著者

鈴木 博之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.557-578,656-65, 1992

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This paper is a case study describing the local lineages of the Jiang 江 village, She 歙 xian during the Ming and Qing periods. The points are following below. The Jiang lineages gained the advantage in this district socially and economically, and the people believed that the lineage's destiny was under the influence of geomancy, feng-shui 風水. From this point of view, the Jiang lineages and others tried to conserve the environment of the mountainous region against the move by the foreign settlers to develop minerals and commercial agriculture, on a backdrop of opposition arising due to continuing stratification among the lineage members. The festival organization called she-hui 社会, shen-hui 神会, si-nui 祀会, etc. was founded on a sublineage basis, including slaves, zhong-po 庄僕, in the Jiang village and Qing-yuan 慶源 village Wu-yuan 〓源. But the sublineages were not equal one another and the qualification to participate in the festival was limited according to social and economical differences. It's well known that the areas were the hometowns of Hui-Chou (Hsin-an) merchants. Segments of the Jiang lineages extended their business activities to the cities in Jiangnan, especially Yang-zhou 揚州, which was famous as a salt merchant center. But local lineages were not formed in Yang-zhou, rather the merchant segments based their relationships on the original lineages. This presented a precarious position for outside merchants. The connection with the hometown was a sort of insurance against the natural features of the region which would protect them and their descendants.

著者

石井 進

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.6, pp.1200-1202, 1997

著者

五味 文彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.2, pp.271-272, 1996

著者

田崎 公司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.2, pp.188-216,315-31, 1994

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<p>In this paper the author first discusses the scheme set up by SASAKI Junnosuke for explaining in concrete terms from the standpoint of early modern history the period of change in Japan spanning the last years of the Tokugawa shogunate and the early years of Meiji. While lauding SASAKI's scheme called "a social revival situation" (yonaoshi jokyo 世直し状況), the author points to its limitations in depicting an historical image of peasants movements from the end of Tokugawa all the way through to the free peoples rights (jiyu-minken 自由民権) movement. Occupying a particularly important place in Sasaki's social revival situation scheme is the Yah-Yah Uprising that occurred following the break up of Aizu-han as a result of its defeat in the Boshin Civil War of 1868. Also, Sasaki's concept of yonaoshi draws heavily on the research of SHOJI Kichinosuke carried out 37 years ago. However, the Yah-Yah Uprising is indeed an excellent starting point for studying peasant movements during the period, because it occurred in the same region (western Fukushima Prefecture) that produced the free peoples rights movement-related Fukushima (Kitakata) Incident of 1882. The task of the present paper is to reconsider Shoji's work in the light of newly discovered source materials and show the errors inherent to Sasaki's "yonaoshi" scheme. These newly discovered source materials collected throughout the Aizu region produce a very different contour of the Yah-Yah Uprising in 1)broadening the geographic location of the uprising that Sasaki has termed the "Aizu five-county civil disturbances" (to actually six counties) and 2)clarifying the number of participants, their social class and the amount of damages wrought in the uprising. As a result of his reconsideration of the Yah-Yah Uprising, the author comes to the following conclusions. First, the evidence makes clear that the uprising developed out of the four northern counties (gun 郡) of Kita-Aizu, Yama, Kawanuma and Ohnuma rather than the southern county of Minami-Aizu as formerly believed. Secondly, the Yah-Yah Uprising, while exhibiting the same contradictions characterized by the later Fukushima Incident, was inevitably an anti-authoritarian action, because it was set off by external factors caused by the Boshin War, but it soon developed into a situation that surpassed the original intent of the peasants, forcing the Meiji government to begin searching immediately for a new regional governance policy. Thirdly, Sasaki's over-emphasis on the significance of the Bureau of Civil Affairs (Minsei-Kyoku 民政局) as the end to the "first stage" of the uprising should be reconsidered in light of the proven relationship of the action taken by local peasants following the outbreak of the uprising to the establishment of the Bureau and an outlook that views the transition to modernity from the more dynamic aspect of clashes between the Meiji government's regional governance policies and local residents. In relation to this final point, through the process of rebuilding the local community political organization (so 惣) within the Uprising, localites where former community leaders were restored to positions of authority…specifically, the development process from former headman to policeman to new village headman among the leaders in the four central counties of the Uprising…attained an important link to their involvement in the free peoples rights movement of the following decades. The author's investigation of the community of Nozawa in Kawanuma County is a classic example of what he terms "the return to the Tokugawa-style local leadership". Finally, the author emphasizes the need to grasp the transition from early modern to modern society in Japan as a process of local socio-economic reform lasting from the Restoration through the people's rights movement era…a process that</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

河内 春人

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.1, pp.43-61, 2004

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The Emishi 蝦夷, who resided in the northeast portion of the Jap-anese archipelago, appear in the Chinese sources both as "Emishi" and as "Mojin" 毛人. The description of the former includes their geographical location, customs and year of arrival in China, while the latter merely mentions them as living in northeastern Japan. All of this information was amassed from interviews with foreign emissaries to the Tang Dynasty. Regarding the Emishi, there are both Chinese and Japanese records of them accompanying an envoy from the land of Wa 倭 (Japan) in the year AD 659 and also an account of the Chinese inquiring about them from a Japanese envoy in AD 702 ; however, the latter account, which appears in Shin-Tojo 新唐書, cannot be verified, so 659 is the only time that Emishi became part of a Japanese envoy to China. The information concerning Emishi customs in the Chinese sources matches the content of the report submitted by the 659 Wa envoy to China ; and all of it is characterized by them being introduced through Japan. In particular, the inclusion of Emishi in the 659 envoy was politically motivated to create the image of Wa/Japan as a great empire, but the Tang Dynasty was not impressed. As a result, the Japanese were unable to realize their diplomatic goals, and a gap appeared in the international relations between the two countries. While the Japanese expressed the term "Emishi" with the characters 蝦夷, there is also the strong opinion that the characters 蝦〓 were originally used. However, the source for such an argument being the historically spurious Shin-Tojo, there is no other source to prove that ; and the manuscript of the Nihon Shoki 日本書紀 expresses the term with different characters. The expression 蝦夷 appeared during the late seventh century, together with the creation of a Wa/Japanese ideology concerning its frontiers, leading to the move to take Emishi to China. However, the existence of the Emishi in Tang-Wa diplomacy following the Japan defeat at the Hakuson 白村 River in Korea, had to be covered up, as the term Mojin came into use at the time of the Taiho era Japanese envoys to China. After that time, no new information about the people of northeastern Japan surfaced in Tang China.

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.8, pp.1525-1553, 1998-08-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

黒田 達也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.228-235, 1988-02-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

佐藤 博信

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.2, pp.203-218,272-27, 1978

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This article seeks to clarify concretely the relationship between two powerful families in the Sengoku period, the Gohojoshi and the Ashikagashi, as part of the author's research on Kogakubo (古河公方). While rejecting such explanations of these families' relationship as one of compromise or envelopment, theories which ignore the strained relationship between these families, the author examines step by step the strained relations between these two families. He concludes that their relationship developed in the following stages : 1.Before the establishment of marital relations 2.After the establishment of marital relations 3.After the rise of Kubo Yoshiuji (公方義氏) a.Hoshun・indono (芳春院殿) b.Hoshun・inshuko (芳春院周興) 4.The era of Hojo Ujiteru (北条氏照) After the fourth stage the Gohojoshi control of the government was accomplished, and the Kogakubo Ashikagashi existed only as a symbol of authority, thus distinguishing this period from earlier periods when the Ashikagashi held real power. Stages two and three were when the Kogakubo Ashikagashi tried to maintain its power through its symbolic authority. The Gohojoshi was establishing close relations with it through marriages. Then, as a member of the family and the actual Kanto Kanrei (関東管領), Gohojoshi took full advantage of its power and sought to establish itself as Daimyo-Ryogoku-Sei (大名領国制). Thus, the Gohojoshi held a two-sided relationship with the Ashikagashi. During the third stage this two-sided relationship continued when Yoshiuji was not at all a puppet. Hoshun・indono, the daughter of Hojo Ujitsuna (北条氏綱の娘) and mother of Yoshiuji, and then later on the Zen monk Hoshun・inshuko both played important function in developing this two-sided relationship to an extreme degree. Hoshun・inshuko, as the head of the sojya (奏者), had an important role in many ways, even in the composition of formal documents, and he took an active role in changing the power structure of the kubo. Also, at this time the Esso (越相) Alliance was formed between two former rivals, Echigo Uesugishi (越後上杉) and Gohojoshi. This new alliance confirmed the relationship between the Gohojoshi and the Kubo Yoshiuji, while it also brought to an end the external function of Yoshiuji. Thereby the Gohojoshi could end its two-sided relationship with Yoshiuji and changed him into just one of the feudal lords under the Gohojoshi rule. Yoshiuji survived only as a symbol of authority without any political base but for his position as an ancestor of the Ashikagashi.

著者

西田 かほる

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.9, pp.1587-1629, 1997-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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This paper deals with traditional shinto priest (shake 社家) organization, particularly how and why individual shrines attempted to free themselves from that organization, in the Kuninaka 国中 region of Kai 甲斐 Province, in order to investigate how shrine briests conceived their position within early nineteenth century Japanese society. There were a total of 160 medium and small sizd shrines in the Kuninaka region (including Yamanashi, Yatsushiro and Koma districts, but excluding the Kawauchi territory), whose shake consisted of two priests each. These shake were organized under the Fuchu Hachiman 府中八幡 Shrine, the guardian shrine of Kofu 甲府 castle, into a prayer rotation system by which shake would alternate by taking shifts of two nights and two days in continuous prayer for the country's safety, etc.. The shake organized into this system opposed the Fuchu Hachiman Shrine, which had established its superiority over this organization during the early eighteenth century, and during the early nineteenth century made attempts to secede from the system. In this paper, the author concentrates on such efforts made by the Kanda Tenjin 菅田天神 Shrine in Kami Ozo Village, Yamanashi-Gun. The Kanda Tenjin Shrine was the traditional holder of the Takeda 武田 family's cultural treasure known as the "Tatenashi Yoroi" (shieldless suit of armor) worn by the famous marksman Shinra Saburo Yoshimitsu (1045-1127). The author relates that in 1793, on the occasion of the shogun's inspection of this treasure, the head priest of this shrine became involved in widespread economic activities and attempted to confirm his family's legacy as the shrine's leader. The author then turns to the events happening on the provincial scale, investigating from the standpoint of disputes over Shinto ritual how social status and group affiliation according to religious registries (shumon ninbetsu-cho 宗門人別帳) were confirmed and the problem of honorific titles accompanying official appointments. The author also takes up the questions of the reasoning presented by shake for seceding from the prayer rotation system and the hollowing out of traditional institutions that confirmed shrine family status. The author sheds light on the process and background to these secession activities, by which shake within the rotation system refuted the claim of the Fuchu Hachiman Shrine to its traditional superiority over them. The author concludes that such activities and ideas were by no means unique to Kai Province, but represented phenomena arising throughout late Tokugawa era society. In this sense, we can regard the hollowing out of the prayer rotation system as a positive historical development.

著者

下郡 剛

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, 2005

著者

塚田 孝 仁木 宏 村田 路人 熊谷 光子 渡辺 恒一 八木 滋 藤田 加代子 渡辺 祥子 町田 哲 松迫 寿代 山口 佳代子 幡鎌 一弘 守屋 正彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.5, pp.800-802, 1998-05-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

高木 不二

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.9, pp.1650-1657, 1992-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

石田 晴男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.5, pp.746-750, 1993-05-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

臼杵 陽

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.5, pp.935-938, 1994

著者

松尾 剛次

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.3, pp.390-395, 2013

著者

佐々木 恵介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.5, pp.651-654, 2010

著者

河野 剛彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.1, pp.136-137, 2015

著者

菅沼 愛語

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.1, 2015

著者

遠藤 珠紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.3, pp.293-322,441-44, 2002-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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In the study of how the Japanese medieval imperial court was actually operated, a concept of "bureaucratic farming" has been offered, and when considering auch an idea, the role played by bureaucratic families (ie 家) becomes very important. In the present paper, the author takes up the Benkan 弁官 and Geki 外記 Bureaus at the time and examines the "medieval family" institution existing among the secretaries (shi 史 and geki) who were responsible for the everyday operations of these two bureaus, focussing on the establishment of families as managerial units and primogeniture succession from fathers to sons, especially the political status corresponding to the establishment of main branches and their exclusive inheritance of family wealth. Section one traces the split that occurred in the head of the Benkan secretaries, the Ozuki 小槻 family, into the Mibu 壬生 and Omiya 大宮 lines in relation to the formation process of the "medieval family." As a result, the author shows that the establishment of these two lines into "ie" was finalized in 1273 after several generations of dividing up the official family genealogy. Section two turns to secretarial head of the Geki Bureau, the Nakahara 中原 family, showing the transformation of an ancient uji 氏 (clan) into a medieval ie. Section three examines changes that gradually occurred from the fourteenth century on in the sixth levels of subordinate bureaucrats working at the two bureaus in response to abovementioned changes in secretarial head families, showing that in contrast to their superiors, who were also active as scholarly (hakase 博士) families, these subordinate government officials became an independent class of job-oriented professionals. The author concludes that it was during the late Kamakura era that a transformation occurred in the staff organization of the Benkan and Geki Bureaus, which formed the nucleus of medieval court day to day operations What remains to be studied, then, is the relationship of actual bureaucratic duties to such organizational changes.

著者

大久保 桂子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.12, pp.1882-1910,1992-, 1985

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The Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 has long been considered an epoch-making event by which Parliament finally overcame the monarchy of the Stuarts. However, this too easily accepted view makes it impossible to see any serious meaning in the rather negative attitude of the Jacobites towards the Revolution. But since an assurance of the 'Revolution Settlement' was above all guaranteed by maintaining through parliamentary laws a new monarch against his lifelong rival, Louis XIV, and since only a minority of Englishmen accepted the Revolution without hesitation, Jacobitism should be regarded as more reality than nightmare. To begin with, this paper questions whether the Act of Settlement of 1701 could actually 'settle' the succession of the Crown and do away with all hopes of Jacobitism. And if not, as the author believes, it must be asked how subsequent attempts were made to secure that settlement and what circumstances necessitated such measures. One of the most important events of 1702 occured when Louis XIV, despite his former recognition of William III as the lawful King of England in the Treaty of Ryswick of 1697, proclaimed James II's son 'King James III'. This single action was enough for England to declare war on France, although the Spanish succession has been a sounding issue among the major sovereigns of Europe since 1701. Just before the War of Spanish Succession broke out, the English Parliament decided at last to take positive steps to reject any implications of Jacobitism as illegal : first, dealing with foreign allies by proposing a Commons' Resolution requiring an additional clause in some treatises of alliance ; and next, dealing with the English people themselves with two resolute pieces of legislation -the Bill of Attainder for the Old Pretender and the Abjuration Oath demanding that they 'renounce, refuse and abjure any allegiance or obedience to him'. These events make clear that Jacobitism was regarded in much the same way as Louis XIV's intervention in determining the English throne and therefore in the Revolution Settlement itself, and explain why Jacobitism posed a serious threat in that critical year of 1702. The fact that admittedly not all M.P.s were ready to abjure allegiance to the Pretender is another testimony concerning the extent to which the Revolution Settlement was established, or was expected to be established, during the thirteen years of William III's reign.