, Japan was able to avoid the disadvantages of a prolonged war by settling the conflict. Japanese diplomacy up to the end of the War was not only directed at settling its dispute with the Qing Dynasty over the Korean Peninsula, but also simultaneously brought about a situation in which arrangements of cooperation among the Great Powers in East Asia centered around Great Britain fell into dysfunctionality.

著者

船田 善之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.9, pp.1593-1618,1715-, 1999-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Up until now, it has often been indicated that under the Yuan Dynasty, the inhabitants were divided into the Meng-gu(蒙古), Se-mu(色目), Han-ren(漢人), and Nan-ren(南人), and that this division was a ranking system. Under this "four class system", the Han-ren and Nan-ren were not free from official or social restraints under Meng-gu and Se-mu, who were the privilege classes. Such has been an accepted theory. "The four class system" is one of the presuppositions about how we interpret these four categories. In this article, the author examines the term, concept and category of "Se-mu". Since he could not find any terms or ideas corresponding to "Se-mu" in the non-Chinese primary sources, he concludes that it was the Chinese who created the term. He then verifies that the category of "Se-mu" was created because it was necessary that Chinese and non-Chinese be divided under the Yuan system. The "Se-mu" consisted of various peoples in terms of ethnicity, culture, or religion. They were permitted to follow ben-su-fa(本俗法); i.e. their own peculiar customs and laws. The fact that such a mixed group of peoples were placed into a single category is the proof that Chinese created this general term for people who did not apply to Han-fa(漢法); i.e. Chinese law. This character of "Se-mu" forces us to reconsider the accepted theory of "the four class system". Also, not a few questions arise about speific cases and institutions that have interpreted on the basis of such a "system". From now on, we should reconsider all kinds of problems: for example, the appointment of officials including ke-ju(科挙), kesik, and yin-xu(蔭叙); the taxation system; the system of family and registration; the legal system including yue-hui(約会); and the consciousness or identity of each people living under Yuan Dynasty.

著者

太田 敬子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.3, pp.327-366,490-49, 1992-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The Mirdasid dynasty ruled Aleppo and its region in northern Syria from 415 A.H./1025 A.D. to 473 A.H./1080 A.D.. The Mirdasid was a family of the Kilab tribe (Banu Kilab) which belonged to the northern Arab tribes. Banu Kilab, taking advantage of political disorder caused by the decline of the 'Abbasid's rule, had extended their influence into the Aleppo region. The Mirdasid principality was founded upon their strong military power. This paper aims to investigate the first period of the Mirdasid dynasty on the point of foreign policy and influence in the international relations. From the middle of the tenth century, the Aleppo region had been threatened by two powerful foreign states; the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt and the Byzantine empire, both of which aimed to annex this region. Under such circumstances, Salih b. Mirdas, the first prince of the Mirdasid dynasty succeeded in gaining control of Aleppo city with support of a Syrian Arab alliance. To extend their power, the Mirdasides made use of the balance of power between these Great Powers and their limited ability to advance their territorial ambitions into Syria. The principal approach to their foreign policy was to negotiate with each of them, receive their recognition for possession of Aleppo, and then nominally establish an independent state under their patronage. However, before receiving their recognition, the Mirdasides had to engage in some battles with them. As a result, Thimal, the third prince, succeeded in obtaining recognition as the ruler of Aleppo from both of the Great Powers and stabilized the supremacy of the Mirdasid dynasty in the Aleppo region. However, the author has also ascertained that this success owed much to the internal affairs of the Fatimid caliphate and the Byzantine empire and changes that occured in the diplomatic relations between them. The author also examines concretely the position of the Mirdasid princes in international relations. As a result, she has found that their subordinate posture in the diplomatic negotiations did not mean a dependent character. It should be noted that recognition from foreign powers to be the governor of Aleppo was indispensable for the Mirdasid princes to achieve stability within their states ; and to receive such recognition was the principal purpose of their foreign policy.

著者

西村 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.4, pp.513-550, 2009-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article examines every aspect of the history of ninth and tenth century northern China based on the recently discovered Zhimo 支謨 Epitaph. During the ninth and tenth centuries, the region of Daibei 代北 (the northern part of what is now Shanxi 山西 province) was politically, militarily and commercially one of the most important regions throughout eastern Eurasia. It was the center of a military clique during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, and during that time, was the staging ground for repeated campaigns of advancing nomadic tribes. It is no exaggeration that the history of ninth and tenth century Daibei determined the China's historical development during the centuries that followed. Therefore, the task of decoding the Zhimo Epitaph and clarifying the movements of the nomadic powers of Daibei during the last decades of the Tang Dynasty will enable a more systematic understanding of those events occurring in ninth and tenth century northern China that would deeply influence the historical development of East Asia in the centuries to come. The author begins by transcribing the rubbed copy version Zhimo Epitaph into a text, in order to discuss 1) how the Shatuo 沙陀 Turks intended to seize the economic foundations of the Tang Dynasty from the very beginning of their territorial expansion during its last years, 2) how the historiography concerning that expansion was altered considerably as it was transmitted through the regimes formed by the Shatuo Turks during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, by comparing the Zhimo Epitaph with other extant sources, and 3) the concrete image of the upheaval staged by the Shatuo Turks at the end of the Tang period and how that upheaval influenced the history of East Asia during the following centuries. Therefore, due to the excavation of the Zhimo Epitaph, it has become possible to gain new perspectives on the formation of the Five Kingdoms.

著者

解良 澄雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.10, pp.1796-1797, 1991-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

海津 一朗

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.9, pp.1623-1649,1711-, 1992-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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This paper is a an empirical study of the law that shows to recover the Ise Shrine Estate Recovery Act (Shiryo kogyo-ho), which the Warrior Government at Kamakura (Bakufu in the East) proclaimed in 1285 and 1301. In early 1285 A.D. (koan 8) the Bakufu ordered local warriors and tradesimen (kotunin) on the states of the Ise Shrine to return their holdings to its original owners, the Shinto priests of the Ise Shrine. The author has found seven judicial precedents of this law in the diaries of court nobles like the Kanchu-ki. These precedents ranged from Ise province to the Kanto area. Because this act applied not only to Bakufu vassels (gokenin) and rear vassels (buke-hikan), their tenure rights, under the fueki-ho and nenki-ho being annulled, but also Kyoto-based hikan groups, who subsequently litigated the Ise Shrine priests. As a result, the Court in Kyoto ordered the Bakufu to repeal the act. At the close of 1286 A.D., the Warrior Government repealed the act of 1285 and reestablished relations with Kyoto. But in l301 the year the (Mongols) navy occupied koshiki-zima Island, as soon as Halley's comet appeared, the Bakufu proclaimed another recovery act for the estates of the Ise Shrine. The Bakufu sent a mission to the Court in Kyoto, to discuss how to defend against the Mongol invaders. The Bakufu's proclamation was one part of their strategy. According to the act, Shinto priests of Ise Shrine were allowed to turn local warriors and tradesmen out of Shrine territory by force. The estates of the Shrine were unified by its leaders, especially the Gegu Shrine priests. In short a concentration of the Shrine power was developing. After all, Bakufu's law, wishing to recover the Estate of the Shrine play an important role to constract "Ichien-ryo", under the policy agreement between East Government (Kamakura Bakufu) and West Government (Kyoto Court). In addition our previous studies said the first law which had played the role to construct "Ichien-ryo" was the law (1312 A.D.) allowing 5 shrines in kyusyu province to recover their Estase.

著者

高部 淑子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.408-409, 1991

著者

島津 毅

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.6, pp.1029-1061, 2013-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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From the Heian period on, we observe many examples of funereal ritual in which the corpse was moved to religious facilities, like Buddhist temples. In many of these cases, the corpse was removed in the same manner as removing living persons. The research to date on the subject has termed such activity "heisei-no-gi" and "nyozai-no-gi" and has interpreted its purpose as an attempt to veil the manifestation of impurity arising from death. However, due to both the limited timeframe and material dealt with in the research literature, its conclusions lack sufficient historiographical confirmation, showing that they have been built on a fragile edifice of mere supposition and conjecture. Given such a situation, the author of the present article, referring to the way in which corpses were moved as "heisei-no-gi" citing cases from the 10th century to 16th century, proceeds to identify the very first requirement and the accepted condition through that age. He then points out that while "heisei-no-gi" was a part of funereal procedures, it was a unique practice existing apart from funereal ritual per se. First, as to the purpose of "heisei-no-gi" in terms of its most fundamental meaning, an examination of its relationship between "heisei-no-gi" and ritual impurity shows that even in many cases where "heisei-no-gi" is evident, ritual impurity still occurred, thus proving the conventional interpretation of veiling ritual impurity untenable. Next, the author argues that in funereal rites per se, fear and affright of possibly leading a person to his eventual death would exist, and, therefore, "heisei-no-gi", which was apart from funereal ritual per se, was a device for avoiding that kind of fear and affright. And so the necessity to remove the corpse in a non-funereal manner, by treating it as if it were still alive, gave rise to the practice known as "heisei-no-gi".

著者

佐伯 有清

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.5, pp.629-633, 1987-05-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

佐伯 有清

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.122-123, 1994-01-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

佐藤 博信

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.7, pp.1049-1066,1124-, 1976-07-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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The chief aim of this article is to analyze the old letters (monjo) which are kept in the possession of Banna Temple (Bannaji) in Shimotsuke province and to further studies about the Kanto Ashikaga families. The contents of the Bannaji monjo are so complicated that very few students have ever made use of them. In this paper, therefore, the author was obliged to take as his chief subject the general framework and meaning of the letters. Furthermore, in this research the materials were carefully selected and limited to the later Middle Ages. But, even then the sources are of quite a considerable number. In the past it has been thought that these letters had been filed into two groups : undated letters (a sort of hosho) dating mainly from the Sengoku period and those letters connected with the Koga-Kubo Ashikaga families. But, after careful examination, it became apparent that the latter consisted of two different groups of letters, the Kogasama monjo and the Shakesama monjo. Most of the Kogasama monjo date from the later Muromachi and Sengoku periods (mid-15th to 16th cent.). The author tried to prove this by checking and investigating each of the successive generations of the Kogasama and Shakesama families and their attendants. Thus, the so-called Bannaji monjo in the latter period of the Middle Ages were made up of two massive groups of letters related to the Kogasama and Shakesama families. And, in addition, they had a three group connection -Bannaji-Shakesama-Kogasama -as was publicly manifest by the right of recommendation belonging to the Shakesama family and the right of appointment belonging to the Kogasama family. In the start of the 16th century these relations came to an end with the decline of the Shakesama family's power. Thus, there emerged a direct link between Bannaji and the Kogasama family. But, in the latter half of the 16th century, in the era of Yoshiuji Ashikaga, a new three group connection was set up among Bannaji, Hoshuin, and Kurihashisama.